FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[M]Thus it is possible to think of the word "no" in three different ways. I may get a visual image of the written or printed word, or the auditory image of the word as spoken by another person, or finally I might think of it in terms of images of the sensations of movement which would arise if I myself were to enunciate or write the word. And so, in like manner, I could think of any other word in terms of either visual or auditory or motor imagery. In all probability the auditory and motor always occur together,[6]but still it is possible to make the one or the other predominate.It appears that the imagery of most persons is a mixture of auditory-motor and visual elements, with a predominance of one or the other kind. Individuals who utilize almost exclusively the visual (as does the author, as a rule), are rare. But rarer still is the pronounced motor type.

[M]Thus it is possible to think of the word "no" in three different ways. I may get a visual image of the written or printed word, or the auditory image of the word as spoken by another person, or finally I might think of it in terms of images of the sensations of movement which would arise if I myself were to enunciate or write the word. And so, in like manner, I could think of any other word in terms of either visual or auditory or motor imagery. In all probability the auditory and motor always occur together,[6]but still it is possible to make the one or the other predominate.It appears that the imagery of most persons is a mixture of auditory-motor and visual elements, with a predominance of one or the other kind. Individuals who utilize almost exclusively the visual (as does the author, as a rule), are rare. But rarer still is the pronounced motor type.

[M]Thus it is possible to think of the word "no" in three different ways. I may get a visual image of the written or printed word, or the auditory image of the word as spoken by another person, or finally I might think of it in terms of images of the sensations of movement which would arise if I myself were to enunciate or write the word. And so, in like manner, I could think of any other word in terms of either visual or auditory or motor imagery. In all probability the auditory and motor always occur together,[6]but still it is possible to make the one or the other predominate.

It appears that the imagery of most persons is a mixture of auditory-motor and visual elements, with a predominance of one or the other kind. Individuals who utilize almost exclusively the visual (as does the author, as a rule), are rare. But rarer still is the pronounced motor type.

Thetests which are to be briefly reported here, were begun in November, 1904, and were carried out at the Psychological Institute of the University of Berlin. The purpose was twofold: first, to discover whether the expressive movements noted in Mr. von Osten, Mr. Schillings, and others, were to be regarded as typical and to be found in the majority of individuals,—and secondly, to ascertain in how far the psychical processes which I had noted in my own case and which I believed to lie at bottom of these movements, were paralleled in, and confirmed by, the introspections of others. The effort was made to make the experimental conditions as nearly as possible like those under which the horse had worked. The affective atmosphere which colored the situations in which the horse took part, could not, of course, be transferred, but this was in some respects an advantage. One person undertook the rôle of questioner, another—myself—that of the horse. The experiments fall into three groups, corresponding to the types of the horse's reactions: 1, tests in counting and computation; 2, tests in space reactions; 3, tests in fetching or designating objects.

In the experiments in counting and computation, the questioner, standing at my right, thought with a high degree of concentration of some number (usually between 1 and 10, but sometimes also as high as 100), orof some simple problem in addition. Then I would begin to tap,—but in human fashion with my right hand, rather than with my foot—and continued until I believed that I had perceived a final signal. I thus tested, all in all, twenty-five persons, of every age and sex (including children of five and six years), differing also in nationality and occupation. None of them was aware of the purpose of the experiments. It could not escape them, to be sure, that they were being watched. It was also evident to them that the things noted were certain tensions and movements; but none of my subjects discovered what the particular phenomena were that I was looking for. Only in a few isolated instances did they report that they were conscious of any movements on their part. With the exception of two persons, they all made the same involuntary movements which were described inchapter II, the most important of which was the sudden slight upward jerk of the head when the final number was reached. It was at once evident that the direction of this jerk depended upon the position which one had asked the subject to assume at the beginning of the test, the direction changing whenever the position was changed. Thus, if the subject stood with head bowed—the body either being held erect or likewise bowed,—then release of tension would be expressed physically by an upward jerk. (Occasionally the entire trunk is slightly raised, so that it was possible to observe this physical reaction when standing behind the subject). If the subject had bent his head backward, the "psychological moment" was marked by a forward movement, (although under certain conditions the head was, in such a case, observed to bend still farther backward). If during the tests the head was bent slightly to the right, then the reaction was expressed in a movement toward the left, andvice versa, if it had been on the left, it was bent to the right. If the subject had been bending his head forward and to the right, he then raised it upward and to the left, etc. In all of these changes of position I noticed an intermediate posture which, to be sure, it was not always an easy matter to discover,—viz.: an upright position in which there was discernible no manner of head-movement or only a slight tremor. If the subject was lying on his back with his head supported, then there was noticeable a very slight movement to one side. In this same way a number of other positions were tested in order to discover for each the characteristic movement expressive of release of tension. It would therefore appear that the raising of the questioner's head, which served as the signal for stopping for Mr. von Osten's horse, was but one instance of a general law which may perhaps be stated thus: The release of muscular tension which occurs with the cessation of psychic tension, tends to bring about that position of the head (and body) which, at the time, represents the slightest amount of muscular strain.—These movements seldom were pronounced enough to be compared to motion through a distance of one millimeter, in a very few cases only did they attain to the magnitude of one or two millimeters: I failed to note them entirely, however, in only two individuals, two scientific men whose mode of thought was always the most abstract, and one of these was, in spite of repeated attempts, unable to elicit any response whatever on the part of the horse.

In the cases of the more suitable subjects I was able to indicate not only the number they had in mind, but also the divisions in which the number was thought, thus 12 as 5 and 5 and 2, or the same number as 2 and 5 and 5,and I was also able to determine the addends in the addition—i. e., whether the problem had been conceived as 3+2=5 or as 2+3=5. It frequently happened that in the beginning I would sometimes mistake these subdivisions, which were recognizable by the less pronounced jerks, for the final number. Thus I would often respond with 4 instead of 8, or 3 instead of 9, or with 3 when the problem was 3+2, just as Hans had so often done. In these tests, too, the difficulty of getting the number 1, as well as the larger numbers, came to light. Thus three times in succession 17 was indicated as 4, as 9, and as 17. But after some practice I was able to give numbers as high as 58 and 96. The frequency of the errors of one unit too many and of one unit too few is also noticeable in these tests.

We also found desirable corroboration, by trustworthy subjects, of the introspective observations of the author, which were reported inChapter III, with regard to the significance of concentration and the curve of attention. It is hardly necessary to mention that no attempts were made to influence the subjects in their accounts by asking suggestive questions. The most valuable feature about these tests was that the mute horse had now been replaced, as it were, by an animal capable of speech, and that it was now possible to follow the same process both from within and from without. Two illustrations may be welcome. The one who took the part of the horse gave three taps and made the following entry: "At 3 I saw a slight upward jerk of the head on the part of the questioner". The questioner however had thought of 4, and made the following note, without knowledge of the other's entry: "I was aware of extreme tension, so that it was impossible for me to get beyond 3". Or again, the'horse', reacting to a movement on the part of the questioner, stopped at 3, but the latter, having intended to obtain 2, made the following entry: "I noted clearly that I ceased thinking of the number too late, and did not put on the brakes, as it were, until I had arrived at 3". We see that errors here were entirely the fault of the questioner, just as had been the case in the tests with Hans. (Seepage 151f.).

In a second group of experiments I asked a subject to fix his mind upon certain concepts, such as "up", or "down", "right" or "left", "yes" or "no", and others, in any order he pleased, but with the greatest possible degree of concentration. The subject each time had the choice of four or six concepts, and he was told to think of one of them at the signal "Now!". How he was to 'think' the concept was left entirely to him. He was also told to interpolate the series with a 'blank', that is, to think of nothing at all. Standing opposite the subject, I tried to guess at the mental content of the person's mind, on the basis of expressive movements. Sometimes I reacted by shaking or nodding the head, etc., just as Hans had done, but as a rule I was content to say the word which I thought the subject had in mind. With twelve subjects (a total of 350 tests) I made an average of 73% correct responses, and in the more favorable cases I attained even 90 to 100% correct responses. Very slight involuntary movements of the head and eyes, which showed but little individual variation, and always occurred when the subject began to fix upon the concept, were the signs which I used as cues. As in the case of the movements expressive of the release of tension, which I discussed above, these movements, too, occurred without the subject being aware of them, (except in thoserare cases in which they had once or twice been especially pronounced). Indeed, it was very difficult and in some cases almost impossible for those persons whom I had initiated into the secret, to inhibit them voluntarily. "Up" and "down", "right" and "left", were expressed by movements of head or eye in those directions, "forward" by a forward movement of the head, "back" by a corresponding movement. "Yes" was accompanied by a slight nod of the head; "no" by two to four rapid turnings of the head to either side.[N]"Zero" was expressed by a movement of the head describing an oval in the air. Indeed, it was even possible to discover whether the subject had conceived of a printed or a written zero, for the characteristics of both were revealed in the head-movements. I was able later to verify this graphically. With Ch. as subject, I made 70% correctinterpretations in a total of 20 tests; with von A. as subject, 72% in a total of 25 tests. And finally I was able to interpret the signs without any errors at all. It was not absolutely necessary to look directly at the subject's face. Even though I focussed a point quite to one side, so that the image of the subject's face would fall upon a peripheral portion of my retina, I still was able to make 89% correct interpretations in a total of 20 tests.—This is not astonishing after all, when we recall that the periphery of the retina possesses a relatively high sensitivity for movement impressions, although its chromatic sensitivity is very low.[O]

It was assumed, as indicated onpage 99, that in the case of Mr. Schillings and myself the movements naturally expressive of "zero" and "no" had been displaced—without our being aware of the fact—by others, viz.: those which the horse required as directives for his reactions. Since this was the case, we tried to discover if a similar displacement could be brought about experimentally. The attempt was successful and we discovered that under suitable conditions we could cause the subject—quite without knowledge on his part,—to establish an "association" between any given concept and any given expressive movement. The following experimental series will serve to illustrate this fact.

I had one of the subjects (von A.) think of "left" and "right" in any order he chose. (The command was purposely given only in a general way: "Think of 'right' or 'left'".). We had agreed that I was to try to guess the mental content of the subject's mind, but I was not to utter a word. Instead, I was to indicate "right" in every case by an arm movement downward, and "left" by a movement upward. To the subject I gave a fictitious but plausible reason for all this. The behavior of the subject took the following course: In the first three tests he moved his eyes to the right when he thought of "right", and to the left when he thought of "left". This was the normal expressive movement. In the fourth test, however, the thought "left" was accompanied by an upward movement of the eyes. Two further tests again showed eye-movements to the right and left. In the seventh test with the idea "left" the eyes moved first to the left and then immediately upward. In the following ten tests the eyes were turned regularly upward at the thought of "left", and downward at the thought of "right", with only one exception which was a normal movement to the left. The normal expressive movements, therefore, were displaced by the artificial, after the seventh test.

In the case of another subject (B.) in whom normally the thought of "up" was accompanied by a slight raising of the head, and "down" by a downward movement, these natural forms of expression disappeared entirely as a result of my arm movements to the right to indicate that I inferred his having in mind the thought of "up", and to the left when I inferred that he was thinking of "down". Instead, there appeared not merely the desired movements to the right and left, but rather movements upward to the right and downward to the left. That is, instead of a complete displacement of the old by the new, there occurred a combination of the two.

A third type of result appeared in still another subject (Ch.), who normally expressed the concepts "right" and "left" by eye or head movements (never both kinds at the same time) to the right and left. Here my arm movements up and down caused the eye and head movements to be made simultaneously, so that the thought of "right" found expression in an upward movement of the head and an eye movement to the right, and the idea of "left" in a downward head movement and a movement of the eye to the left. The subject had no knowledge of this process, and it took six tests to bring about the new reaction. From that point onward the new movements were so well established that, depending upon them for my cue, I was able to make 32 correct inferences in a total of 40 tests. During the latter part of this series I blindfolded the subject, so that I could not see the movements of his eyes, and therefore had to base my inference entirely upon his head movements.—After removing the bandage, at the end of the series, I told the subject that I would go through another series, in which I intended to indicate his thought of "right" by an armmovement downward (instead of upward as heretofore), and his thought of "left" by a movement upward. (This he regarded as an idle whim of mine). It was only after the twelfth test that the former "association" which I myself had caused to be established, was completely displaced by the new. The thought of "right" was now accompanied by an eye movement to the right and instead of a raising there was a lowering of the head. A corresponding change occurred in the head movement expressive of the thought of "left". These responses were occasionally varied by some in which only the head movement or only the eye movement occurred. But these movements were always to the right, or downward and to the right, at the thought of "right",—and to the left, or upward and to the left, at the thought of "left". In ten tests I made ten correct inferences. After the new association appeared firmly established, I ceased responding by means of arm movements, and indicated my 'guesses' by word of mouth. At first the newly acquired movements continued to appear promptly in the subjects. But gradually they tended to become more uncertain and finally disappeared, as readily as they had appeared, and the normal conditions were once more established. Nor was there any tendency to reappear on the following day in another series of tests. (Those just described had been made on one day in the course of an hour or two). But as soon as I again used the earlier method of arm movement to indicate my inferences (raising the arm for "right", lowering it for "left"), the former artificial association was again established, although not until some 14 tests had been made,—during which the normal movements to the right and left were often inhibited and during which the conditions were, on the whole, chaotic.The new association, thus re-established, remained constant during the ten tests of the remainder of the series, but has very probably again disappeared long ere this. In the case of this subject it appears therefore that the new associations were superimposed upon, but in no sense displaced, the normal expressive movements. Nor did the two coalesce (except in a few exceptional cases), but tended as a rule to occur independently of one another.

I would emphasize once more that none of the subjects had any knowledge of the purpose or meaning of the experiments. Also, I was convinced by questioning the subjects afterwards that none of them—and this is the essential point—had merely conceived of the arm movement which they were expecting me to make, instead of concentrating thought upon the idea of "right" or "left". On the contrary, all of them considered my particular movements mere vagaries and without purpose, and they felt perfectly certain that they were in no wise influenced by these movements. Also, none of the subjects was conscious of any movements on their part, except one, who was at times aware of her eye movements to the right, but never of those to the left, (seepage 111), nor of the head movements which for us constituted the phenomena of prime interest. When I asked my subjects what they believed to be the cue upon which I based my inferences, they invariably responded with probable explanations which were always wide of the mark, and those to whom I disclosed the cue—(after the experiments were completed), were thoroughly astonished.

In the tests just described we had to do only with such ideas or concepts as normally were associated with some stereotyped form of expressive movement (seepage 106).I now chose a group of ideas which are not normally associated with a particular form of motor expression peculiarly characteristic of them, and sought to establish artificially such a connection with some arbitrary movement, without consciousness of the process on the part of the subject. Thus I asked one subject (Miss St.), who had no intimation of the aim of the tests, to think of the following words in any order she might choose: "Ibis" (ibis), "Irbis" (panther), "Kiebitz" (plover) and "Kürbis" (pumpkin). I said that I would react to her thoughts by means of arm movements forward and backward to the right and to the left, respectively. 15 out of 20 tests were successful, without the slightest suspicion on the part of the subject (whose whole attention was concentrated on the word-content), that she was giving me the necessary directives in the form of very minute movements of the head and eyes to the right and left, etc. She was greatly astonished that I should be able to guess words so much alike,—(she did not know that the element of likeness was productive of no difficulty). When, during one of the tests, the subject happened to think spontaneously of the movement she was expecting me to make, she became confused, and as a result the number of my sucessful reactions suddenly fell. I never would have discovered the cause, had not the subject enlightened me without my asking.

I repeated this series with three other persons, who had had some psychological training. I did not use the same movement for each word in all three cases, but indicated the word "Kiebitz", for instance, by means of an upward movement in one case, by turning the head to the right in another, etc. In one of the three cases the tests were almost wholly unsuccessful. The cause for thiscame to light later, but it would involve too much exposition to discuss it at this point. In the case of the other two persons, the tests were successful beyond expectation. I had made my various arm movements only a few times when they presently began to raise their heads slightly when thinking of "Irbis", and to move it to the right at the thought of "Kürbis", etc. In the two series of 35 tests I did not have a single error. In a number of instances I succeeded in guessing the word upon which the subject had decided, even before the test proper was entered upon—i. e., before the signal for concentration had been given. Nothing surprised a subject more than the remark: "You are intending to think of the word 'Kürbis'", or "You had thought of concentrating your mind upon 'Ibis' but later decided in favor of 'Kiebitz'", yet nothing could be more simple. Before every test the subject would consider what word he would fix upon, and while he was saying to himself "I will choose 'Ibis'", the proper movement would accompany his decision, although it was only very slight, because attention had not yet attained the degree of concentration which was employed in the test proper.

In these experiments also, the subjects, whom I know to be absolutely trustworthy, declared that they never thought of the arm movements which I was to make. They regarded them as being quite irrelevant. Also—with but one exception—they thought of the objects, in so far as they imaged them visually, as being directly before them, and not off in the direction indicated by my arm movements. Thus they did not image the plover ("Kiebitz") as being on the wing, when I raised my arm, or as resting on the ground, when I pointed downward, etc. One of the subjects had done this occasionally, but by no means regularly. He was therefore asked to localize all objects in the same place, i. e., directly in front of him at the level of the eye. He complied with this request, but no change, whatever, was observed to occur in his expressive movements.

In order to overcome the difficulty just mentioned, I selected another subject (Miss von L.), whose power of visualizing was very slight, and requested her to fix her mind upon four words which I had selected because they were not, necessarily, associated with a particular image. The order in which the words were to be thought of, was entirely optional on her part. The words were "Form","Inhalt", "Mass", and "Zahl", (form, content, measure, and number), and each of them I accompanied, with a certain definite arm movement. The subject always pronounced the word inwardly as emphatically as possible, but without ever imaging the corresponding arm movement. Often, it must be noted, she did not know whether or not the movement which I made was the proper one. And yet she, too, soon fell into line in the matter of executing unconsciously the characteristic head movements. In a total of 50 tests, I was able to make 10 correct guesses in the course of the first 20 tests, 8 in the next 10 tests, and 19 in the last 20 tests. Miss von L. noted only a few of her upward head-movements, viz.: those that were especially pronounced (movements through about 2 millimeters), but of the others she knew nothing. The same experiment was repeated with a psychologist, well-trained in introspection, as a subject. Success was even greater here. But no matter how closely the subject observed himself, he was unable to solve the puzzle.

Variations which were introduced in these tests, Iwill only mention in passing. Thus, instead of making an arm movement, I, in some cases, would tap with my foot, for "Ibis" once, for "Kiebitz" twice. The subject could not see my feet. The involuntary movement-expression which became associated with "Ibis" was one nod of the head, with "Kiebitz" two nods, etc. Here our onlyconcern was to show that unconscious change in natural expressive movements and the acquisition of artificial ones are possible in the case of psychically normal subjects trained in introspection.

I was not satisfied with convincing myself subjectively of the facts indicated, but sought to fix them objectively, by means of a graphic method. For this purpose I used the device mentioned by Prof. R. Sommer for the analysis of expressive movements.[18]The purpose for which Prof. Sommer's apparatus had been constructed, was to record the involuntary tremor and movement of the hand. These movements, of course, take place in the three dimensions of space. By means of three levers it is possible to record the movements upon the flat surface of a smoked paper fastened to the revolving drum of the kymograph, the movements in each direction being recorded by a separate lever, in such a way that the three curves thus made represent the analysis of a single movement into its three dimensional components. By making slight changes, which tended to complicate the experiment somewhat, I adapted the apparatus to the measurement of movements of the head. The method of experimentation was the following. The subject whose movements were to be registered, was placed in the device in such a way that his trunk and head were bent slightly forward, the latter a little more than the former. This, it will be remembered, was the usual position of thequestioner when working with the horse. Three levers were attached to his head in such a way that every movement backward or forward would act upon the first lever, every movement to the right or left would move the second, and every movement of the head upward or downward would be recorded by the third. With regard to the sensitivity of the machine, micrometric determination showed that when the subject was properly installed, movements through so small a distance as 1/10 millimeter could be accurately ascertained. The subject was carefully instructed to remain as quiet as possible, but without constraint. Voluntary movements were thus obviated. But the question arose: were not the involuntary movements thus suffering a loss?—And it was upon them that we were experimenting. The question cannot be put aside summarily, but experience taught us that the movements in question, nevertheless, did appear quite effectually, if one could have the right kind of subjects at one's command. We need hardly mention that besides the two persons immediately concerned—I, myself, attended to the apparatus—there was no one else present, and that the subject was not allowed to see the curves produced on the kymograph. Besides the registration of the head-movements, I also undertook to register the respiratory-movements of the subject. This was done by means of the so-called pneumograph, attached to which was a lever recording the thoracic expansion and contraction. This was for the purpose of ascertaining the relationship, which might eventually be found to exist, between the release of psychic tension, on the one hand, and respiration, on the other.

The subject was now told to think of some number, which, of course, was unknown to me. At a givenmoment I was to tap upon one of a series of keys arranged like those of a piano, with the middle finger of my right hand—corresponding to the right forefoot of the horse. The questioner observed my key, I, his head,—just what had happened in the experiments with Hans,—and as soon as I perceived the involuntary closing signal I reacted upon it by releasing, suddenly, another key upon the same keyboard, which I had in the meantime been pressing down with my second finger, thus marking what with Hans had been called the backstep. Each key was connected with a separate electro-magnet, and these in turn with markers, in such a manner that pressure upon the keys closed two electric circuits and, releasing the keys, opened them, and both the closing and the opening were recorded upon the smoked paper by means of the markers. And, finally, in order to ascertain the time relations of all these processes, a time-marker indicated the time in fifth-seconds upon the revolving kymograph record. The time-curve was recorded just below the other curves.

Of the curves[P]thus obtained under the most equableconditions possible, we publish seven which show the great general uniformity of the tests made upon the horse with those made in the laboratory. The rôle of questioner was undertaken at different times by Mr. Schillings and the students of philosophy, Messrs. von Allesch, Chaym and K. Zoege von Manteuffel. To all of them I am greatly indebted for their unselfish services in these laborious tests. The experiments with von Allesch and Chaym, who were among the most suitable of my subjects, were conducted absolutely without knowledge on their part of the nature of the phenomena which I was observing. Neither of them knew anything about the expressive movements in which they were unconsciously indulging, and furthermore, since they kept their heads bowed during the entire course of these experiments, they did not perceive what it was that I was observing. It is interesting to note that Chaym on the occasion of his only visit to the horse, immediately received a number of correct responses. Without a doubt von Allesch would have met with equal success. The other two subjects (von M. and Sch.) went through this series of tests, possessing some knowledge of the nature of the movements involved. Conditions were such that they (and especially Mr. Schillings) could not be prevented from obtaining someknowledge of the essentials, at least. However, it would be wrong to suppose that for this reason the results were more favorable, owing, mayhap, to voluntary efforts on the part of the subject. The contrary was true. The two subjects who had no knowledge of the character of the reactions upon which my responses depended, retained their normal habits, unchanged, throughout the series,—whereas the last-named two, afraid lest their knowledge vitiate the result, lost more and more of their power of concentration and within a short time were in a condition of tense inhibition, which is all the more conceivable, since they had had no psychological training whatever.[Q]

Their movements, which at first were quite profuse, decreased more and more, so that in the case of von Manteuffel the percentage of my successful responses sank from 73% correct responses in 90 tests to 20% in a total of 20 tests,—and in the case of Schillings from 75-100% to 23% in a series of 35 tests. The curves obtained with von Manteuffel as subject, which I am here publishing (figures8and15), are, however, true to his normal habits. The same is true of the two first curves of Schillings (figures10and11), whereas the third (figure 12) shows distinctly the traces of the state of inhibition into which he fell, and represents the same condition as when Mr. Schillings, while preoccupied, tried to work with Hans. All the finer details of the phenomena in question, were likewise unknown to these two subjects.

For purposes of a clearer understanding of the variouscurves,figure 5is inserted to give the general scheme of their arrangement.

Fig. 5.

Fig. 5.

All curves are to be read like script from left to right. The first is the breathing curve of the questioner, the second, third and fourth curves represent his head movements,—all translated through the workings of the levers into up-and-down movements. The objective direction of these head movements is indicated by the arrows. It will be noted that (because the lever in question was one with two arms, and therefore reverses all movements made) each lowering of the headis indicated by a rise in the fourth curve, and each raisingof the head is recorded by a sinking in the same curve. The records of the head movements forward and backward and to the left and right (curves 2 and 3) are two and one-half times the size of the actual movements; while the curve of the movements up and down (curve 4)—which is of especial interest to us—is five times its actual size. The fifth and sixth curves, which record my own responses, represent the taps of the horse,—the fifth indicating the number of taps and the sixth the back-step, which was Hans's reaction when he noted the head-jerk of the questioner. The seventh, the lowest line, indicates the time in fifth-seconds. Since the rate at which the drum revolved was not uniform for all the tests, the fifth-second marks do not appear the same distance apart in all the records, but are farther apart the greater the rapidity with which the drum revolved. For the experiment itself this is quite immaterial. Figures6to9correspond in detail with the diagram just described. Figures10to12differ only in that the breathing and back-step curves (the first and sixth in the diagram) are lacking. In these there is no response on my part to the head-jerk of the subject, but tapping was continuedad libitum(in the case of the illustrations here given I tapped to 5). When these latter curves were taken the ordering and the technique of the experiments had not yet been perfected. When this was finally done, Mr.Schillings, who acted as subject in those tests, had to be eliminated from the ranks of appropriate subjects on account of the increasing inhibitions, which gradually developed as described onpage 120.

Analysis of such curves is rather difficult, and those of different subjects cannot be directly compared. It is necessary to make a study of the normal curve of each subject taken when his affective state could be described as "indifferent". The influences of the purely physiological processes, such as pulse[R]and respiration, must also be determined. And even so, an interpretation of the curve becomes possible only when a large mass of material is at hand, and when the introspections of the subject are taken into consideration. The following remarks, therefore, are not based solely upon the illustrations given, but upon the mass total of my results.

In beginning our analysis, let us take first the breathing curve. Our results here were quite in accord with the view taken by Zoneff and Meumann,[20]who believe that in the respiration is to be found a good index of the affective tone of the subject's mental state. In the greater number of cases it was possible to conclude as tothe degree of concentration of attention,—and when this was very great, it was even possible to get a clue as to the number thought of. Since the high degree of tension, under which a subject labored during a test, would be accompanied by strong affective coloring, we cannot regard as normal any of the curves here reproduced (with the exception of the two high points infigure 9). Although breathing was always deep and regular before and after a test, during the test it was less deep and irregular. Very often it was suspended altogether (figures7,8and9). In ordinary life we often notice that highly concentrated attention is usually accompanied by non-voluntary inhibition of movements in the musculature which, for the moment, is not directly involved; the man lost in thought slackens his pace and finally stands still, the intent listener or looker-on holds his breath.

Of the three curves registering the movements of the head, we find that nothing peculiarly characteristic is revealed by the two upper ones, giving the movements up and down, and to the right and left, respectively. They are the ordinary tremor-like movements and indicate nothing beyond the fact that the subject is unable to hold his head absolutely quiet for even one second. It is the third line that is of interest to us, for it is here that the oft-mentioned head-jerk (which indicates arrival—in the counting—at the number expected) registers itself. The moment of the head-jerk corresponds, almost without exception, with the moment of the first deep inhalation,—just as one would be led to expect from common experience. But we are not to regard the head-jerk as a result of the inhalation, for it also occurs when the subject complies with the request that he hold his breath during the test. The actual height of the jerksrecorded in figures6to12was ¼ to 1½ millimeters and the average height obtained from the forty curves of these four subjects was 1 millimeter. There is great individual variation: the greatest height that was obtained from the records was 2-3/10 millimeters, the lowest 1/10 millimeter. The variations within the records of the several individuals are comparatively slight and are evidently dependent, in the main, upon the degree of concentration of attention. Thus in the case of von Allesch, where in 75 tests the average height of the jerk is 1 millimeter, the mean variation is 4/10 millimeter. If, in order to obtain some idea of the size of Mr. von Osten's movements,[S]we compared the values gained in the laboratory with those which would probably obtain in his case, we would say that his head movements were more minute than almost any of those of which we obtained records. At the most they could not have been more than 1/5 millimeter (when measured in terms of the distance through which the brim of his broad hat moved, they would appear to be about 1½ times as large. Seepage 49.) The movements of Mr. Schillings, on the other hand, were certainly four or five times as great as those of Mr. von Osten, and occasionally even greater than that. When we turn to consider the time-interval elapsing between the subject's final head-jerk and my reaction (as recorded in the sixth curve), we find thatthe reaction-time averages 3/10 seconds, a value which agrees very favorably with that estimated for the horse (page 56). Thus it appears that man and beast have the same reaction-time—though we must bear in mindthat I worked under some difficulty, since I had to care for the apparatus.

Let us now turn to a discussion of the several figures.

Figure 6(von Allesch) gives a typical view of the great, and at the same time economic concentration of attention characteristic of the subject. Respiration (first curve) is not so profound as usual, yet is changed very little. The head-jerk (fourth curve) is of medium height. It occurs just at the proper moment,—the subject had thought of 2, and had directed his attention economically. This attention was of the kind described astype I onpage 93. The lowering of the head, (recorded in the figure by a rise in the curve), immediately following upon the head-jerk upward, is irrelevant.

Infigure 7(Chaym) we have a record of a different nature. Respiration was inhibited throughout the test,—(the small waves are due to the pulsating of the heart); immediately after the test deep breathing takes place. Tension steadily increased till 3, the number expected, was reached. The head, accordingly, gradually sank a little forward. The head-jerk ensued during an interval beginning just before the reaching of the goal and ended immediately after. The movement was predominantly backward, its upward direction being only through a distance of ¼ millimeter. (This subject was not so strongly motor as the preceding one.) The reaction followed promptly as seen in curve 6. It was the decided raising of the head which follows the head-jerk, that prevented the usual back-step with the left foot, when the subject was working with Hans.

Fig. 6.

Fig. 6.

Fig. 7.

Fig. 7.

Figure 8(von Manteuffel) is typical of strong and at the same time economical concentration. Respiration, normally deep and very regular, is for a time completelyinhibited. Tension rises steadily and the head gradually inclines forward. In the interval between the number before the final one and the final one the subject makes a sudden bend forward and immediately upon reaching thefinal number gives a violent jerk of the head, upward. The attention here would be characterized as being of type III, described onpage 94. (Owing to lack of space it is impossible to give an example of type II, which is only to be found in the case of very large numbers.)

Figure 9(von Allesch) is expressive of great, but—according to the subject's introspection—not economical concentration. Respiration, which before and after the test was quite regular, during the test itself shows a pause. (The tiny waves are due to the heart-beat.) The subject had thought of 5, and this number is accompanied by a decided head-jerk. But we note that even before the final jerk a number of less pronounced jerks occur—the result of poorly regulated psychic tension.

Fig. 8.

Fig. 8.

Fig. 9.

Fig. 9.

Figure 10(Schillings) depicts a very high degree of uneconomical concentration. There was sudden concentration at the beginning of the test, and a steady increase throughout its course. Accordingly Mr. Schillings bentforward at the start, and inclined still farther forward at the second—and just before the third—tap. But at 3 there is a sudden upward jerk. The number thought of had been 4, tension therefore had exploded, as it were, too soon.


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