NOTES

In the village of Tulamethere are at present thirty-three Christians from several missions; as a rule, this is the place of refuge ... from the direction of Santa Barbara there is no access because everything is surrounded by water, but by way of Bubal there is access.Before getting to Telame there are five villages, among them Quiuamine, where they killed the Christian of San Buenaventura. The Santa Barbara soldiers could stop them from escaping by water. In Yulumne there are some [fugitives] also.If the other villages are treated in a friendly manner, without our giving any indication of our intentions, and the first blow is struck, I doubt if there will be any more trouble.Regarding Telame, he says that he was there twice in different years. The first year he did not see the people “because they were almost entirely dispersed and debilitated from starvation.” The second time the people were there. The village is situated opposite the mission, a league from the Sierra Nevada, in an immense oak forest—many Indians, docile and friendly, who do not admit fugitives to their village. A little farther toward Santa Barbara is Choimoc, of the same type and character, but not as large. “None of these villages has a fixed position, but the variation is less than half a league.”[Governor]to Captain Luís ArgüelloRancho de Real Hacienda, September 14, 1819(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 241-242)He says that the time has come to make the expedition at San José. The primary object is to recover the fugitives from that mission and chastise the heathen Indians who are sheltering them, as well as to take away from them the horses which, according to what Father Narciso Duran has told him, are in their possession. He considers that Sergeant José Sanchez is competent to lead the expedition, but only because he [Argüello] feels himself indisposed. For this purpose he is sending forty men who have arrived from San Blas. He [Argüello] will instruct them day and night in the operation of their weapons.[Governor]to Captain Luís ArgüelloRancho Rey, October 13, 1819(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 243-244)He thinks the expedition must have started to the outskirts of San José for the purpose of recapturing the horses from the wild Indians, and he has given orders that Lieutenant Estudillo, with Sergeant Pico and thirty men, set out to make a campaign.[Governor]to Captain Luís ArgüelloMonterey, November 3, 1819(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 244)He will bring to the attention of the viceroy the success of the campaign made against the village of the Muquelenis.Father Juan Martinez to Governor SolaSan Miguel, November 6, 1820(Archbishop’s Arch., IV (1): 174)Says that it is necessary, in compliance with his duty, to go to the villages of the Valley, Bubal, Telame, and Notonto, to confess and instruct....He asks that he be furnished a guard for the trip so that it may be successful, both going and coming.Father Esteban Tapis to Governor SolaSan Juan Bautista, January 22, 1821(Archbishop’s Arch., IV (1): 199)Last night, to his pleasure, he was visited by thirty-three heathen recently arrived from the Tulare Valley in search of baptism. Seven of them were married to seven female converts. Three brought their women who are heathen. Thirteen are single young persons or adults from nine to forty years of age. Six are infants.They are from the villages of Hualquem, or Hualquemne, Notvolitch, Huohual, and Quisats.José Canuto Boronda, “Notas Históricas sobre California,” 1878The first campaign on which I went was to Kings River, which comes from the slopes of the mountains and enters Tulare Lake; from there it goes to the junction with the San Joaquin River.At that place there were several Indian villages which had given shelter to fugitive Christian Indians from the missions. They brought out the Christian Indians they had with them and promised in the future to shelter no more runaways. The custom was, if they defaulted on that promise or committed acts of hostility, to fall upon them with military power and capture them all, taking them by force to the missions in order to baptize them. [Pp. 2-3.]...When I was a recruit we went on a campaign to the village of Tachi. While there, I saw one of our Indian auxiliaries from San Miguel seize an old Indian woman with completely white hair. The Indian was going to kill her when I stopped him. But the Indian had already fired an arrow at close range, which perforated her skin on one side but did not enter her body. The arrows were raining around me and I had to pay attention to warding them off. When I was able to turn around again, I saw that an Indian had covered up the poor old woman with firewood and had ignited it so as to burn her alive. I ran to her and with my spear had begun to removethe burning sticks when an arrow split the crown of my hat. Sergeant Espinosa, our Commander, yelled to me to leave the old woman and look after my own safety—but I pulled the fire away from the unfortunate Indian woman—although Father Juan Cabot himself said to me that this was no occasion suitable for a show of charity and neglect of my own interest. The Indians jumped into the lake and crossed into the swamps where it was not possible for us to follow them. These and other Indians used to have underground chambers from which they shot arrows. In some places everything would seem smooth and even, but on going across the top, horse and all would go to the bottom. These falls were extremely dangerous because the Indians would finish off the horse before he could get up. [Pp. 13-15.]Inocente García, “Hechos Históricos de California,” 1878After a few months I was selected to go on a campaign with five other men—Antasio Mendoza, Manuel Butron, José de las Llagas García, Dámaso Soto, and Ramón Martinez—under the orders of Sergeant José Dolores Pico.1We accompanied Father Arroyo de la Cuesta to the other side of Santa Rita to the villages of Jayaya and Tapé (Mission San Juan Bautista) in search of young girls [monjas] whom the chiefs of these villages had offered us [i.e., for baptism].Father Arroyo had arranged with chief Jayaya that we should come and get the girls—I already knew a little of the language of that place. Sergeant Pico took thirty armed Indians from the mission to go with us. We traveled to Jayaya and Tapé, in which there were numerous Indians. Chief Tapé had gone to La Soledad, and Father Arroyo was under the impression that he had returned to his village. Consequently the Indians did not know of the arrangements made at the mission and on our arrival we met the warriors armed and ready to fight us. The sergeant ordered our Indian auxiliaries to march straight on the village. I saw clearly that the enemy were going to overwhelm us with arrows if we did not proceed carefully, and said so to my comrades. The guide who was directing us said to the Father that the only approach was a thousand yards higher up. We went that way in order to protect our auxiliaries, who were already fighting. Two of our Indians were already dead, but we did not know it, when the auxiliaries began to run with the enemy after them.The situation was bad, and confused, for we could not give way a step so as not to abandon our missionary. I said to Dámaso Soto, who was with me ahead of the others, that he should take out his shield, for the Indians had been putting me under heavy fire, while I covered him with mine. While Soto was getting out his shield, an arrow went through it from the back, and he started running to join the others who were with the Father. I found myself alone. So I made my adversaries think that I was going to shoot them with my musket, although I only pointed it at them. When they ducked, I began to retreat, moving backward little by little until I knew I was far enough away. Then I jumped on my horse and ran to join the others.There I saw that Father Arroyo was talking to the Indians in their language and that they were paying no heed to him. Arrows were hailing around the Father and the soldiers and one struck the knee of my horse. I jumped to the ground and cried: “In the name of the King, everybody fire!” That I said because the Sergeant had warned us not to fire. The Father, the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto began to run. I and the rest of my companions stayed fighting the enemy until we managed to bring down their chief, who was all adorned with feathers. This caused them to cease attacking us. Already the Indians had gained possession of the spare horses, the provisions, etc. Then I said to Manuel Butron that, since he was the senior man, he should assume command and we would all obey him, so as to aid our Indians to recover the horses from the enemy, etc. We succeeded in this, saving everything and recapturing our two [dead] auxiliaries and five live ones who were hidden in the arroyo of Santa Rita where the tules were high.We loaded the two dead men and went to catch up with Father Arroyo, the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto. They were about three leagues away on the slope of the hills at the place they call Baños del Padre Arroyo. The Father asked us to go to La Soledad, where the Governor was, and send the dead to San Juan. [Pp. 10-13.]NOTESCHAPTER I(pp. 241-242)1The Father—the missionary in charge of San Luis Obispo Mission.2“Capeador,” from “capear.” Literally “to steal the cape”—a bullfighting expression. By extension, to divert with lies and subterfuge. May be translated as “liar,” “cheat,” or a similar term.3According to the topography, the Río del Pescadero is Old River, in the delta area, Río de San Francisco Jabier is Middle River, and Río de San Miguel is the main channel of the San Joaquin. Río de la Pasión is the Calaveras.4The route taken by Sal can be determined with reasonable accuracy. Fifteen leagues, or 40 mi., from San José would have brought him to the vicinity of Tracy. He probably crossed Old River somewhere to the north of the present town, then, bearing northeast, crossed Middle River, traversed Roberts I., and crossed the main San Joaquin R. somewhere to the southwest of French Camp. From this point “about five leagues” would put him on the Calaveras just west of Waterloo. The entire distance would have been through oak park, as indicated by Sal.5In late 1776 two small expeditions penetrated the valley and crossed the San Joaquin R. The primary, and probably the only first-hand account, we have of them is contained in Palóu’s New California (H. Bolton, 1926, IV: 127-131; 155-156). In September, 1776, Fernando Quiros and José Joaquin Moraga made a joint attempt to explore the tulares. Quiros was to go by water and Moraga by land, the two parties to meet near Antioch. The plan miscarried. Quiros returned to San Francisco, but Moraga kept on for three days up the river, crossing finally somewhere near Merced (Bolton says “past the site of Modesto”). No details of what he saw or did, remain to us, however, except the statement that the east side of the river consisted of a great plain.On November 29 (cf. Bolton, 1926, IV: 155) Don Fernando Rivera y Moncada tried it again. Palóu says: “After dinner they started.... They continued their journey by the same road that the lieutenant [Moraga] had taken and crossed the great river by the same ford. But although they traveled through the plain for some distance on the other side, they did not venture to examine the other rivers, in order not to expose themselves to the contingency that the great river might rise and cut off the ford. For this reason they did not go up as far as in the preceding examination. So they set out for home....”There is some discrepancy between the statements of Palóu and Sal. If the latter is correct, Rivera reached (and named) the Calaveras, or Río de la Pasión. If, as Palóu says, he followed in Moraga’s footsteps, he could have gone no farther north than Modesto, and indeed would not have crossed the branches of the San Joaquin in the delta, as Sal seems to have done. It is unfortunate that no direct report of these expeditions exists.6According to all modern observation the rivers show no salinity detectable by taste above Antioch and certainly not above Rio Vista. If this is “muy adentro,” then Sal was correct.7San Juan Bautista Mission. The geography is somewhat distorted. The west side of the valley as far south as Pacheco Pass, east of San Juan Bautista, is by no means a “short distance” from the Sierra Nevada, nor is this region visible from San Francisco. In his ignorance of the actual terrain Sal foreshortened his distances considerably.8These references to white men and priests are intriguing. There is no evidence that Spaniards crossed the high Sierra Nevada before this date, or that they had reached the eastern flank of the mountains in western Nevada. The tales here recounted could well have been derived from contact, in trading or exploration, of the New Mexico and Sonora Spaniards with the Yokuts of the upper San Joaquin V., directly, or indirectly through the Colorado R. tribes.9The Julpones (or Julpunes) lived on the south shore of Suisun Bay. Quinenseat refers no doubt to the Quenemsias, who inhabited Grand Island, in the upper delta. Taunantoc and Quisitoc refer probably to other groups on the lower Sacramento or, in fact, may be merely names of persons. The words are at present impossible to identify.CHAPTER II(pp. 243-244)1The account is incomplete and there are discrepancies. Evidently there was some untoward incident, since the expedition returned with only two Christians in addition to Guchapa and his son. Furthermore when did the “heroic struggle” occur? And why did an expedition to a not far distant point like Cholam consume twenty days?2This figure seems to establish Martin’s estimate of the population of the Tulare L. area.3This statement is important since it demonstrates the previous experience of the Indian women with the Mexican soldiers.4Argüello must have gone into the valley, otherwise there is no sense to the mention of rivers, tule swamps, etc. Furthermore, 32 days is a long trip, hardly to be spent in the coast ranges.5Probably Joscolo, a prominent Indian rebel and bandit, later captured and beheaded in Santa Cruz Co. Perhaps he was not a bandit. Perhaps he was an Indian patriot. Would it be subversion to suggest the idea?6No women and children were found. This alone proves the utter disruption of native society, even at this early date.CHAPTER III(pp. 245-255)1On July 20 the party went from Santa Ynez Missionnorth to Jonatas, at Las Olivas, then to Saca on Alamo Pintado Cr. The next village, Olomosong, was probably on the Sisquoc R. near the 120th meridian. After 4 leagues further travel they reached Gecp, apparently on the south slope of the Sierra Madre range, because after climbing a mountain they came out onto plains, no doubt the Cuyama V., in approximately T 10 N, R 28 W (San Bernardino base line). Two leagues to the east was Talihuilimit.2Lisahua was probably in lower Salisbury Canyon in T 9 N, R 26 W. Cuia may have been in lower Santa Barbara Canyon, T 9 N, R 25 W. Siguecin would then have been 12-15 mi. up the canyon to the south.3The party evidently bore more to the north and found Sgene somewhere in lower Cuyama V., T 10 N, R 25 W.4Malapoa is located by Gifford and Schenck (1926) as on Bitterwater Cr. It is identified by them with Hoschiu of the Yokuts tribe, Tulamni. All the preceding villages were Tokya Chumash (see Kroeber, 1925, pl. 47). Nopalea can have been on either Bitterwater or Santiago Cr.5Buenavista can have been 8 leagues north of either Bitterwater or Santiago Cr. It is identified by Gifford and Schenck as Tilamniu, which Kroeber (1925, pl. 47) puts on the western or northwestern end of the lake. Sisupistu is considered to be Pohalin Tinliu at the southeast corner of Kern L. The big river is of course the Kern.6Six leagues from Sisupistu would have brought Zalvidea to the mouth of either Tejon or El Paso Cr. at the edge of the foothills. In the reconnaissance of July 28 the group explored the lower courses of El Paso, Tejon, and Pastoria creeks. Tupai is placed doubtfully by Gifford and Schenck at Tejon Ranch on El Paso Cr.7The party apparently doubled back west past Grapevine Cr. to Tacui which was undoubtedly Tecuya on Tecuya Cr.8Nine leagues north of Tecuya, on the Kern R. was Yaguelame, which Gifford and Schenck think was either Loasau or Woilo. My preference is the latter since Loasau was on Kern L. rather than the river and since Woilo is very close to 9 leagues from Tecuya.9The eastern end of Kern L. in T 32 S, R 28 E (Mt. Diablo base line).10Gifford and Schenck place Taslupi on Tejon Cr. This conforms with the distances given. However it is more likely to have been Pastoria on Grapevine Cr. since the party arrived at Castaic, at the head of Grapevine Cr., on August 7.11Antelope V.12The San Gabriel Mts. The party crossed the mountains and went southwest to San Gabriel Mission. Several villages of the Serrano Indians were seen but the area concerned is well beyond the limits of the San Joaquin V.13Camp was on San Benito R., 1 1/2 leagues from San Juan Bautista, not on Pacheco Cr., as stated by Cutter (MS, p. 100).14Camp was approximately at San Luis Ranch, where Highway 152 crosses San Luis Cr.15The camp at Santa Rita was 15 to 20 mi. east of San Luis Gonzaga and 5 or 6 mi. west of the main San Joaquin R. (see account of the 4th day). According to distances this point would be on Salt Slough or Paso Slough, a few miles northeast of Los Baños. The course of the sloughs and the channels of the San Joaquin are difficult to locate with precision on a modern map because of the drainage and reclamation operations of the past century.16Camp on the San Joaquin may be assumed to lie in T 8 S, R 11 E.17This village may be placed on the east bank of the river in T 11 S, R 14 E. It was one of the several villages along the lower San Joaquin which had been effaced so thoroughly that modern informants gave ethnographers no indication that they had ever existed.18Cutter (MS, p. 104) thinks this was Bear Cr., rather than Mariposa Cr., since it is approximately 3 leagues south of the Merced R. I see no reason to disagree with him.19The party which went north reached the Merced R. somewhere west of Livingston in T 6 S, R 11 E. The other party, which must have gone north-northeast, probably reached it east of Cressey at the crossing of Highway 99. The village where the old woman was baptized was Chineguis, according to the list at the end of the diary. Near by were Yunate, Chamuasi, Latelate, and Lachuo, some of which were seen on the return trip. On September 29 Muñoz saw Chineguis, and the other party found 5 other villages. Within the area, therefore, was a minimum of 6 villages. The average population was about 225 souls, according to the village list, or a minimum total of 1,350 persons. Very possibly the number of villages was greater, particularly if it be assumed that Moraga’s 5, seen on the 29th, are in addition to the 5 listed for the Merced by Muñoz. Certainly the total number of inhabitants between the San Joaquin R. and the foothills must have been fully 2,000.20The Tuolumne, according to the direction, near Modesto. The presence of several villages, although deserted, indicates a fairly heavy Indian population.21Undoubtedly Dry Cr. The description is valid even today.22The Stanislaus. The party, if it continued in a northwesterly direction from near Modesto would have reached the river at, or east of, Ripon. The remnants of the oak forest can still be seen. It extended perhaps a mile each side of the river at this point and ran parallel to the stream continuously from the junction with the San Joaquin eastward to beyond Oakdale. Here the valley oak park merges with the general foothill forest and chaparral.23This spot is difficult to locate according to the description. However, 6 leagues upstream from the vicinity of Ripon or Riverbank barely reaches the limestone bluffs just below Knights Ferry. Certainly no place lower on the river could possibly provide the physical characteristics demanded by the account. These bluffs are not very high but are unquestionably precipitous. Without heavy equipment an invader would be hard put to scale them. As an alternative one must go far into the foothills beyond the Calaveras-Stanislaus County line. Not only is this distance greater than is indicated by Muñoz but also the descriptionlacks any indication that the party had really entered the mountains. The best guess is the vicinity of Knights Ferry.24There is some controversy concerning the ethnographic affinity of the natives living in this area. Kroeber thinks they were Yokuts. He mentions as Yokuts groups (Handbook, p. 485) “the Tawalimni, presumably on Tuolumne River, which appears to be named from them; the Lakisamni ... rancheria at Dent’s or Knights Ferry on the Stanislaus....” Schenck (1926, p. 141) says, under the captionTaulamne: “The villages Taulamne and Taualames are both definitely placed, the former on an inaccessible rock on the Stanislaus river in the foothills, the latter at the ford of the San Joaquin just below the mouth of the Tuolumne river.... This seems to establish the region between the lower Tuolumne and Stanislaus rivers as Taulamne territory.” Kroeber on his map of the region (Handbook, pl. 37) draws the line between Miwok and Yokuts at the county boundary, near which the village of Taulamne seems to have been situated. Hence the inhabitants may have been either Miwok or Yokuts. The villages higher up the river mentioned by Muñoz must have been Central Miwok.It is noteworthy that Muñoz makes no mention of villages on the lower Stanislaus within the very favorable environment created by the oak forest. Villages were seen on the Tuolumne but were deserted. It is highly probable that a similar series existed on the Stanislaus but by 1806 had been abandoned. The only village mentioned by name in the supplementary list is Tahualamne.25Cutter (MS, p. 107) concludes that the first stream (Río San Francisco) was the Calaveras, and the second (Río de la Pasión) the Cosumnes. There is little reason to disagree. The distances are right, and the linguistic border between the Miwok and the Maidu runs along the Cosumnes. On the other hand, it is difficult to explain the failure of the diarist to mention the Mokelumne, an all-year stream. Moreover a round trip of 30 leagues, or about 75 mi., is incredible, even for an accomplished group of horsemen traveling without baggage. Another guess would be that Muñoz meant the first river was 6 leagues from the starting point on the Stanislaus and the second 9 leaguesfrom the Stanislaus, rather than 9 leaguesadditional. This would end the trip at the Mokelumne and satisfy the criterion of distance but would not explain the linguistic change.26Cutter (MS, pp. 109-110) identifies the Santo Domingo with Mariposa Cr. and the Tecolote with the Chowchilla.27The Santa Ana was the Fresno R. Throughout the journey from the Merced to the San Joaquin Moraga’s party stayed close to the eastern edge of the valley. On the seasonal streams found in this area there was a distinct absence of permanent Indian settlements. Pizcache, on the San Joaquin, is listed in the appendix directly following Lachuo, on the Merced. On the San Joaquin, Moraga probably halted approximately north of Fresno, below Le Grand.28There is a discrepancy here. Moraga, or Muñoz, says that this village was in the mountains or at least the foothills. But Kroeber (Handbook, p. 484) says that the Pitkachi “held the south side of the San Joaquin, living at Kohuou, near Herndon or Sycamore; at Weshiu, on a slough; and at Gewachiu, still farther downstream.” Gayton (1948, p. 5) says: “After getting aid Derby’s party reached the bend of the San Joaquin River, country attributed to the Pitkachi, on May 24.” It appears as if this group moved downstream between 1806 and 1850.29For comment on the New Mexico legend see Cutter (MS, pp. 110-111).30Kings R. was reached near Sanger or Centerville.31No record exists of this expedition.32The village list at the end of the report mentions by name Aycayche and 4 other villages which can be ascribed to the Kings R. basin. The text mentions Ayquiche plus 6 others upstream and 3 downstream, a total of 9. Evidently the village list does not include all those which were actually seen.33The entry for the 27th day (17 Oct.) is missing. However it is clear that on the 28th day the scouts reached the great oak forest along the Kaweah delta at or above Visalia. To this area the main party moved on the 29th day (19 October). The water evidently was very low—somewhat unusual for this region, even in October. The large village of 600 souls, at which 22 persons were baptized was Telame, according to the statements under dates 19, 21, and 23 October, and also the description in the village list. These are the Telamni of the ethnographers, and are repeatedly mentioned by the early explorers.34The tremendous aboriginal population of the lower Kaweah drainage is attested by several lines of evidence. It probably reached a much higher figure than the 3,000 mentioned by Muñoz.35The Tule R.36After a winding course for two days, the party camped on the Tule R. near the foothills, probably not far from Porterville.37Probably Deer Cr.38Probably White R.39No distances are given, but from the description the most likely stream is Poso Cr.40The Kern R., probably some miles above Bakersfield. A “long trip” downstream would have brought them into the slough country south of Bakersfield. From the entire absence of any mention of Buenavista L. farther to the west it is clear that Moraga did not get within sight of it.41Grapevine Canyon. As Muñoz predicted, Father Zalvidea left an account of the villages in this area (see his report for the expedition of Aug., 1806).42On the last three days the party left the valley by way of Grapevine Canyon, over Tejon Pass, across the Tehachapi Mts. (Cutter says the Santa Susanna Range) to San Fernando Mission.43Olivera may be thinking of Moraga’s expedition of 1808, which went north into the Sacramento V.44No recorded expedition remained in the field for any such length of time.45Here the reference is clearly to the 1806 expedition.46This expedition of 1807 is otherwise unrecorded.47Possibly the entrance to the Gorge of the Kern R., east of Bakersfield.48The abundance of wild horses and cattle testifies to the early date at which these animals escaped from the range country of the coast and overran the plains of the valley. The effect on native economy and living habits was very great.CHAPTER IV(pp. 256-257)1Cutter (MS, p. 143) places this expedition in approximately 1808 and cites evidence to support the presumption.2A former Chumash village in the valley of Calleguas Cr., north of the Santa Susanna Mts.3According to Cutter, Muscupian was the same as Moscopiabit of Zalvidea, in the vicinity of Cajon Pass. Mavialla may have been as far east as the San Bernardino Mts.4Referring to some incident not recorded in the official documents.5Cutter (MS, p. 146) says that this was Antelope V. I see no reason to disagree with him.6This encounter probably took place somewhere in the southeastern corner of the San Joaquin V. It was in the foothills, not near Buenavista L. or as far north as the Kern R., since neither the lake nor the river are mentioned.The entire passage is obscure and the translation has to be very free.7Here apparently Palomares is talking to the chief Quipagui, who has either been defeated in the skirmish or who has consented to negotiate.8Cutter (MS, p. 147) thinks this may have been Grapevine Canyon and Pass. There is no evidence one way or another.9The party stayed at San Fernando until November 10th, when they started out again. This time they went eastward into the Mojave Desert and the area of Cajon Pass. Hence the account from this point on concerns southern California rather than the San Joaquin V.It is probable that in the account just rendered Palomares describes encounters with mountain, rather than valley, tribes. Hence Quipagui and his cohorts were more likely Shoshonean (Kitanemuk? Alliklik?) than Yokuts. Indeed, it is not certain that Palomares ever actually reached the floor of the valley.CHAPTER V(pp. 258-266)1The route ran from Mission San José to Suñol, Dublin, Walnut Creek, and to the northeast edge of the plain between Martinez and Port Chicago. Viader’s leagues are short. By modern road—which follows very close to the old horse trail—the distance is close to 38 mi. Viader allows a total of 18 leagues for the two days, or an average of 2.1 mi. per league.2At or near Antioch, as is indicated by the 7 leagues covered before lunch. The large oak forest (inhabited by the Tulpunes—or rather Julpunes) extends from just east of Antioch to the vicinity of Brentwood. The halt for the night was near Oakley.3From Oakley to Bethany, the site of Pescadero and the home of the Bolbones, is 21 mi., which agrees with Viader’s estimate of 10 leagues. The lakes mentioned have long since vanished.4According to the distances given, Tomchom was north of Tracy, and Cuyens was on the left bank of the river about 3 mi. above the highway bridge. Aupemis was passed before Tomchom was reached and hence cannot be identical with Pitemis as Schenck (1926, p. 141) assumes.With respect to the journey from Pescadero (Bethany) to San Luis Gonzaga it should be noted that, if one applies Viader’s value of 2.1 mi. per league, the distances reconcile very exactly.5About 2 mi. north-northeast of Vernalis.6On the right bank of the river east of Vernalis.7About 2 mi. southeast of Grayson. The skirmish described represents one of the earliest recorded armed conflicts between the Spaniards and the valley natives. It is clear that from this time forward expeditions of the white man into the interior could no longer preserve the semblance of altruism or religious motivation.8Probably east of Patterson.9Orestimba Cr., east of Crows Landing.10Probably 3 or 4 mi. north or northeast of Gustine, in the open treeless plain. From this point it is close to 21 mi. (10 leagues) to San Luis Gonzaga.11Here, as in the previous account, Viader uses a league of approximately 2.1 mi. From Mission San José to the river near Bethany is just about 32 mi., a distance Viader calls 15 leagues.12Two villages of the Bolbones were concerned, one on the west bank of Old River, the other on the opposite bank, on Union I. The frankly military and aggressive character of this expedition is readily apparent.13These elevations were of two types: (1) small, scattered mounds formed of residual calcareous sand (the so-called “sand mounds”) on the summits of which the Indians established their villages; (2) true habitation mounds, perhaps originally situated on a slight elevation, but built up by midden deposit to a height of several feet.14The itinerary of the 22nd and 23rd seems fairly clear. The party kept closer to the river than the expedition of August and thus apparently saw Jusmites and Tugites (or Fugites), which were not mentioned by name in the account of the previous trip. According to the present diary, Mayem was 9 leagues from Pescadero, as compared with the estimated 8 1/2 leagues in August.Two leagues beyond Mayem in August the village under the chief Bozenats was encountered. The present record gives the name of the village, or tribe, Taualames. The identity is clear.15From the crossing of the San Joaquin the distancesand directions cannot be reconciled with the apparent locations. Thus the village of the Taualames would appear to lie on the east bank between the Stanislaus and the Tuolumne (Dolores), and Schenck so places it. Yet Viader says the Tuolumne R. was 2 or 3 leagues north of the village and the Merced about 6 leagues southeast. Elsewhere (on the 25th) he says that Taualames is 2 leagues below the mouth of Orestimba Cr. If so, it would be 8 or more leagues south of Mayem.The most probable route would follow up the west bank of the San Joaquin to the vicinity of the Tuolumne, then across and up the east bank to the Merced. Having crossed the Merced and back to the west bank of the San Joaquin, the group retraced their steps downstream, past Orestimba Cr. to the starting point opposite Taualames.16Turning west the expedition crossed three leagues of plain and came upon Arroyo Corpus Christi, at present Del Puerto Cr. This identification is additional evidence that Taualames was about 3 leagues south of the Tuolumne R., as Viader implies. On the 26th and 27th the trail led up Del Puerto Cr. to its headwaters, past San Antonio V., and through the hills northeast of Mt. Hamilton to Mission San José. The total distance is given as 23 leagues, or about 48 mi. according to Viader’s reckoning. This is reasonably close to the actual airline distance.17Although the first three days of the journey concern San Francisco Bay rather than the Central Valley, it seems preferable to present a translation of the whole diary. To attempt to segregate those entries pertaining solely to the delta area would save but little space and would destroy the continuity of the narrative.18The body of water south of Pts. San Pablo and San Pedro and generally north and northeast of Angel I.19The distance, that is, will be about twice that across the Golden Gate.20Pt. Pinole.21“Tierra firme de San José.” This expression referred by convention to the entire East Bay area, including the Coast Ranges from Carquinez Strait and Suisun Bay south to Santa Clara and Stanislaus counties.22It is clear from this statement that Abella considered 8 hours’ rowing time as equivalent to 8 leagues. A league on land was usually measured in practice by an hour on foot or horseback, and this system was based upon the usual steady progress of a horse or man throughout a day. Oarsmen in still water, and with moderate effort, could approximate the same rate. But here the boats traveled with or against tidal and stream currents, subject to drift in the winds, or traversed the sloughs, where movement might or might not be restricted. From these considerations it follows that the transposition directly of hours of travel into leagues of distance has no meaning whatever. Indeed, when the narrative states leagues, the expression should be interpreted as hours.In the present instance the distance from the Embarcadero in San Francisco to Angel I., to Pt. San Pablo, to the entrance of Carquinez Strait, assuming straight-line navigation, is about 24 mi. This means 3 mi., or slightly less per league, according to Abella’s calculation, somewhat in excess of the usual value for the league, of 2.6 mi. But Abella states that he waited for the incoming tide, which of course would haveincreased his speed with reference to the shore. Hence his leagues here are long.23Mare I., on the north side of the channel.24This sentence reads: “la contra costa es la tierra de San José del Estrecho Yamado de los Carquinez es tierra muy Pelada.” To render it “the opposite shore is the mainland of San José” makes no sense since the party stopped on the south side and the north side is bare of trees.25From this point the journey takes Abella and his party into the actual delta. Thereafter progress is almost impossible to follow, except in broad outline. The party wandered almost at random through the tules, finally touching at spots which can be identified. This is evident from the account of Abella, who substantially admits that he was lost for days at a time. Another difficulty lies in the changes which have taken place during the past century. River channels have been leveed, new canals or channels have been excavated, great areas have been drained entirely, with complete change of vegetation. Therefore an attempt to trace Abella’s course in detail through the delta as it exists today is doomed to failure in advance. As a matter of fact the route outlined by Bancroft 80 years ago (1884-1890, II: 321-323) is likely to be reasonably close to the truth.Even though the precise pathway cannot be reconstructed the diary is of interest both in giving a vivid impression of the great tule swamps in their pristine condition and in presenting information regarding the natives of those regions.26As suggested inn. 22above, Abella’s distances in leagues are completely unreliable and should be entirely disregarded.27Fourteen leagues, or a minimum of 35 mi. from near Martinez to near Antioch, a truly preposterous figure.28The passage is obscure. It is probable that the island, and the branching of the rivers, refers to the western end of Sherman I. where the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers merge. The Ompines were a tribe living on the north shore of Suisun Bay but it is quite likely that they had a fishing station on Sherman I. or some other island close to the south shore.29“Boca.” The word denotes the mouth or entrance of a stream or river. Here, quite evidently it is used with reference to the many openings among the islands and swamps where sloughs intersect each other or meet the rivers. From a small boat on the water only the break in the tules can be seen. Rarely is there any indication of how far, or where, the lateral channel runs. These mouths, or openings, usually resemble each other in appearance so closely that a stranger like Abella can never be sure of differentiating between them or of recognizing one the second time he passes it, unless there is some very distinctive landmark.30“Río del Norte,” the Sacramento. The party appears now to have been somewhere in the Big Break region off the northwest shore of Jersey I. The channel to the left cannot be identified on modern maps.31From the context it is clear that at this point the party entered False River, as they could not fail to do if they went upstream past Antioch, took the channel on their right, and held close to the south shore.32The party may have been at the foot of MandevilleI., where Old River and the main San Joaquin unite, or at the foot of Bacon I. If the latter theory is correct, then the channel running to the left (Abella was pointing south) might have been Connection Slough, which joins Middle River a few miles to the southeast.33The expedition is now proceeding up Old River past Palm, Orwood, and Byron tracts, on which are still the remains of aboriginal habitation sites.34The long trip south, the appearance of Indians and villages on the shore, the short swing of the river to the east, and the proximity of dry land at the stopping place, all indicate arrival in the vicinity of present Highway 4, near the western tip of Union I., 3 or 4 mi. northwest of Bethany. The Bolbones, probably a Yokuts tribelet, had been converted at San José during the preceding decade.35Referring to Carmel R.36Abella makes little reference to the fact that he was accompanied by Fr. Buenaventura Sitjar and that the expedition was actually under the military command of Sergeant José Sanchez.37“Mais de umedad”: corn planted and dependent upon rain for moisture, as opposed to corn dependent upon irrigation.38The village of Pescadero is known to have been situated on the southwestern side of Union I., somewhere near White House Landing, a mile or two northeast of Bethany. The site itself is lost, the river bounded by levees, the land under cultivation. Some of the old oaks, however, still stand along the river, behind the levees.39This body of water is mentioned by several explorers of this period. It no longer exists, nor does it appear on any modern map. It probably was a shallow backwater in the vicinity of Tracy.40The most probable location for the stopping place is approximately north of Tracy where there are oaks which easily could have been surrounded by swamp. The fork in the river at just about this point would be that in which Salmon Slough runs northeast to join Middle River and the main San Joaquin and in which Tom Paine Slough runs southeast to meet the main river near Lathrop. Abella’s group would have gone down Salmon Slough.41The passage is obscure but evidently refers to the junction of Middle River with the main stream of Old River as it passes through what is now Salmon Slough. The ultimate reunion of the two streams can be considered to take place at the foot of Bacon I., as suggested inn. 32. This interpretation of locality is strongly supported by Abella’s statement that he next proceeded upstream and at 3 leagues came into the Río Grande, or the main branch of the San Joaquin R. about 2 mi. west of Lathrop.42The junction of Tom Paine Slough with the San Joaquin near the railroad and highway crossing east of Tracy.43The name never was accepted. The river has always been known as the San Joaquin.44Abella evidently refers to Old River as the opening (“boca”) on the left and to Middle River as that on the right.45Schenck (1926) places Coybos on the right bank of the San Joaquin not more than a mile or two below the junction of Middle River. It is probable, from Abella’s account, that the village was farther down, nearer the mouth of French Camp Slough. Abella, furthermore, gives no indication on which side of the river the village was situated.46It is probable that the rancherias here described, and indeed the whole day’s journey, was in the area just west of the present city of Stockton.47The first split in the river going downstream is west of Stockton, with the formation of Rough and Ready I. It is probable that the party was in this area.48The party apparently had reached the junction of the main stream—now the Stockton ship channel—and Old River, north of Mandeville I. The distance is about 15 mi. from Rough and Ready I., near Stockton, where the previous halt was made. The entrance to Old River is passed on the left going downstream.49The location of these villages cannot be ascertained with certainty. According to the text the party traveled about 1 1/2 leagues on the 24th and 6 leagues on the 25th, making 7 1/2, or perhaps 18, mi., if we can believe Abella’s distances.There is very great question as to the route taken after the party reached the junction of the main river and Old River. Bancroft (1884-1890, II: 323, fn.) says the route passed through the sloughs just north of Sherman I. so as to enter the Sacramento R. This would imply the use of Threemile Slough, 3 mi. long, as its name implies. One alternative is Sevenmile Slough, which passes from the San Joaquin R., with Andrus and Brannan islands on the right and Twitchell I. on the left, to the Sacramento. Still another possibility is that Abella entered the Mokelumne R., just below the junction of the main river and Old River. If so, progress would have been necessary through the sloughs of Tyler and Andrus islands. None of these possibilities conforms in all respects to the account in the text.50They were still going north along a waterway not more than 100 ft. wide.51At this point the party evidently entered the main stream of the Sacramento.52This passage shows clearly that the party was traveling the Sacramento relatively far above Suisun Bay and that therefore the entrance to the river could not have been by way of Threemile Slough above the head of Sherman I. Accounts by many later voyagers, as well as the existing condition of the terrain, indicate unequivocally that the oak trees begin, on ascending the river, no more than a mile or two below Rio Vista. The heavy oak stand with dense undergrowth and grapevines appears near the foot of Grand I. and continues thence up the river. Hence it is most probable that Abella entered the Sacramento R. at or near Tyler I., no farther downstream than Isleton. The population described in the text is much heavier than has been generally ascribed to these islands by modern students (cf. Schenck, 1926).53Foot of Grand I., where Steamboat Slough joins the main river.54He refers to the main stream of the Sacramento and Steamboat Slough plus the slough or channel whichwe cannot identify and through which he reached his present position below the foot of Grand I. The party was now not far from the site of Rio Vista.55The description fits the north bank of the river below Rio Vista: the bare rolling hills are the Montezuma Hills, the high hill of the Bolbones is Mt. Diablo, the plain is the flat area stretching north from Sherman I. all the way to Fairfield. The distance traveled was far less than 12 leagues but it is true that at about the halfway point the oaks and other river bank shrubbery fade out and the land becomes pure grassy pasture land.56Probably referring to the exploratory expedition of Ayala and Cañizares in 1776. Cañizares reached the vicinity of lower Sherman I., when he repeatedly ran aground and was forced to turn back.57The exact course of the expedition on the 27th and 28th is difficult to trace but in outline it is fairly clear. Priestley (1946, p. 108) says: “From the Ompines the navigators went through Nurse Slough and Montezuma Creek to a point one league east of Suisun.” This is unlikely because one must navigate several miles of Montezuma Slough before arriving at Nurse Slough. The head of the latter is fully 8 mi. from Suisun. Furthermore, Abella says the “Yano de los Suisunes” (the plain of the Suisunes), not the town of Suisun.Leaving the main bay and river near Collinsville, the party evidently went north through Montezuma Slough, with the low Montezuma Hills to the east and the Potrero Hills to the north. Then they followed the meanders of Montezuma Slough and probably some of its branches, camping on high ground perhaps in the Potrero Hills. The following day they must have entered Suisun Slough and gone north to dry ground (only 1 league). Here they found the oak groves and the low hills of the inner Coast Range. Subsequently, they went generally south into Suisun Bay and thence to Carquinez Strait. Mt. Diablo (“Serro de los Bolbones”) was slightly east of south, not southwest, as Abella thought.58“Los Plumajes de sus Peleas”: the costumes, made of feathers, or otherwise, which they were accustomed to wear in battle.59Not long previously Moraga had led a military expedition north of Suisun Bay and had chastised, with several casualties, the recalcitrant natives living in southern Solano Co.60“Las Lomas de los Carquines”: meaning apparently the hills along the north shore of the Strait.61The sentence ends without completion and, as it stands, does not make sense. It is probable that the person who made the copy in the Bancroft Library failed to finish the entry for October 29. The omitted portion cannot be reconstructed from the fragment available.62Argüello’s letter does not specify the location of the Indian village attacked. Father Narciso Duran, however, in the report of his journey in 1817, placed it as among or near the Unsumnes (i.e., Cosumnes), along the northeastern edge of the delta. (See Schenck, 1926, pp. 128-129.)63Section omitted by Bancroft’s transcriber.64This is the first real battle in Central California of which we have record. The advantage to the Indians in numbers and terrain was offset by the Spanish superiority in weapons and discipline. Furthermore, 100 Indian auxiliaries were an adequate compensation for the hostile natives’ excess in numbers.The soldiers won a tactical victory, for they drove the Indians from the field. But the Indians could point to strategic gains: (1) they demonstrated that under the right circumstances they could stand up in a fair fight against a strong force of whites; and (2) they prevented the attainment of the objective of the campaign, i.e., the recapture of the fugitives.CHAPTER VI(pp. 267-279)

In the village of Tulamethere are at present thirty-three Christians from several missions; as a rule, this is the place of refuge ... from the direction of Santa Barbara there is no access because everything is surrounded by water, but by way of Bubal there is access.Before getting to Telame there are five villages, among them Quiuamine, where they killed the Christian of San Buenaventura. The Santa Barbara soldiers could stop them from escaping by water. In Yulumne there are some [fugitives] also.If the other villages are treated in a friendly manner, without our giving any indication of our intentions, and the first blow is struck, I doubt if there will be any more trouble.Regarding Telame, he says that he was there twice in different years. The first year he did not see the people “because they were almost entirely dispersed and debilitated from starvation.” The second time the people were there. The village is situated opposite the mission, a league from the Sierra Nevada, in an immense oak forest—many Indians, docile and friendly, who do not admit fugitives to their village. A little farther toward Santa Barbara is Choimoc, of the same type and character, but not as large. “None of these villages has a fixed position, but the variation is less than half a league.”

In the village of Tulamethere are at present thirty-three Christians from several missions; as a rule, this is the place of refuge ... from the direction of Santa Barbara there is no access because everything is surrounded by water, but by way of Bubal there is access.

Before getting to Telame there are five villages, among them Quiuamine, where they killed the Christian of San Buenaventura. The Santa Barbara soldiers could stop them from escaping by water. In Yulumne there are some [fugitives] also.

If the other villages are treated in a friendly manner, without our giving any indication of our intentions, and the first blow is struck, I doubt if there will be any more trouble.

Regarding Telame, he says that he was there twice in different years. The first year he did not see the people “because they were almost entirely dispersed and debilitated from starvation.” The second time the people were there. The village is situated opposite the mission, a league from the Sierra Nevada, in an immense oak forest—many Indians, docile and friendly, who do not admit fugitives to their village. A little farther toward Santa Barbara is Choimoc, of the same type and character, but not as large. “None of these villages has a fixed position, but the variation is less than half a league.”

[Governor]to Captain Luís ArgüelloRancho de Real Hacienda, September 14, 1819(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 241-242)

He says that the time has come to make the expedition at San José. The primary object is to recover the fugitives from that mission and chastise the heathen Indians who are sheltering them, as well as to take away from them the horses which, according to what Father Narciso Duran has told him, are in their possession. He considers that Sergeant José Sanchez is competent to lead the expedition, but only because he [Argüello] feels himself indisposed. For this purpose he is sending forty men who have arrived from San Blas. He [Argüello] will instruct them day and night in the operation of their weapons.

He says that the time has come to make the expedition at San José. The primary object is to recover the fugitives from that mission and chastise the heathen Indians who are sheltering them, as well as to take away from them the horses which, according to what Father Narciso Duran has told him, are in their possession. He considers that Sergeant José Sanchez is competent to lead the expedition, but only because he [Argüello] feels himself indisposed. For this purpose he is sending forty men who have arrived from San Blas. He [Argüello] will instruct them day and night in the operation of their weapons.

[Governor]to Captain Luís ArgüelloRancho Rey, October 13, 1819(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 243-244)

He thinks the expedition must have started to the outskirts of San José for the purpose of recapturing the horses from the wild Indians, and he has given orders that Lieutenant Estudillo, with Sergeant Pico and thirty men, set out to make a campaign.

He thinks the expedition must have started to the outskirts of San José for the purpose of recapturing the horses from the wild Indians, and he has given orders that Lieutenant Estudillo, with Sergeant Pico and thirty men, set out to make a campaign.

[Governor]to Captain Luís ArgüelloMonterey, November 3, 1819(Cal. Arch., St. Pap., Sacramento, II: 244)

He will bring to the attention of the viceroy the success of the campaign made against the village of the Muquelenis.

He will bring to the attention of the viceroy the success of the campaign made against the village of the Muquelenis.

Father Juan Martinez to Governor SolaSan Miguel, November 6, 1820(Archbishop’s Arch., IV (1): 174)

Says that it is necessary, in compliance with his duty, to go to the villages of the Valley, Bubal, Telame, and Notonto, to confess and instruct....He asks that he be furnished a guard for the trip so that it may be successful, both going and coming.

Says that it is necessary, in compliance with his duty, to go to the villages of the Valley, Bubal, Telame, and Notonto, to confess and instruct....

He asks that he be furnished a guard for the trip so that it may be successful, both going and coming.

Father Esteban Tapis to Governor SolaSan Juan Bautista, January 22, 1821(Archbishop’s Arch., IV (1): 199)

Last night, to his pleasure, he was visited by thirty-three heathen recently arrived from the Tulare Valley in search of baptism. Seven of them were married to seven female converts. Three brought their women who are heathen. Thirteen are single young persons or adults from nine to forty years of age. Six are infants.They are from the villages of Hualquem, or Hualquemne, Notvolitch, Huohual, and Quisats.

Last night, to his pleasure, he was visited by thirty-three heathen recently arrived from the Tulare Valley in search of baptism. Seven of them were married to seven female converts. Three brought their women who are heathen. Thirteen are single young persons or adults from nine to forty years of age. Six are infants.

They are from the villages of Hualquem, or Hualquemne, Notvolitch, Huohual, and Quisats.

José Canuto Boronda, “Notas Históricas sobre California,” 1878

The first campaign on which I went was to Kings River, which comes from the slopes of the mountains and enters Tulare Lake; from there it goes to the junction with the San Joaquin River.At that place there were several Indian villages which had given shelter to fugitive Christian Indians from the missions. They brought out the Christian Indians they had with them and promised in the future to shelter no more runaways. The custom was, if they defaulted on that promise or committed acts of hostility, to fall upon them with military power and capture them all, taking them by force to the missions in order to baptize them. [Pp. 2-3.]...When I was a recruit we went on a campaign to the village of Tachi. While there, I saw one of our Indian auxiliaries from San Miguel seize an old Indian woman with completely white hair. The Indian was going to kill her when I stopped him. But the Indian had already fired an arrow at close range, which perforated her skin on one side but did not enter her body. The arrows were raining around me and I had to pay attention to warding them off. When I was able to turn around again, I saw that an Indian had covered up the poor old woman with firewood and had ignited it so as to burn her alive. I ran to her and with my spear had begun to removethe burning sticks when an arrow split the crown of my hat. Sergeant Espinosa, our Commander, yelled to me to leave the old woman and look after my own safety—but I pulled the fire away from the unfortunate Indian woman—although Father Juan Cabot himself said to me that this was no occasion suitable for a show of charity and neglect of my own interest. The Indians jumped into the lake and crossed into the swamps where it was not possible for us to follow them. These and other Indians used to have underground chambers from which they shot arrows. In some places everything would seem smooth and even, but on going across the top, horse and all would go to the bottom. These falls were extremely dangerous because the Indians would finish off the horse before he could get up. [Pp. 13-15.]

The first campaign on which I went was to Kings River, which comes from the slopes of the mountains and enters Tulare Lake; from there it goes to the junction with the San Joaquin River.

At that place there were several Indian villages which had given shelter to fugitive Christian Indians from the missions. They brought out the Christian Indians they had with them and promised in the future to shelter no more runaways. The custom was, if they defaulted on that promise or committed acts of hostility, to fall upon them with military power and capture them all, taking them by force to the missions in order to baptize them. [Pp. 2-3.]...

When I was a recruit we went on a campaign to the village of Tachi. While there, I saw one of our Indian auxiliaries from San Miguel seize an old Indian woman with completely white hair. The Indian was going to kill her when I stopped him. But the Indian had already fired an arrow at close range, which perforated her skin on one side but did not enter her body. The arrows were raining around me and I had to pay attention to warding them off. When I was able to turn around again, I saw that an Indian had covered up the poor old woman with firewood and had ignited it so as to burn her alive. I ran to her and with my spear had begun to removethe burning sticks when an arrow split the crown of my hat. Sergeant Espinosa, our Commander, yelled to me to leave the old woman and look after my own safety—but I pulled the fire away from the unfortunate Indian woman—although Father Juan Cabot himself said to me that this was no occasion suitable for a show of charity and neglect of my own interest. The Indians jumped into the lake and crossed into the swamps where it was not possible for us to follow them. These and other Indians used to have underground chambers from which they shot arrows. In some places everything would seem smooth and even, but on going across the top, horse and all would go to the bottom. These falls were extremely dangerous because the Indians would finish off the horse before he could get up. [Pp. 13-15.]

Inocente García, “Hechos Históricos de California,” 1878

After a few months I was selected to go on a campaign with five other men—Antasio Mendoza, Manuel Butron, José de las Llagas García, Dámaso Soto, and Ramón Martinez—under the orders of Sergeant José Dolores Pico.1We accompanied Father Arroyo de la Cuesta to the other side of Santa Rita to the villages of Jayaya and Tapé (Mission San Juan Bautista) in search of young girls [monjas] whom the chiefs of these villages had offered us [i.e., for baptism].Father Arroyo had arranged with chief Jayaya that we should come and get the girls—I already knew a little of the language of that place. Sergeant Pico took thirty armed Indians from the mission to go with us. We traveled to Jayaya and Tapé, in which there were numerous Indians. Chief Tapé had gone to La Soledad, and Father Arroyo was under the impression that he had returned to his village. Consequently the Indians did not know of the arrangements made at the mission and on our arrival we met the warriors armed and ready to fight us. The sergeant ordered our Indian auxiliaries to march straight on the village. I saw clearly that the enemy were going to overwhelm us with arrows if we did not proceed carefully, and said so to my comrades. The guide who was directing us said to the Father that the only approach was a thousand yards higher up. We went that way in order to protect our auxiliaries, who were already fighting. Two of our Indians were already dead, but we did not know it, when the auxiliaries began to run with the enemy after them.The situation was bad, and confused, for we could not give way a step so as not to abandon our missionary. I said to Dámaso Soto, who was with me ahead of the others, that he should take out his shield, for the Indians had been putting me under heavy fire, while I covered him with mine. While Soto was getting out his shield, an arrow went through it from the back, and he started running to join the others who were with the Father. I found myself alone. So I made my adversaries think that I was going to shoot them with my musket, although I only pointed it at them. When they ducked, I began to retreat, moving backward little by little until I knew I was far enough away. Then I jumped on my horse and ran to join the others.There I saw that Father Arroyo was talking to the Indians in their language and that they were paying no heed to him. Arrows were hailing around the Father and the soldiers and one struck the knee of my horse. I jumped to the ground and cried: “In the name of the King, everybody fire!” That I said because the Sergeant had warned us not to fire. The Father, the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto began to run. I and the rest of my companions stayed fighting the enemy until we managed to bring down their chief, who was all adorned with feathers. This caused them to cease attacking us. Already the Indians had gained possession of the spare horses, the provisions, etc. Then I said to Manuel Butron that, since he was the senior man, he should assume command and we would all obey him, so as to aid our Indians to recover the horses from the enemy, etc. We succeeded in this, saving everything and recapturing our two [dead] auxiliaries and five live ones who were hidden in the arroyo of Santa Rita where the tules were high.We loaded the two dead men and went to catch up with Father Arroyo, the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto. They were about three leagues away on the slope of the hills at the place they call Baños del Padre Arroyo. The Father asked us to go to La Soledad, where the Governor was, and send the dead to San Juan. [Pp. 10-13.]

After a few months I was selected to go on a campaign with five other men—Antasio Mendoza, Manuel Butron, José de las Llagas García, Dámaso Soto, and Ramón Martinez—under the orders of Sergeant José Dolores Pico.1We accompanied Father Arroyo de la Cuesta to the other side of Santa Rita to the villages of Jayaya and Tapé (Mission San Juan Bautista) in search of young girls [monjas] whom the chiefs of these villages had offered us [i.e., for baptism].

Father Arroyo had arranged with chief Jayaya that we should come and get the girls—I already knew a little of the language of that place. Sergeant Pico took thirty armed Indians from the mission to go with us. We traveled to Jayaya and Tapé, in which there were numerous Indians. Chief Tapé had gone to La Soledad, and Father Arroyo was under the impression that he had returned to his village. Consequently the Indians did not know of the arrangements made at the mission and on our arrival we met the warriors armed and ready to fight us. The sergeant ordered our Indian auxiliaries to march straight on the village. I saw clearly that the enemy were going to overwhelm us with arrows if we did not proceed carefully, and said so to my comrades. The guide who was directing us said to the Father that the only approach was a thousand yards higher up. We went that way in order to protect our auxiliaries, who were already fighting. Two of our Indians were already dead, but we did not know it, when the auxiliaries began to run with the enemy after them.

The situation was bad, and confused, for we could not give way a step so as not to abandon our missionary. I said to Dámaso Soto, who was with me ahead of the others, that he should take out his shield, for the Indians had been putting me under heavy fire, while I covered him with mine. While Soto was getting out his shield, an arrow went through it from the back, and he started running to join the others who were with the Father. I found myself alone. So I made my adversaries think that I was going to shoot them with my musket, although I only pointed it at them. When they ducked, I began to retreat, moving backward little by little until I knew I was far enough away. Then I jumped on my horse and ran to join the others.

There I saw that Father Arroyo was talking to the Indians in their language and that they were paying no heed to him. Arrows were hailing around the Father and the soldiers and one struck the knee of my horse. I jumped to the ground and cried: “In the name of the King, everybody fire!” That I said because the Sergeant had warned us not to fire. The Father, the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto began to run. I and the rest of my companions stayed fighting the enemy until we managed to bring down their chief, who was all adorned with feathers. This caused them to cease attacking us. Already the Indians had gained possession of the spare horses, the provisions, etc. Then I said to Manuel Butron that, since he was the senior man, he should assume command and we would all obey him, so as to aid our Indians to recover the horses from the enemy, etc. We succeeded in this, saving everything and recapturing our two [dead] auxiliaries and five live ones who were hidden in the arroyo of Santa Rita where the tules were high.

We loaded the two dead men and went to catch up with Father Arroyo, the Sergeant, and Dámaso Soto. They were about three leagues away on the slope of the hills at the place they call Baños del Padre Arroyo. The Father asked us to go to La Soledad, where the Governor was, and send the dead to San Juan. [Pp. 10-13.]

1The Father—the missionary in charge of San Luis Obispo Mission.2“Capeador,” from “capear.” Literally “to steal the cape”—a bullfighting expression. By extension, to divert with lies and subterfuge. May be translated as “liar,” “cheat,” or a similar term.3According to the topography, the Río del Pescadero is Old River, in the delta area, Río de San Francisco Jabier is Middle River, and Río de San Miguel is the main channel of the San Joaquin. Río de la Pasión is the Calaveras.4The route taken by Sal can be determined with reasonable accuracy. Fifteen leagues, or 40 mi., from San José would have brought him to the vicinity of Tracy. He probably crossed Old River somewhere to the north of the present town, then, bearing northeast, crossed Middle River, traversed Roberts I., and crossed the main San Joaquin R. somewhere to the southwest of French Camp. From this point “about five leagues” would put him on the Calaveras just west of Waterloo. The entire distance would have been through oak park, as indicated by Sal.5In late 1776 two small expeditions penetrated the valley and crossed the San Joaquin R. The primary, and probably the only first-hand account, we have of them is contained in Palóu’s New California (H. Bolton, 1926, IV: 127-131; 155-156). In September, 1776, Fernando Quiros and José Joaquin Moraga made a joint attempt to explore the tulares. Quiros was to go by water and Moraga by land, the two parties to meet near Antioch. The plan miscarried. Quiros returned to San Francisco, but Moraga kept on for three days up the river, crossing finally somewhere near Merced (Bolton says “past the site of Modesto”). No details of what he saw or did, remain to us, however, except the statement that the east side of the river consisted of a great plain.On November 29 (cf. Bolton, 1926, IV: 155) Don Fernando Rivera y Moncada tried it again. Palóu says: “After dinner they started.... They continued their journey by the same road that the lieutenant [Moraga] had taken and crossed the great river by the same ford. But although they traveled through the plain for some distance on the other side, they did not venture to examine the other rivers, in order not to expose themselves to the contingency that the great river might rise and cut off the ford. For this reason they did not go up as far as in the preceding examination. So they set out for home....”There is some discrepancy between the statements of Palóu and Sal. If the latter is correct, Rivera reached (and named) the Calaveras, or Río de la Pasión. If, as Palóu says, he followed in Moraga’s footsteps, he could have gone no farther north than Modesto, and indeed would not have crossed the branches of the San Joaquin in the delta, as Sal seems to have done. It is unfortunate that no direct report of these expeditions exists.6According to all modern observation the rivers show no salinity detectable by taste above Antioch and certainly not above Rio Vista. If this is “muy adentro,” then Sal was correct.7San Juan Bautista Mission. The geography is somewhat distorted. The west side of the valley as far south as Pacheco Pass, east of San Juan Bautista, is by no means a “short distance” from the Sierra Nevada, nor is this region visible from San Francisco. In his ignorance of the actual terrain Sal foreshortened his distances considerably.8These references to white men and priests are intriguing. There is no evidence that Spaniards crossed the high Sierra Nevada before this date, or that they had reached the eastern flank of the mountains in western Nevada. The tales here recounted could well have been derived from contact, in trading or exploration, of the New Mexico and Sonora Spaniards with the Yokuts of the upper San Joaquin V., directly, or indirectly through the Colorado R. tribes.9The Julpones (or Julpunes) lived on the south shore of Suisun Bay. Quinenseat refers no doubt to the Quenemsias, who inhabited Grand Island, in the upper delta. Taunantoc and Quisitoc refer probably to other groups on the lower Sacramento or, in fact, may be merely names of persons. The words are at present impossible to identify.

1The Father—the missionary in charge of San Luis Obispo Mission.

2“Capeador,” from “capear.” Literally “to steal the cape”—a bullfighting expression. By extension, to divert with lies and subterfuge. May be translated as “liar,” “cheat,” or a similar term.

3According to the topography, the Río del Pescadero is Old River, in the delta area, Río de San Francisco Jabier is Middle River, and Río de San Miguel is the main channel of the San Joaquin. Río de la Pasión is the Calaveras.

4The route taken by Sal can be determined with reasonable accuracy. Fifteen leagues, or 40 mi., from San José would have brought him to the vicinity of Tracy. He probably crossed Old River somewhere to the north of the present town, then, bearing northeast, crossed Middle River, traversed Roberts I., and crossed the main San Joaquin R. somewhere to the southwest of French Camp. From this point “about five leagues” would put him on the Calaveras just west of Waterloo. The entire distance would have been through oak park, as indicated by Sal.

5In late 1776 two small expeditions penetrated the valley and crossed the San Joaquin R. The primary, and probably the only first-hand account, we have of them is contained in Palóu’s New California (H. Bolton, 1926, IV: 127-131; 155-156). In September, 1776, Fernando Quiros and José Joaquin Moraga made a joint attempt to explore the tulares. Quiros was to go by water and Moraga by land, the two parties to meet near Antioch. The plan miscarried. Quiros returned to San Francisco, but Moraga kept on for three days up the river, crossing finally somewhere near Merced (Bolton says “past the site of Modesto”). No details of what he saw or did, remain to us, however, except the statement that the east side of the river consisted of a great plain.

On November 29 (cf. Bolton, 1926, IV: 155) Don Fernando Rivera y Moncada tried it again. Palóu says: “After dinner they started.... They continued their journey by the same road that the lieutenant [Moraga] had taken and crossed the great river by the same ford. But although they traveled through the plain for some distance on the other side, they did not venture to examine the other rivers, in order not to expose themselves to the contingency that the great river might rise and cut off the ford. For this reason they did not go up as far as in the preceding examination. So they set out for home....”

There is some discrepancy between the statements of Palóu and Sal. If the latter is correct, Rivera reached (and named) the Calaveras, or Río de la Pasión. If, as Palóu says, he followed in Moraga’s footsteps, he could have gone no farther north than Modesto, and indeed would not have crossed the branches of the San Joaquin in the delta, as Sal seems to have done. It is unfortunate that no direct report of these expeditions exists.

6According to all modern observation the rivers show no salinity detectable by taste above Antioch and certainly not above Rio Vista. If this is “muy adentro,” then Sal was correct.

7San Juan Bautista Mission. The geography is somewhat distorted. The west side of the valley as far south as Pacheco Pass, east of San Juan Bautista, is by no means a “short distance” from the Sierra Nevada, nor is this region visible from San Francisco. In his ignorance of the actual terrain Sal foreshortened his distances considerably.

8These references to white men and priests are intriguing. There is no evidence that Spaniards crossed the high Sierra Nevada before this date, or that they had reached the eastern flank of the mountains in western Nevada. The tales here recounted could well have been derived from contact, in trading or exploration, of the New Mexico and Sonora Spaniards with the Yokuts of the upper San Joaquin V., directly, or indirectly through the Colorado R. tribes.

9The Julpones (or Julpunes) lived on the south shore of Suisun Bay. Quinenseat refers no doubt to the Quenemsias, who inhabited Grand Island, in the upper delta. Taunantoc and Quisitoc refer probably to other groups on the lower Sacramento or, in fact, may be merely names of persons. The words are at present impossible to identify.

1The account is incomplete and there are discrepancies. Evidently there was some untoward incident, since the expedition returned with only two Christians in addition to Guchapa and his son. Furthermore when did the “heroic struggle” occur? And why did an expedition to a not far distant point like Cholam consume twenty days?2This figure seems to establish Martin’s estimate of the population of the Tulare L. area.3This statement is important since it demonstrates the previous experience of the Indian women with the Mexican soldiers.4Argüello must have gone into the valley, otherwise there is no sense to the mention of rivers, tule swamps, etc. Furthermore, 32 days is a long trip, hardly to be spent in the coast ranges.5Probably Joscolo, a prominent Indian rebel and bandit, later captured and beheaded in Santa Cruz Co. Perhaps he was not a bandit. Perhaps he was an Indian patriot. Would it be subversion to suggest the idea?6No women and children were found. This alone proves the utter disruption of native society, even at this early date.

1The account is incomplete and there are discrepancies. Evidently there was some untoward incident, since the expedition returned with only two Christians in addition to Guchapa and his son. Furthermore when did the “heroic struggle” occur? And why did an expedition to a not far distant point like Cholam consume twenty days?

2This figure seems to establish Martin’s estimate of the population of the Tulare L. area.

3This statement is important since it demonstrates the previous experience of the Indian women with the Mexican soldiers.

4Argüello must have gone into the valley, otherwise there is no sense to the mention of rivers, tule swamps, etc. Furthermore, 32 days is a long trip, hardly to be spent in the coast ranges.

5Probably Joscolo, a prominent Indian rebel and bandit, later captured and beheaded in Santa Cruz Co. Perhaps he was not a bandit. Perhaps he was an Indian patriot. Would it be subversion to suggest the idea?

6No women and children were found. This alone proves the utter disruption of native society, even at this early date.

1On July 20 the party went from Santa Ynez Missionnorth to Jonatas, at Las Olivas, then to Saca on Alamo Pintado Cr. The next village, Olomosong, was probably on the Sisquoc R. near the 120th meridian. After 4 leagues further travel they reached Gecp, apparently on the south slope of the Sierra Madre range, because after climbing a mountain they came out onto plains, no doubt the Cuyama V., in approximately T 10 N, R 28 W (San Bernardino base line). Two leagues to the east was Talihuilimit.2Lisahua was probably in lower Salisbury Canyon in T 9 N, R 26 W. Cuia may have been in lower Santa Barbara Canyon, T 9 N, R 25 W. Siguecin would then have been 12-15 mi. up the canyon to the south.3The party evidently bore more to the north and found Sgene somewhere in lower Cuyama V., T 10 N, R 25 W.4Malapoa is located by Gifford and Schenck (1926) as on Bitterwater Cr. It is identified by them with Hoschiu of the Yokuts tribe, Tulamni. All the preceding villages were Tokya Chumash (see Kroeber, 1925, pl. 47). Nopalea can have been on either Bitterwater or Santiago Cr.5Buenavista can have been 8 leagues north of either Bitterwater or Santiago Cr. It is identified by Gifford and Schenck as Tilamniu, which Kroeber (1925, pl. 47) puts on the western or northwestern end of the lake. Sisupistu is considered to be Pohalin Tinliu at the southeast corner of Kern L. The big river is of course the Kern.6Six leagues from Sisupistu would have brought Zalvidea to the mouth of either Tejon or El Paso Cr. at the edge of the foothills. In the reconnaissance of July 28 the group explored the lower courses of El Paso, Tejon, and Pastoria creeks. Tupai is placed doubtfully by Gifford and Schenck at Tejon Ranch on El Paso Cr.7The party apparently doubled back west past Grapevine Cr. to Tacui which was undoubtedly Tecuya on Tecuya Cr.8Nine leagues north of Tecuya, on the Kern R. was Yaguelame, which Gifford and Schenck think was either Loasau or Woilo. My preference is the latter since Loasau was on Kern L. rather than the river and since Woilo is very close to 9 leagues from Tecuya.9The eastern end of Kern L. in T 32 S, R 28 E (Mt. Diablo base line).10Gifford and Schenck place Taslupi on Tejon Cr. This conforms with the distances given. However it is more likely to have been Pastoria on Grapevine Cr. since the party arrived at Castaic, at the head of Grapevine Cr., on August 7.11Antelope V.12The San Gabriel Mts. The party crossed the mountains and went southwest to San Gabriel Mission. Several villages of the Serrano Indians were seen but the area concerned is well beyond the limits of the San Joaquin V.13Camp was on San Benito R., 1 1/2 leagues from San Juan Bautista, not on Pacheco Cr., as stated by Cutter (MS, p. 100).14Camp was approximately at San Luis Ranch, where Highway 152 crosses San Luis Cr.15The camp at Santa Rita was 15 to 20 mi. east of San Luis Gonzaga and 5 or 6 mi. west of the main San Joaquin R. (see account of the 4th day). According to distances this point would be on Salt Slough or Paso Slough, a few miles northeast of Los Baños. The course of the sloughs and the channels of the San Joaquin are difficult to locate with precision on a modern map because of the drainage and reclamation operations of the past century.16Camp on the San Joaquin may be assumed to lie in T 8 S, R 11 E.17This village may be placed on the east bank of the river in T 11 S, R 14 E. It was one of the several villages along the lower San Joaquin which had been effaced so thoroughly that modern informants gave ethnographers no indication that they had ever existed.18Cutter (MS, p. 104) thinks this was Bear Cr., rather than Mariposa Cr., since it is approximately 3 leagues south of the Merced R. I see no reason to disagree with him.19The party which went north reached the Merced R. somewhere west of Livingston in T 6 S, R 11 E. The other party, which must have gone north-northeast, probably reached it east of Cressey at the crossing of Highway 99. The village where the old woman was baptized was Chineguis, according to the list at the end of the diary. Near by were Yunate, Chamuasi, Latelate, and Lachuo, some of which were seen on the return trip. On September 29 Muñoz saw Chineguis, and the other party found 5 other villages. Within the area, therefore, was a minimum of 6 villages. The average population was about 225 souls, according to the village list, or a minimum total of 1,350 persons. Very possibly the number of villages was greater, particularly if it be assumed that Moraga’s 5, seen on the 29th, are in addition to the 5 listed for the Merced by Muñoz. Certainly the total number of inhabitants between the San Joaquin R. and the foothills must have been fully 2,000.20The Tuolumne, according to the direction, near Modesto. The presence of several villages, although deserted, indicates a fairly heavy Indian population.21Undoubtedly Dry Cr. The description is valid even today.22The Stanislaus. The party, if it continued in a northwesterly direction from near Modesto would have reached the river at, or east of, Ripon. The remnants of the oak forest can still be seen. It extended perhaps a mile each side of the river at this point and ran parallel to the stream continuously from the junction with the San Joaquin eastward to beyond Oakdale. Here the valley oak park merges with the general foothill forest and chaparral.23This spot is difficult to locate according to the description. However, 6 leagues upstream from the vicinity of Ripon or Riverbank barely reaches the limestone bluffs just below Knights Ferry. Certainly no place lower on the river could possibly provide the physical characteristics demanded by the account. These bluffs are not very high but are unquestionably precipitous. Without heavy equipment an invader would be hard put to scale them. As an alternative one must go far into the foothills beyond the Calaveras-Stanislaus County line. Not only is this distance greater than is indicated by Muñoz but also the descriptionlacks any indication that the party had really entered the mountains. The best guess is the vicinity of Knights Ferry.24There is some controversy concerning the ethnographic affinity of the natives living in this area. Kroeber thinks they were Yokuts. He mentions as Yokuts groups (Handbook, p. 485) “the Tawalimni, presumably on Tuolumne River, which appears to be named from them; the Lakisamni ... rancheria at Dent’s or Knights Ferry on the Stanislaus....” Schenck (1926, p. 141) says, under the captionTaulamne: “The villages Taulamne and Taualames are both definitely placed, the former on an inaccessible rock on the Stanislaus river in the foothills, the latter at the ford of the San Joaquin just below the mouth of the Tuolumne river.... This seems to establish the region between the lower Tuolumne and Stanislaus rivers as Taulamne territory.” Kroeber on his map of the region (Handbook, pl. 37) draws the line between Miwok and Yokuts at the county boundary, near which the village of Taulamne seems to have been situated. Hence the inhabitants may have been either Miwok or Yokuts. The villages higher up the river mentioned by Muñoz must have been Central Miwok.It is noteworthy that Muñoz makes no mention of villages on the lower Stanislaus within the very favorable environment created by the oak forest. Villages were seen on the Tuolumne but were deserted. It is highly probable that a similar series existed on the Stanislaus but by 1806 had been abandoned. The only village mentioned by name in the supplementary list is Tahualamne.25Cutter (MS, p. 107) concludes that the first stream (Río San Francisco) was the Calaveras, and the second (Río de la Pasión) the Cosumnes. There is little reason to disagree. The distances are right, and the linguistic border between the Miwok and the Maidu runs along the Cosumnes. On the other hand, it is difficult to explain the failure of the diarist to mention the Mokelumne, an all-year stream. Moreover a round trip of 30 leagues, or about 75 mi., is incredible, even for an accomplished group of horsemen traveling without baggage. Another guess would be that Muñoz meant the first river was 6 leagues from the starting point on the Stanislaus and the second 9 leaguesfrom the Stanislaus, rather than 9 leaguesadditional. This would end the trip at the Mokelumne and satisfy the criterion of distance but would not explain the linguistic change.26Cutter (MS, pp. 109-110) identifies the Santo Domingo with Mariposa Cr. and the Tecolote with the Chowchilla.27The Santa Ana was the Fresno R. Throughout the journey from the Merced to the San Joaquin Moraga’s party stayed close to the eastern edge of the valley. On the seasonal streams found in this area there was a distinct absence of permanent Indian settlements. Pizcache, on the San Joaquin, is listed in the appendix directly following Lachuo, on the Merced. On the San Joaquin, Moraga probably halted approximately north of Fresno, below Le Grand.28There is a discrepancy here. Moraga, or Muñoz, says that this village was in the mountains or at least the foothills. But Kroeber (Handbook, p. 484) says that the Pitkachi “held the south side of the San Joaquin, living at Kohuou, near Herndon or Sycamore; at Weshiu, on a slough; and at Gewachiu, still farther downstream.” Gayton (1948, p. 5) says: “After getting aid Derby’s party reached the bend of the San Joaquin River, country attributed to the Pitkachi, on May 24.” It appears as if this group moved downstream between 1806 and 1850.29For comment on the New Mexico legend see Cutter (MS, pp. 110-111).30Kings R. was reached near Sanger or Centerville.31No record exists of this expedition.32The village list at the end of the report mentions by name Aycayche and 4 other villages which can be ascribed to the Kings R. basin. The text mentions Ayquiche plus 6 others upstream and 3 downstream, a total of 9. Evidently the village list does not include all those which were actually seen.33The entry for the 27th day (17 Oct.) is missing. However it is clear that on the 28th day the scouts reached the great oak forest along the Kaweah delta at or above Visalia. To this area the main party moved on the 29th day (19 October). The water evidently was very low—somewhat unusual for this region, even in October. The large village of 600 souls, at which 22 persons were baptized was Telame, according to the statements under dates 19, 21, and 23 October, and also the description in the village list. These are the Telamni of the ethnographers, and are repeatedly mentioned by the early explorers.34The tremendous aboriginal population of the lower Kaweah drainage is attested by several lines of evidence. It probably reached a much higher figure than the 3,000 mentioned by Muñoz.35The Tule R.36After a winding course for two days, the party camped on the Tule R. near the foothills, probably not far from Porterville.37Probably Deer Cr.38Probably White R.39No distances are given, but from the description the most likely stream is Poso Cr.40The Kern R., probably some miles above Bakersfield. A “long trip” downstream would have brought them into the slough country south of Bakersfield. From the entire absence of any mention of Buenavista L. farther to the west it is clear that Moraga did not get within sight of it.41Grapevine Canyon. As Muñoz predicted, Father Zalvidea left an account of the villages in this area (see his report for the expedition of Aug., 1806).42On the last three days the party left the valley by way of Grapevine Canyon, over Tejon Pass, across the Tehachapi Mts. (Cutter says the Santa Susanna Range) to San Fernando Mission.43Olivera may be thinking of Moraga’s expedition of 1808, which went north into the Sacramento V.44No recorded expedition remained in the field for any such length of time.45Here the reference is clearly to the 1806 expedition.46This expedition of 1807 is otherwise unrecorded.47Possibly the entrance to the Gorge of the Kern R., east of Bakersfield.48The abundance of wild horses and cattle testifies to the early date at which these animals escaped from the range country of the coast and overran the plains of the valley. The effect on native economy and living habits was very great.

1On July 20 the party went from Santa Ynez Missionnorth to Jonatas, at Las Olivas, then to Saca on Alamo Pintado Cr. The next village, Olomosong, was probably on the Sisquoc R. near the 120th meridian. After 4 leagues further travel they reached Gecp, apparently on the south slope of the Sierra Madre range, because after climbing a mountain they came out onto plains, no doubt the Cuyama V., in approximately T 10 N, R 28 W (San Bernardino base line). Two leagues to the east was Talihuilimit.

2Lisahua was probably in lower Salisbury Canyon in T 9 N, R 26 W. Cuia may have been in lower Santa Barbara Canyon, T 9 N, R 25 W. Siguecin would then have been 12-15 mi. up the canyon to the south.

3The party evidently bore more to the north and found Sgene somewhere in lower Cuyama V., T 10 N, R 25 W.

4Malapoa is located by Gifford and Schenck (1926) as on Bitterwater Cr. It is identified by them with Hoschiu of the Yokuts tribe, Tulamni. All the preceding villages were Tokya Chumash (see Kroeber, 1925, pl. 47). Nopalea can have been on either Bitterwater or Santiago Cr.

5Buenavista can have been 8 leagues north of either Bitterwater or Santiago Cr. It is identified by Gifford and Schenck as Tilamniu, which Kroeber (1925, pl. 47) puts on the western or northwestern end of the lake. Sisupistu is considered to be Pohalin Tinliu at the southeast corner of Kern L. The big river is of course the Kern.

6Six leagues from Sisupistu would have brought Zalvidea to the mouth of either Tejon or El Paso Cr. at the edge of the foothills. In the reconnaissance of July 28 the group explored the lower courses of El Paso, Tejon, and Pastoria creeks. Tupai is placed doubtfully by Gifford and Schenck at Tejon Ranch on El Paso Cr.

7The party apparently doubled back west past Grapevine Cr. to Tacui which was undoubtedly Tecuya on Tecuya Cr.

8Nine leagues north of Tecuya, on the Kern R. was Yaguelame, which Gifford and Schenck think was either Loasau or Woilo. My preference is the latter since Loasau was on Kern L. rather than the river and since Woilo is very close to 9 leagues from Tecuya.

9The eastern end of Kern L. in T 32 S, R 28 E (Mt. Diablo base line).

10Gifford and Schenck place Taslupi on Tejon Cr. This conforms with the distances given. However it is more likely to have been Pastoria on Grapevine Cr. since the party arrived at Castaic, at the head of Grapevine Cr., on August 7.

11Antelope V.

12The San Gabriel Mts. The party crossed the mountains and went southwest to San Gabriel Mission. Several villages of the Serrano Indians were seen but the area concerned is well beyond the limits of the San Joaquin V.

13Camp was on San Benito R., 1 1/2 leagues from San Juan Bautista, not on Pacheco Cr., as stated by Cutter (MS, p. 100).

14Camp was approximately at San Luis Ranch, where Highway 152 crosses San Luis Cr.

15The camp at Santa Rita was 15 to 20 mi. east of San Luis Gonzaga and 5 or 6 mi. west of the main San Joaquin R. (see account of the 4th day). According to distances this point would be on Salt Slough or Paso Slough, a few miles northeast of Los Baños. The course of the sloughs and the channels of the San Joaquin are difficult to locate with precision on a modern map because of the drainage and reclamation operations of the past century.

16Camp on the San Joaquin may be assumed to lie in T 8 S, R 11 E.

17This village may be placed on the east bank of the river in T 11 S, R 14 E. It was one of the several villages along the lower San Joaquin which had been effaced so thoroughly that modern informants gave ethnographers no indication that they had ever existed.

18Cutter (MS, p. 104) thinks this was Bear Cr., rather than Mariposa Cr., since it is approximately 3 leagues south of the Merced R. I see no reason to disagree with him.

19The party which went north reached the Merced R. somewhere west of Livingston in T 6 S, R 11 E. The other party, which must have gone north-northeast, probably reached it east of Cressey at the crossing of Highway 99. The village where the old woman was baptized was Chineguis, according to the list at the end of the diary. Near by were Yunate, Chamuasi, Latelate, and Lachuo, some of which were seen on the return trip. On September 29 Muñoz saw Chineguis, and the other party found 5 other villages. Within the area, therefore, was a minimum of 6 villages. The average population was about 225 souls, according to the village list, or a minimum total of 1,350 persons. Very possibly the number of villages was greater, particularly if it be assumed that Moraga’s 5, seen on the 29th, are in addition to the 5 listed for the Merced by Muñoz. Certainly the total number of inhabitants between the San Joaquin R. and the foothills must have been fully 2,000.

20The Tuolumne, according to the direction, near Modesto. The presence of several villages, although deserted, indicates a fairly heavy Indian population.

21Undoubtedly Dry Cr. The description is valid even today.

22The Stanislaus. The party, if it continued in a northwesterly direction from near Modesto would have reached the river at, or east of, Ripon. The remnants of the oak forest can still be seen. It extended perhaps a mile each side of the river at this point and ran parallel to the stream continuously from the junction with the San Joaquin eastward to beyond Oakdale. Here the valley oak park merges with the general foothill forest and chaparral.

23This spot is difficult to locate according to the description. However, 6 leagues upstream from the vicinity of Ripon or Riverbank barely reaches the limestone bluffs just below Knights Ferry. Certainly no place lower on the river could possibly provide the physical characteristics demanded by the account. These bluffs are not very high but are unquestionably precipitous. Without heavy equipment an invader would be hard put to scale them. As an alternative one must go far into the foothills beyond the Calaveras-Stanislaus County line. Not only is this distance greater than is indicated by Muñoz but also the descriptionlacks any indication that the party had really entered the mountains. The best guess is the vicinity of Knights Ferry.

24There is some controversy concerning the ethnographic affinity of the natives living in this area. Kroeber thinks they were Yokuts. He mentions as Yokuts groups (Handbook, p. 485) “the Tawalimni, presumably on Tuolumne River, which appears to be named from them; the Lakisamni ... rancheria at Dent’s or Knights Ferry on the Stanislaus....” Schenck (1926, p. 141) says, under the captionTaulamne: “The villages Taulamne and Taualames are both definitely placed, the former on an inaccessible rock on the Stanislaus river in the foothills, the latter at the ford of the San Joaquin just below the mouth of the Tuolumne river.... This seems to establish the region between the lower Tuolumne and Stanislaus rivers as Taulamne territory.” Kroeber on his map of the region (Handbook, pl. 37) draws the line between Miwok and Yokuts at the county boundary, near which the village of Taulamne seems to have been situated. Hence the inhabitants may have been either Miwok or Yokuts. The villages higher up the river mentioned by Muñoz must have been Central Miwok.

It is noteworthy that Muñoz makes no mention of villages on the lower Stanislaus within the very favorable environment created by the oak forest. Villages were seen on the Tuolumne but were deserted. It is highly probable that a similar series existed on the Stanislaus but by 1806 had been abandoned. The only village mentioned by name in the supplementary list is Tahualamne.

25Cutter (MS, p. 107) concludes that the first stream (Río San Francisco) was the Calaveras, and the second (Río de la Pasión) the Cosumnes. There is little reason to disagree. The distances are right, and the linguistic border between the Miwok and the Maidu runs along the Cosumnes. On the other hand, it is difficult to explain the failure of the diarist to mention the Mokelumne, an all-year stream. Moreover a round trip of 30 leagues, or about 75 mi., is incredible, even for an accomplished group of horsemen traveling without baggage. Another guess would be that Muñoz meant the first river was 6 leagues from the starting point on the Stanislaus and the second 9 leaguesfrom the Stanislaus, rather than 9 leaguesadditional. This would end the trip at the Mokelumne and satisfy the criterion of distance but would not explain the linguistic change.

26Cutter (MS, pp. 109-110) identifies the Santo Domingo with Mariposa Cr. and the Tecolote with the Chowchilla.

27The Santa Ana was the Fresno R. Throughout the journey from the Merced to the San Joaquin Moraga’s party stayed close to the eastern edge of the valley. On the seasonal streams found in this area there was a distinct absence of permanent Indian settlements. Pizcache, on the San Joaquin, is listed in the appendix directly following Lachuo, on the Merced. On the San Joaquin, Moraga probably halted approximately north of Fresno, below Le Grand.

28There is a discrepancy here. Moraga, or Muñoz, says that this village was in the mountains or at least the foothills. But Kroeber (Handbook, p. 484) says that the Pitkachi “held the south side of the San Joaquin, living at Kohuou, near Herndon or Sycamore; at Weshiu, on a slough; and at Gewachiu, still farther downstream.” Gayton (1948, p. 5) says: “After getting aid Derby’s party reached the bend of the San Joaquin River, country attributed to the Pitkachi, on May 24.” It appears as if this group moved downstream between 1806 and 1850.

29For comment on the New Mexico legend see Cutter (MS, pp. 110-111).

30Kings R. was reached near Sanger or Centerville.

31No record exists of this expedition.

32The village list at the end of the report mentions by name Aycayche and 4 other villages which can be ascribed to the Kings R. basin. The text mentions Ayquiche plus 6 others upstream and 3 downstream, a total of 9. Evidently the village list does not include all those which were actually seen.

33The entry for the 27th day (17 Oct.) is missing. However it is clear that on the 28th day the scouts reached the great oak forest along the Kaweah delta at or above Visalia. To this area the main party moved on the 29th day (19 October). The water evidently was very low—somewhat unusual for this region, even in October. The large village of 600 souls, at which 22 persons were baptized was Telame, according to the statements under dates 19, 21, and 23 October, and also the description in the village list. These are the Telamni of the ethnographers, and are repeatedly mentioned by the early explorers.

34The tremendous aboriginal population of the lower Kaweah drainage is attested by several lines of evidence. It probably reached a much higher figure than the 3,000 mentioned by Muñoz.

35The Tule R.

36After a winding course for two days, the party camped on the Tule R. near the foothills, probably not far from Porterville.

37Probably Deer Cr.

38Probably White R.

39No distances are given, but from the description the most likely stream is Poso Cr.

40The Kern R., probably some miles above Bakersfield. A “long trip” downstream would have brought them into the slough country south of Bakersfield. From the entire absence of any mention of Buenavista L. farther to the west it is clear that Moraga did not get within sight of it.

41Grapevine Canyon. As Muñoz predicted, Father Zalvidea left an account of the villages in this area (see his report for the expedition of Aug., 1806).

42On the last three days the party left the valley by way of Grapevine Canyon, over Tejon Pass, across the Tehachapi Mts. (Cutter says the Santa Susanna Range) to San Fernando Mission.

43Olivera may be thinking of Moraga’s expedition of 1808, which went north into the Sacramento V.

44No recorded expedition remained in the field for any such length of time.

45Here the reference is clearly to the 1806 expedition.

46This expedition of 1807 is otherwise unrecorded.

47Possibly the entrance to the Gorge of the Kern R., east of Bakersfield.

48The abundance of wild horses and cattle testifies to the early date at which these animals escaped from the range country of the coast and overran the plains of the valley. The effect on native economy and living habits was very great.

1Cutter (MS, p. 143) places this expedition in approximately 1808 and cites evidence to support the presumption.2A former Chumash village in the valley of Calleguas Cr., north of the Santa Susanna Mts.3According to Cutter, Muscupian was the same as Moscopiabit of Zalvidea, in the vicinity of Cajon Pass. Mavialla may have been as far east as the San Bernardino Mts.4Referring to some incident not recorded in the official documents.5Cutter (MS, p. 146) says that this was Antelope V. I see no reason to disagree with him.6This encounter probably took place somewhere in the southeastern corner of the San Joaquin V. It was in the foothills, not near Buenavista L. or as far north as the Kern R., since neither the lake nor the river are mentioned.The entire passage is obscure and the translation has to be very free.7Here apparently Palomares is talking to the chief Quipagui, who has either been defeated in the skirmish or who has consented to negotiate.8Cutter (MS, p. 147) thinks this may have been Grapevine Canyon and Pass. There is no evidence one way or another.9The party stayed at San Fernando until November 10th, when they started out again. This time they went eastward into the Mojave Desert and the area of Cajon Pass. Hence the account from this point on concerns southern California rather than the San Joaquin V.It is probable that in the account just rendered Palomares describes encounters with mountain, rather than valley, tribes. Hence Quipagui and his cohorts were more likely Shoshonean (Kitanemuk? Alliklik?) than Yokuts. Indeed, it is not certain that Palomares ever actually reached the floor of the valley.

1Cutter (MS, p. 143) places this expedition in approximately 1808 and cites evidence to support the presumption.

2A former Chumash village in the valley of Calleguas Cr., north of the Santa Susanna Mts.

3According to Cutter, Muscupian was the same as Moscopiabit of Zalvidea, in the vicinity of Cajon Pass. Mavialla may have been as far east as the San Bernardino Mts.

4Referring to some incident not recorded in the official documents.

5Cutter (MS, p. 146) says that this was Antelope V. I see no reason to disagree with him.

6This encounter probably took place somewhere in the southeastern corner of the San Joaquin V. It was in the foothills, not near Buenavista L. or as far north as the Kern R., since neither the lake nor the river are mentioned.

The entire passage is obscure and the translation has to be very free.

7Here apparently Palomares is talking to the chief Quipagui, who has either been defeated in the skirmish or who has consented to negotiate.

8Cutter (MS, p. 147) thinks this may have been Grapevine Canyon and Pass. There is no evidence one way or another.

9The party stayed at San Fernando until November 10th, when they started out again. This time they went eastward into the Mojave Desert and the area of Cajon Pass. Hence the account from this point on concerns southern California rather than the San Joaquin V.

It is probable that in the account just rendered Palomares describes encounters with mountain, rather than valley, tribes. Hence Quipagui and his cohorts were more likely Shoshonean (Kitanemuk? Alliklik?) than Yokuts. Indeed, it is not certain that Palomares ever actually reached the floor of the valley.

1The route ran from Mission San José to Suñol, Dublin, Walnut Creek, and to the northeast edge of the plain between Martinez and Port Chicago. Viader’s leagues are short. By modern road—which follows very close to the old horse trail—the distance is close to 38 mi. Viader allows a total of 18 leagues for the two days, or an average of 2.1 mi. per league.2At or near Antioch, as is indicated by the 7 leagues covered before lunch. The large oak forest (inhabited by the Tulpunes—or rather Julpunes) extends from just east of Antioch to the vicinity of Brentwood. The halt for the night was near Oakley.3From Oakley to Bethany, the site of Pescadero and the home of the Bolbones, is 21 mi., which agrees with Viader’s estimate of 10 leagues. The lakes mentioned have long since vanished.4According to the distances given, Tomchom was north of Tracy, and Cuyens was on the left bank of the river about 3 mi. above the highway bridge. Aupemis was passed before Tomchom was reached and hence cannot be identical with Pitemis as Schenck (1926, p. 141) assumes.With respect to the journey from Pescadero (Bethany) to San Luis Gonzaga it should be noted that, if one applies Viader’s value of 2.1 mi. per league, the distances reconcile very exactly.5About 2 mi. north-northeast of Vernalis.6On the right bank of the river east of Vernalis.7About 2 mi. southeast of Grayson. The skirmish described represents one of the earliest recorded armed conflicts between the Spaniards and the valley natives. It is clear that from this time forward expeditions of the white man into the interior could no longer preserve the semblance of altruism or religious motivation.8Probably east of Patterson.9Orestimba Cr., east of Crows Landing.10Probably 3 or 4 mi. north or northeast of Gustine, in the open treeless plain. From this point it is close to 21 mi. (10 leagues) to San Luis Gonzaga.11Here, as in the previous account, Viader uses a league of approximately 2.1 mi. From Mission San José to the river near Bethany is just about 32 mi., a distance Viader calls 15 leagues.12Two villages of the Bolbones were concerned, one on the west bank of Old River, the other on the opposite bank, on Union I. The frankly military and aggressive character of this expedition is readily apparent.13These elevations were of two types: (1) small, scattered mounds formed of residual calcareous sand (the so-called “sand mounds”) on the summits of which the Indians established their villages; (2) true habitation mounds, perhaps originally situated on a slight elevation, but built up by midden deposit to a height of several feet.14The itinerary of the 22nd and 23rd seems fairly clear. The party kept closer to the river than the expedition of August and thus apparently saw Jusmites and Tugites (or Fugites), which were not mentioned by name in the account of the previous trip. According to the present diary, Mayem was 9 leagues from Pescadero, as compared with the estimated 8 1/2 leagues in August.Two leagues beyond Mayem in August the village under the chief Bozenats was encountered. The present record gives the name of the village, or tribe, Taualames. The identity is clear.15From the crossing of the San Joaquin the distancesand directions cannot be reconciled with the apparent locations. Thus the village of the Taualames would appear to lie on the east bank between the Stanislaus and the Tuolumne (Dolores), and Schenck so places it. Yet Viader says the Tuolumne R. was 2 or 3 leagues north of the village and the Merced about 6 leagues southeast. Elsewhere (on the 25th) he says that Taualames is 2 leagues below the mouth of Orestimba Cr. If so, it would be 8 or more leagues south of Mayem.The most probable route would follow up the west bank of the San Joaquin to the vicinity of the Tuolumne, then across and up the east bank to the Merced. Having crossed the Merced and back to the west bank of the San Joaquin, the group retraced their steps downstream, past Orestimba Cr. to the starting point opposite Taualames.16Turning west the expedition crossed three leagues of plain and came upon Arroyo Corpus Christi, at present Del Puerto Cr. This identification is additional evidence that Taualames was about 3 leagues south of the Tuolumne R., as Viader implies. On the 26th and 27th the trail led up Del Puerto Cr. to its headwaters, past San Antonio V., and through the hills northeast of Mt. Hamilton to Mission San José. The total distance is given as 23 leagues, or about 48 mi. according to Viader’s reckoning. This is reasonably close to the actual airline distance.17Although the first three days of the journey concern San Francisco Bay rather than the Central Valley, it seems preferable to present a translation of the whole diary. To attempt to segregate those entries pertaining solely to the delta area would save but little space and would destroy the continuity of the narrative.18The body of water south of Pts. San Pablo and San Pedro and generally north and northeast of Angel I.19The distance, that is, will be about twice that across the Golden Gate.20Pt. Pinole.21“Tierra firme de San José.” This expression referred by convention to the entire East Bay area, including the Coast Ranges from Carquinez Strait and Suisun Bay south to Santa Clara and Stanislaus counties.22It is clear from this statement that Abella considered 8 hours’ rowing time as equivalent to 8 leagues. A league on land was usually measured in practice by an hour on foot or horseback, and this system was based upon the usual steady progress of a horse or man throughout a day. Oarsmen in still water, and with moderate effort, could approximate the same rate. But here the boats traveled with or against tidal and stream currents, subject to drift in the winds, or traversed the sloughs, where movement might or might not be restricted. From these considerations it follows that the transposition directly of hours of travel into leagues of distance has no meaning whatever. Indeed, when the narrative states leagues, the expression should be interpreted as hours.In the present instance the distance from the Embarcadero in San Francisco to Angel I., to Pt. San Pablo, to the entrance of Carquinez Strait, assuming straight-line navigation, is about 24 mi. This means 3 mi., or slightly less per league, according to Abella’s calculation, somewhat in excess of the usual value for the league, of 2.6 mi. But Abella states that he waited for the incoming tide, which of course would haveincreased his speed with reference to the shore. Hence his leagues here are long.23Mare I., on the north side of the channel.24This sentence reads: “la contra costa es la tierra de San José del Estrecho Yamado de los Carquinez es tierra muy Pelada.” To render it “the opposite shore is the mainland of San José” makes no sense since the party stopped on the south side and the north side is bare of trees.25From this point the journey takes Abella and his party into the actual delta. Thereafter progress is almost impossible to follow, except in broad outline. The party wandered almost at random through the tules, finally touching at spots which can be identified. This is evident from the account of Abella, who substantially admits that he was lost for days at a time. Another difficulty lies in the changes which have taken place during the past century. River channels have been leveed, new canals or channels have been excavated, great areas have been drained entirely, with complete change of vegetation. Therefore an attempt to trace Abella’s course in detail through the delta as it exists today is doomed to failure in advance. As a matter of fact the route outlined by Bancroft 80 years ago (1884-1890, II: 321-323) is likely to be reasonably close to the truth.Even though the precise pathway cannot be reconstructed the diary is of interest both in giving a vivid impression of the great tule swamps in their pristine condition and in presenting information regarding the natives of those regions.26As suggested inn. 22above, Abella’s distances in leagues are completely unreliable and should be entirely disregarded.27Fourteen leagues, or a minimum of 35 mi. from near Martinez to near Antioch, a truly preposterous figure.28The passage is obscure. It is probable that the island, and the branching of the rivers, refers to the western end of Sherman I. where the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers merge. The Ompines were a tribe living on the north shore of Suisun Bay but it is quite likely that they had a fishing station on Sherman I. or some other island close to the south shore.29“Boca.” The word denotes the mouth or entrance of a stream or river. Here, quite evidently it is used with reference to the many openings among the islands and swamps where sloughs intersect each other or meet the rivers. From a small boat on the water only the break in the tules can be seen. Rarely is there any indication of how far, or where, the lateral channel runs. These mouths, or openings, usually resemble each other in appearance so closely that a stranger like Abella can never be sure of differentiating between them or of recognizing one the second time he passes it, unless there is some very distinctive landmark.30“Río del Norte,” the Sacramento. The party appears now to have been somewhere in the Big Break region off the northwest shore of Jersey I. The channel to the left cannot be identified on modern maps.31From the context it is clear that at this point the party entered False River, as they could not fail to do if they went upstream past Antioch, took the channel on their right, and held close to the south shore.32The party may have been at the foot of MandevilleI., where Old River and the main San Joaquin unite, or at the foot of Bacon I. If the latter theory is correct, then the channel running to the left (Abella was pointing south) might have been Connection Slough, which joins Middle River a few miles to the southeast.33The expedition is now proceeding up Old River past Palm, Orwood, and Byron tracts, on which are still the remains of aboriginal habitation sites.34The long trip south, the appearance of Indians and villages on the shore, the short swing of the river to the east, and the proximity of dry land at the stopping place, all indicate arrival in the vicinity of present Highway 4, near the western tip of Union I., 3 or 4 mi. northwest of Bethany. The Bolbones, probably a Yokuts tribelet, had been converted at San José during the preceding decade.35Referring to Carmel R.36Abella makes little reference to the fact that he was accompanied by Fr. Buenaventura Sitjar and that the expedition was actually under the military command of Sergeant José Sanchez.37“Mais de umedad”: corn planted and dependent upon rain for moisture, as opposed to corn dependent upon irrigation.38The village of Pescadero is known to have been situated on the southwestern side of Union I., somewhere near White House Landing, a mile or two northeast of Bethany. The site itself is lost, the river bounded by levees, the land under cultivation. Some of the old oaks, however, still stand along the river, behind the levees.39This body of water is mentioned by several explorers of this period. It no longer exists, nor does it appear on any modern map. It probably was a shallow backwater in the vicinity of Tracy.40The most probable location for the stopping place is approximately north of Tracy where there are oaks which easily could have been surrounded by swamp. The fork in the river at just about this point would be that in which Salmon Slough runs northeast to join Middle River and the main San Joaquin and in which Tom Paine Slough runs southeast to meet the main river near Lathrop. Abella’s group would have gone down Salmon Slough.41The passage is obscure but evidently refers to the junction of Middle River with the main stream of Old River as it passes through what is now Salmon Slough. The ultimate reunion of the two streams can be considered to take place at the foot of Bacon I., as suggested inn. 32. This interpretation of locality is strongly supported by Abella’s statement that he next proceeded upstream and at 3 leagues came into the Río Grande, or the main branch of the San Joaquin R. about 2 mi. west of Lathrop.42The junction of Tom Paine Slough with the San Joaquin near the railroad and highway crossing east of Tracy.43The name never was accepted. The river has always been known as the San Joaquin.44Abella evidently refers to Old River as the opening (“boca”) on the left and to Middle River as that on the right.45Schenck (1926) places Coybos on the right bank of the San Joaquin not more than a mile or two below the junction of Middle River. It is probable, from Abella’s account, that the village was farther down, nearer the mouth of French Camp Slough. Abella, furthermore, gives no indication on which side of the river the village was situated.46It is probable that the rancherias here described, and indeed the whole day’s journey, was in the area just west of the present city of Stockton.47The first split in the river going downstream is west of Stockton, with the formation of Rough and Ready I. It is probable that the party was in this area.48The party apparently had reached the junction of the main stream—now the Stockton ship channel—and Old River, north of Mandeville I. The distance is about 15 mi. from Rough and Ready I., near Stockton, where the previous halt was made. The entrance to Old River is passed on the left going downstream.49The location of these villages cannot be ascertained with certainty. According to the text the party traveled about 1 1/2 leagues on the 24th and 6 leagues on the 25th, making 7 1/2, or perhaps 18, mi., if we can believe Abella’s distances.There is very great question as to the route taken after the party reached the junction of the main river and Old River. Bancroft (1884-1890, II: 323, fn.) says the route passed through the sloughs just north of Sherman I. so as to enter the Sacramento R. This would imply the use of Threemile Slough, 3 mi. long, as its name implies. One alternative is Sevenmile Slough, which passes from the San Joaquin R., with Andrus and Brannan islands on the right and Twitchell I. on the left, to the Sacramento. Still another possibility is that Abella entered the Mokelumne R., just below the junction of the main river and Old River. If so, progress would have been necessary through the sloughs of Tyler and Andrus islands. None of these possibilities conforms in all respects to the account in the text.50They were still going north along a waterway not more than 100 ft. wide.51At this point the party evidently entered the main stream of the Sacramento.52This passage shows clearly that the party was traveling the Sacramento relatively far above Suisun Bay and that therefore the entrance to the river could not have been by way of Threemile Slough above the head of Sherman I. Accounts by many later voyagers, as well as the existing condition of the terrain, indicate unequivocally that the oak trees begin, on ascending the river, no more than a mile or two below Rio Vista. The heavy oak stand with dense undergrowth and grapevines appears near the foot of Grand I. and continues thence up the river. Hence it is most probable that Abella entered the Sacramento R. at or near Tyler I., no farther downstream than Isleton. The population described in the text is much heavier than has been generally ascribed to these islands by modern students (cf. Schenck, 1926).53Foot of Grand I., where Steamboat Slough joins the main river.54He refers to the main stream of the Sacramento and Steamboat Slough plus the slough or channel whichwe cannot identify and through which he reached his present position below the foot of Grand I. The party was now not far from the site of Rio Vista.55The description fits the north bank of the river below Rio Vista: the bare rolling hills are the Montezuma Hills, the high hill of the Bolbones is Mt. Diablo, the plain is the flat area stretching north from Sherman I. all the way to Fairfield. The distance traveled was far less than 12 leagues but it is true that at about the halfway point the oaks and other river bank shrubbery fade out and the land becomes pure grassy pasture land.56Probably referring to the exploratory expedition of Ayala and Cañizares in 1776. Cañizares reached the vicinity of lower Sherman I., when he repeatedly ran aground and was forced to turn back.57The exact course of the expedition on the 27th and 28th is difficult to trace but in outline it is fairly clear. Priestley (1946, p. 108) says: “From the Ompines the navigators went through Nurse Slough and Montezuma Creek to a point one league east of Suisun.” This is unlikely because one must navigate several miles of Montezuma Slough before arriving at Nurse Slough. The head of the latter is fully 8 mi. from Suisun. Furthermore, Abella says the “Yano de los Suisunes” (the plain of the Suisunes), not the town of Suisun.Leaving the main bay and river near Collinsville, the party evidently went north through Montezuma Slough, with the low Montezuma Hills to the east and the Potrero Hills to the north. Then they followed the meanders of Montezuma Slough and probably some of its branches, camping on high ground perhaps in the Potrero Hills. The following day they must have entered Suisun Slough and gone north to dry ground (only 1 league). Here they found the oak groves and the low hills of the inner Coast Range. Subsequently, they went generally south into Suisun Bay and thence to Carquinez Strait. Mt. Diablo (“Serro de los Bolbones”) was slightly east of south, not southwest, as Abella thought.58“Los Plumajes de sus Peleas”: the costumes, made of feathers, or otherwise, which they were accustomed to wear in battle.59Not long previously Moraga had led a military expedition north of Suisun Bay and had chastised, with several casualties, the recalcitrant natives living in southern Solano Co.60“Las Lomas de los Carquines”: meaning apparently the hills along the north shore of the Strait.61The sentence ends without completion and, as it stands, does not make sense. It is probable that the person who made the copy in the Bancroft Library failed to finish the entry for October 29. The omitted portion cannot be reconstructed from the fragment available.62Argüello’s letter does not specify the location of the Indian village attacked. Father Narciso Duran, however, in the report of his journey in 1817, placed it as among or near the Unsumnes (i.e., Cosumnes), along the northeastern edge of the delta. (See Schenck, 1926, pp. 128-129.)63Section omitted by Bancroft’s transcriber.64This is the first real battle in Central California of which we have record. The advantage to the Indians in numbers and terrain was offset by the Spanish superiority in weapons and discipline. Furthermore, 100 Indian auxiliaries were an adequate compensation for the hostile natives’ excess in numbers.The soldiers won a tactical victory, for they drove the Indians from the field. But the Indians could point to strategic gains: (1) they demonstrated that under the right circumstances they could stand up in a fair fight against a strong force of whites; and (2) they prevented the attainment of the objective of the campaign, i.e., the recapture of the fugitives.

1The route ran from Mission San José to Suñol, Dublin, Walnut Creek, and to the northeast edge of the plain between Martinez and Port Chicago. Viader’s leagues are short. By modern road—which follows very close to the old horse trail—the distance is close to 38 mi. Viader allows a total of 18 leagues for the two days, or an average of 2.1 mi. per league.

2At or near Antioch, as is indicated by the 7 leagues covered before lunch. The large oak forest (inhabited by the Tulpunes—or rather Julpunes) extends from just east of Antioch to the vicinity of Brentwood. The halt for the night was near Oakley.

3From Oakley to Bethany, the site of Pescadero and the home of the Bolbones, is 21 mi., which agrees with Viader’s estimate of 10 leagues. The lakes mentioned have long since vanished.

4According to the distances given, Tomchom was north of Tracy, and Cuyens was on the left bank of the river about 3 mi. above the highway bridge. Aupemis was passed before Tomchom was reached and hence cannot be identical with Pitemis as Schenck (1926, p. 141) assumes.

With respect to the journey from Pescadero (Bethany) to San Luis Gonzaga it should be noted that, if one applies Viader’s value of 2.1 mi. per league, the distances reconcile very exactly.

5About 2 mi. north-northeast of Vernalis.

6On the right bank of the river east of Vernalis.

7About 2 mi. southeast of Grayson. The skirmish described represents one of the earliest recorded armed conflicts between the Spaniards and the valley natives. It is clear that from this time forward expeditions of the white man into the interior could no longer preserve the semblance of altruism or religious motivation.

8Probably east of Patterson.

9Orestimba Cr., east of Crows Landing.

10Probably 3 or 4 mi. north or northeast of Gustine, in the open treeless plain. From this point it is close to 21 mi. (10 leagues) to San Luis Gonzaga.

11Here, as in the previous account, Viader uses a league of approximately 2.1 mi. From Mission San José to the river near Bethany is just about 32 mi., a distance Viader calls 15 leagues.

12Two villages of the Bolbones were concerned, one on the west bank of Old River, the other on the opposite bank, on Union I. The frankly military and aggressive character of this expedition is readily apparent.

13These elevations were of two types: (1) small, scattered mounds formed of residual calcareous sand (the so-called “sand mounds”) on the summits of which the Indians established their villages; (2) true habitation mounds, perhaps originally situated on a slight elevation, but built up by midden deposit to a height of several feet.

14The itinerary of the 22nd and 23rd seems fairly clear. The party kept closer to the river than the expedition of August and thus apparently saw Jusmites and Tugites (or Fugites), which were not mentioned by name in the account of the previous trip. According to the present diary, Mayem was 9 leagues from Pescadero, as compared with the estimated 8 1/2 leagues in August.

Two leagues beyond Mayem in August the village under the chief Bozenats was encountered. The present record gives the name of the village, or tribe, Taualames. The identity is clear.

15From the crossing of the San Joaquin the distancesand directions cannot be reconciled with the apparent locations. Thus the village of the Taualames would appear to lie on the east bank between the Stanislaus and the Tuolumne (Dolores), and Schenck so places it. Yet Viader says the Tuolumne R. was 2 or 3 leagues north of the village and the Merced about 6 leagues southeast. Elsewhere (on the 25th) he says that Taualames is 2 leagues below the mouth of Orestimba Cr. If so, it would be 8 or more leagues south of Mayem.

The most probable route would follow up the west bank of the San Joaquin to the vicinity of the Tuolumne, then across and up the east bank to the Merced. Having crossed the Merced and back to the west bank of the San Joaquin, the group retraced their steps downstream, past Orestimba Cr. to the starting point opposite Taualames.

16Turning west the expedition crossed three leagues of plain and came upon Arroyo Corpus Christi, at present Del Puerto Cr. This identification is additional evidence that Taualames was about 3 leagues south of the Tuolumne R., as Viader implies. On the 26th and 27th the trail led up Del Puerto Cr. to its headwaters, past San Antonio V., and through the hills northeast of Mt. Hamilton to Mission San José. The total distance is given as 23 leagues, or about 48 mi. according to Viader’s reckoning. This is reasonably close to the actual airline distance.

17Although the first three days of the journey concern San Francisco Bay rather than the Central Valley, it seems preferable to present a translation of the whole diary. To attempt to segregate those entries pertaining solely to the delta area would save but little space and would destroy the continuity of the narrative.

18The body of water south of Pts. San Pablo and San Pedro and generally north and northeast of Angel I.

19The distance, that is, will be about twice that across the Golden Gate.

20Pt. Pinole.

21“Tierra firme de San José.” This expression referred by convention to the entire East Bay area, including the Coast Ranges from Carquinez Strait and Suisun Bay south to Santa Clara and Stanislaus counties.

22It is clear from this statement that Abella considered 8 hours’ rowing time as equivalent to 8 leagues. A league on land was usually measured in practice by an hour on foot or horseback, and this system was based upon the usual steady progress of a horse or man throughout a day. Oarsmen in still water, and with moderate effort, could approximate the same rate. But here the boats traveled with or against tidal and stream currents, subject to drift in the winds, or traversed the sloughs, where movement might or might not be restricted. From these considerations it follows that the transposition directly of hours of travel into leagues of distance has no meaning whatever. Indeed, when the narrative states leagues, the expression should be interpreted as hours.

In the present instance the distance from the Embarcadero in San Francisco to Angel I., to Pt. San Pablo, to the entrance of Carquinez Strait, assuming straight-line navigation, is about 24 mi. This means 3 mi., or slightly less per league, according to Abella’s calculation, somewhat in excess of the usual value for the league, of 2.6 mi. But Abella states that he waited for the incoming tide, which of course would haveincreased his speed with reference to the shore. Hence his leagues here are long.

23Mare I., on the north side of the channel.

24This sentence reads: “la contra costa es la tierra de San José del Estrecho Yamado de los Carquinez es tierra muy Pelada.” To render it “the opposite shore is the mainland of San José” makes no sense since the party stopped on the south side and the north side is bare of trees.

25From this point the journey takes Abella and his party into the actual delta. Thereafter progress is almost impossible to follow, except in broad outline. The party wandered almost at random through the tules, finally touching at spots which can be identified. This is evident from the account of Abella, who substantially admits that he was lost for days at a time. Another difficulty lies in the changes which have taken place during the past century. River channels have been leveed, new canals or channels have been excavated, great areas have been drained entirely, with complete change of vegetation. Therefore an attempt to trace Abella’s course in detail through the delta as it exists today is doomed to failure in advance. As a matter of fact the route outlined by Bancroft 80 years ago (1884-1890, II: 321-323) is likely to be reasonably close to the truth.

Even though the precise pathway cannot be reconstructed the diary is of interest both in giving a vivid impression of the great tule swamps in their pristine condition and in presenting information regarding the natives of those regions.

26As suggested inn. 22above, Abella’s distances in leagues are completely unreliable and should be entirely disregarded.

27Fourteen leagues, or a minimum of 35 mi. from near Martinez to near Antioch, a truly preposterous figure.

28The passage is obscure. It is probable that the island, and the branching of the rivers, refers to the western end of Sherman I. where the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers merge. The Ompines were a tribe living on the north shore of Suisun Bay but it is quite likely that they had a fishing station on Sherman I. or some other island close to the south shore.

29“Boca.” The word denotes the mouth or entrance of a stream or river. Here, quite evidently it is used with reference to the many openings among the islands and swamps where sloughs intersect each other or meet the rivers. From a small boat on the water only the break in the tules can be seen. Rarely is there any indication of how far, or where, the lateral channel runs. These mouths, or openings, usually resemble each other in appearance so closely that a stranger like Abella can never be sure of differentiating between them or of recognizing one the second time he passes it, unless there is some very distinctive landmark.

30“Río del Norte,” the Sacramento. The party appears now to have been somewhere in the Big Break region off the northwest shore of Jersey I. The channel to the left cannot be identified on modern maps.

31From the context it is clear that at this point the party entered False River, as they could not fail to do if they went upstream past Antioch, took the channel on their right, and held close to the south shore.

32The party may have been at the foot of MandevilleI., where Old River and the main San Joaquin unite, or at the foot of Bacon I. If the latter theory is correct, then the channel running to the left (Abella was pointing south) might have been Connection Slough, which joins Middle River a few miles to the southeast.

33The expedition is now proceeding up Old River past Palm, Orwood, and Byron tracts, on which are still the remains of aboriginal habitation sites.

34The long trip south, the appearance of Indians and villages on the shore, the short swing of the river to the east, and the proximity of dry land at the stopping place, all indicate arrival in the vicinity of present Highway 4, near the western tip of Union I., 3 or 4 mi. northwest of Bethany. The Bolbones, probably a Yokuts tribelet, had been converted at San José during the preceding decade.

35Referring to Carmel R.

36Abella makes little reference to the fact that he was accompanied by Fr. Buenaventura Sitjar and that the expedition was actually under the military command of Sergeant José Sanchez.

37“Mais de umedad”: corn planted and dependent upon rain for moisture, as opposed to corn dependent upon irrigation.

38The village of Pescadero is known to have been situated on the southwestern side of Union I., somewhere near White House Landing, a mile or two northeast of Bethany. The site itself is lost, the river bounded by levees, the land under cultivation. Some of the old oaks, however, still stand along the river, behind the levees.

39This body of water is mentioned by several explorers of this period. It no longer exists, nor does it appear on any modern map. It probably was a shallow backwater in the vicinity of Tracy.

40The most probable location for the stopping place is approximately north of Tracy where there are oaks which easily could have been surrounded by swamp. The fork in the river at just about this point would be that in which Salmon Slough runs northeast to join Middle River and the main San Joaquin and in which Tom Paine Slough runs southeast to meet the main river near Lathrop. Abella’s group would have gone down Salmon Slough.

41The passage is obscure but evidently refers to the junction of Middle River with the main stream of Old River as it passes through what is now Salmon Slough. The ultimate reunion of the two streams can be considered to take place at the foot of Bacon I., as suggested inn. 32. This interpretation of locality is strongly supported by Abella’s statement that he next proceeded upstream and at 3 leagues came into the Río Grande, or the main branch of the San Joaquin R. about 2 mi. west of Lathrop.

42The junction of Tom Paine Slough with the San Joaquin near the railroad and highway crossing east of Tracy.

43The name never was accepted. The river has always been known as the San Joaquin.

44Abella evidently refers to Old River as the opening (“boca”) on the left and to Middle River as that on the right.

45Schenck (1926) places Coybos on the right bank of the San Joaquin not more than a mile or two below the junction of Middle River. It is probable, from Abella’s account, that the village was farther down, nearer the mouth of French Camp Slough. Abella, furthermore, gives no indication on which side of the river the village was situated.

46It is probable that the rancherias here described, and indeed the whole day’s journey, was in the area just west of the present city of Stockton.

47The first split in the river going downstream is west of Stockton, with the formation of Rough and Ready I. It is probable that the party was in this area.

48The party apparently had reached the junction of the main stream—now the Stockton ship channel—and Old River, north of Mandeville I. The distance is about 15 mi. from Rough and Ready I., near Stockton, where the previous halt was made. The entrance to Old River is passed on the left going downstream.

49The location of these villages cannot be ascertained with certainty. According to the text the party traveled about 1 1/2 leagues on the 24th and 6 leagues on the 25th, making 7 1/2, or perhaps 18, mi., if we can believe Abella’s distances.

There is very great question as to the route taken after the party reached the junction of the main river and Old River. Bancroft (1884-1890, II: 323, fn.) says the route passed through the sloughs just north of Sherman I. so as to enter the Sacramento R. This would imply the use of Threemile Slough, 3 mi. long, as its name implies. One alternative is Sevenmile Slough, which passes from the San Joaquin R., with Andrus and Brannan islands on the right and Twitchell I. on the left, to the Sacramento. Still another possibility is that Abella entered the Mokelumne R., just below the junction of the main river and Old River. If so, progress would have been necessary through the sloughs of Tyler and Andrus islands. None of these possibilities conforms in all respects to the account in the text.

50They were still going north along a waterway not more than 100 ft. wide.

51At this point the party evidently entered the main stream of the Sacramento.

52This passage shows clearly that the party was traveling the Sacramento relatively far above Suisun Bay and that therefore the entrance to the river could not have been by way of Threemile Slough above the head of Sherman I. Accounts by many later voyagers, as well as the existing condition of the terrain, indicate unequivocally that the oak trees begin, on ascending the river, no more than a mile or two below Rio Vista. The heavy oak stand with dense undergrowth and grapevines appears near the foot of Grand I. and continues thence up the river. Hence it is most probable that Abella entered the Sacramento R. at or near Tyler I., no farther downstream than Isleton. The population described in the text is much heavier than has been generally ascribed to these islands by modern students (cf. Schenck, 1926).

53Foot of Grand I., where Steamboat Slough joins the main river.

54He refers to the main stream of the Sacramento and Steamboat Slough plus the slough or channel whichwe cannot identify and through which he reached his present position below the foot of Grand I. The party was now not far from the site of Rio Vista.

55The description fits the north bank of the river below Rio Vista: the bare rolling hills are the Montezuma Hills, the high hill of the Bolbones is Mt. Diablo, the plain is the flat area stretching north from Sherman I. all the way to Fairfield. The distance traveled was far less than 12 leagues but it is true that at about the halfway point the oaks and other river bank shrubbery fade out and the land becomes pure grassy pasture land.

56Probably referring to the exploratory expedition of Ayala and Cañizares in 1776. Cañizares reached the vicinity of lower Sherman I., when he repeatedly ran aground and was forced to turn back.

57The exact course of the expedition on the 27th and 28th is difficult to trace but in outline it is fairly clear. Priestley (1946, p. 108) says: “From the Ompines the navigators went through Nurse Slough and Montezuma Creek to a point one league east of Suisun.” This is unlikely because one must navigate several miles of Montezuma Slough before arriving at Nurse Slough. The head of the latter is fully 8 mi. from Suisun. Furthermore, Abella says the “Yano de los Suisunes” (the plain of the Suisunes), not the town of Suisun.

Leaving the main bay and river near Collinsville, the party evidently went north through Montezuma Slough, with the low Montezuma Hills to the east and the Potrero Hills to the north. Then they followed the meanders of Montezuma Slough and probably some of its branches, camping on high ground perhaps in the Potrero Hills. The following day they must have entered Suisun Slough and gone north to dry ground (only 1 league). Here they found the oak groves and the low hills of the inner Coast Range. Subsequently, they went generally south into Suisun Bay and thence to Carquinez Strait. Mt. Diablo (“Serro de los Bolbones”) was slightly east of south, not southwest, as Abella thought.

58“Los Plumajes de sus Peleas”: the costumes, made of feathers, or otherwise, which they were accustomed to wear in battle.

59Not long previously Moraga had led a military expedition north of Suisun Bay and had chastised, with several casualties, the recalcitrant natives living in southern Solano Co.

60“Las Lomas de los Carquines”: meaning apparently the hills along the north shore of the Strait.

61The sentence ends without completion and, as it stands, does not make sense. It is probable that the person who made the copy in the Bancroft Library failed to finish the entry for October 29. The omitted portion cannot be reconstructed from the fragment available.

62Argüello’s letter does not specify the location of the Indian village attacked. Father Narciso Duran, however, in the report of his journey in 1817, placed it as among or near the Unsumnes (i.e., Cosumnes), along the northeastern edge of the delta. (See Schenck, 1926, pp. 128-129.)

63Section omitted by Bancroft’s transcriber.

64This is the first real battle in Central California of which we have record. The advantage to the Indians in numbers and terrain was offset by the Spanish superiority in weapons and discipline. Furthermore, 100 Indian auxiliaries were an adequate compensation for the hostile natives’ excess in numbers.

The soldiers won a tactical victory, for they drove the Indians from the field. But the Indians could point to strategic gains: (1) they demonstrated that under the right circumstances they could stand up in a fair fight against a strong force of whites; and (2) they prevented the attainment of the objective of the campaign, i.e., the recapture of the fugitives.

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