Seventh SessionFriday, January 20, 1922.
GENERAL SAWYER: Fellows of the conference, as I told you yesterday we had expected this morning to be here with the Chiefs of the Bureaus. I explained to you why that program was changed. I told you also that you would not be disappointed in today’s program, and now I am going to prove it.
America produces many things. It is wonderful in agriculture, in industry, in commerce, but one of the greatest products of America is its men, and, strange as it may seem if you will stop to study it from that aspect, you will find that each State of the Union has its record for producing certain kinds of men. For instance, from Wyoming we get our stock men; from Iowa, our farmers; from Indiana, our authors, particularly our fiction writers; from Ohio, of course, we get our presidents; from Illinois, a thousand miles from Wall Street, we get the greatest of financiers. It is true that Illinois has produced more financiers than any other State, and men who have been at the head of the greatest banking institutions of the United States have come from this great corn-raising, middle-western State.
I should like to remind you, before I introduce this speaker, that this Federal Board of Hospitalization represented last year an expenditure, in all of their various lines of work, of $750,000,000.00. We have in our employ this morning something like 42,000 individuals, for which it is costing us something like $42,000,000. Today we are providing 132,000 meals for the people in the government hospitals and the employees that are necessary to take care of them. Tonight, if this northern blizzard continues, it will require 132,000 blankets to cover them; and in the most economical way in which we can provide for the needs of these sick men it will cost us—it does cost us—in round numbers, a hundred thousand dollars each day, with institutions operated as economically as they can be.
I only relate this that all of you may know and may carry this message to the country—that Uncle Sam is certainly not stingy; that Uncle Sam is really putting forth every energy he possibly can to carry out the idea of the best treatment of the World War Veteran.
This is my story in brief.
I have pleasure now in introducing to you Congressman Madden, Chairman of the Appropriations Committee of the House.
CONGRESSMAN MADDEN:—
“Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:
The most sacred obligation we have today imposed upon the Government is the proper care of the men who came back from the War less physically fit than they were when they went away. Provision is beingmade for their care to the extent that it is possible to make it. I think it may be safe to say that no country in all the world has been so generous in its care of its wounded soldiers, as America.
Hospitalization is one thing that we must provide, and we must provide every necessary comfort for those who gave to the country in its hour of direct need. We must not be foolish, however, in what we do. We must have a care as weal of other things as of the men themselves. I think the American people would be willing to make any sacrifice for the comfort of the men who served the nation either in the late war or any other war; and the best evidence of their willingness to do that and of the willingness of the Congress to cooperate is the fact that we are spending out of the public treasury for the allotments, allowances, hospitalization, vocational training, insurance, and other things for the comfort of these men, 489 million dollars a year; and it is growing and, as far as I can see, it will continue to grow.
Now we may be doing some things in connection with this expenditure that are not for the best interests of the men, and I sometimes have doubt as to whether we are wise or unwise. I sometimes have doubt as to whether we are managing this expenditure as it ought to be managed,—whether we are giving the proper care to the moral situation surrounding the hospitals where these men are being treated. We have evidence before my committee in the record testified to by those in charge of hospitals in which these men are being cared for, to show the most demoralizing situation as the result of the extravagance and expenditure of money by the men being hospitalized at the expense of the Government.
I have a suggestion to make in this connection. I have no desire whatsoever to take away from any man anything that ought to be given to him in the way of service or care by the Government. On the contrary, no man will go as far as I will to see that proper care and proper attention is given to every man that served the nation; but I believe that in the payments we make to these men who are being hospitalized, we ought to have some control over where that money goes, while they are in the hospital. (APPLAUSE).
I would suggest two thoughts, either the thought that while they are in the hospital they must deposit their money with those in charge, and be allowed to expend only a limited sum, and thereby prevent the assemblage in the neighborhood of the institution which the Government of the United States is maintaining for the care of its patriotic men, from becoming the nest of demoralization or prostitution. You can’t make it too strong. The facts disclose the situation. Now, we have an obligation greater than the obligation to care for the man, and that is to see that while we are caring for them we do not destroy them. (APPLAUSE).We have got to have the courage to adopt a plan.
Up to the present moment most men connected with the government service have been afraid to express an opinion in connection with the ex-service men, lest somebody might become offended at his attitude. (APPLAUSE) Now I am not one of these men. I believe the time has come when the man in public office has got to have the courage of his convictions; there is nobody in the world that people hate so much as the man in high public place who has not the courage of his convictions. The man in high public place has got to have sufficient courage to protect the rank and file of those who are being protected by the Government from the folly of their own deeds; and that applies as well to the Legion and all other organizations connected with the ex-service men, as well as anybody else, for it can.
Now we have a two-fold obligation,—I may say three-fold. We have the obligation to the men, to give them proper care. We have the obligation to the Treasury to see that that care is not conducted at an outrageous expense; and we have the obligation to the Nation to see that the moral standpoint of the communities in which these men are being cared for, is not degraded as a result of our attempt to help the men; and the only way you can stop that is to prevent the men while in the care of the Government, from having unlimited right to spend the money allotted to them out of the Treasury of the United States. It would be far better for them, far better for the community, for the nation, far better for the future of all if we could arbitrarily take the money away from them while they are in our control; place it on deposit, and see that it is applied for some useful purpose for their families after they leave our care. We can do it. We have the power. Have we the courage? I think we have, and if you will join me, we will do it! (APPLAUSE)
I think the men themselves will be happier. Their organizations will be more pleased. You will have some grumbling, but you will have it anyhow. Far better to have the grumbling when the men are sober than otherwise. Far better to have the grumbling when men are likely to be contented than when they are discontented; and I don’t know of any individual more happy than he who knows that when we get through with the treatment we are giving him he can look forward to having a bank account somewhere.
You know we are liable to destroy the usefulness of this man. The citizenship of the future may depend upon our actions, and we must be careful. The obligation is ours today; it must be somebody else’s tomorrow; but the transfer of obligation from one man to another ought not to make any difference. Any man afraid of the obligation to do this work ought to be transferred, because he is not fit for his job. Public office is just an opportunity to serve; that is all. The man who is in public office, who trims his sails to meet every passing wind is not fit for the job. He must have courage, integrity, purpose in life; and the man who cannot do the things that are dictated by conscience andright in a great public office ought not to be returned to it. The man that cannot feel the consciousness of his own rectitude, but rather the political bee buzzing, is not fit for a public office; and the men who are in the great service in which you men are employed have obligations, wonderful obligations, wonderful opportunities.
We depend upon you for the outline of the plan that we must follow in our treatment of this great army of patriotic men that have come back, eyeless, legless, armless, and sick in many other ways; but we must also depend upon you to cooperate with us in an effort to prevent the looting of the public Treasury and the reduction of the moral standpoint of the nation.
You need not be afraid to suggest. We should like to have your suggestions. We invite them; we welcome then. You need not be afraid to criticize; we are glad to have that. But we want you not only to remember that money is a factor as well as a help, but we want you to learn how to spend money. Most doctors do not know how, especially Army doctors. I have discovered that. I don’t blame them. Their minds run along other lines, but somebody has to watch this side of the case.
Now one thing we ought to remember is that the estimates for the expenses of the Government of the United States for the fiscal year, 1923, sent to the Congress amount to 167 million dollars more than we have got; and since these estimates came, 50, 60, 70 million dollars more have come, adding that much more to that which we have not got. I just want to say to you, gentlemen, right here that it does not make any difference how many estimates come, there won’t be a bit appropriated beyond the revenue, and I don’t care from whom the estimates come.
Our job is to represent the tax-payers. Somebody must visualize the nation. You men visualize the thing before you; you see the local picture. We see more than that; we see the whole picture; and our job is not only to see that the rights of those under our care are protected and preserved, but that the rights of the people who are not under our care and under whose care we are, are protected. We represent the tax-payers of the nation. They have been mighty patriotic; they have been liberal; they have not grumbled; they have paid the price; they have paid it with courage; and they have shown their patriotism. They have shown their unselfish devotion to liberty. They are willing to meet any expense that may be imposed for the proper care of those who fell before the bullets of the enemy; but they want and will insist upon proper supervision of the expenditures.
They have a right to that. They have a right to relief from the burdens of taxation to the extent that we can help to give them that relief; and it is your job and mine and that of every other man in the government service,—whether he be a dollar-a-year man or whether he be given fifty thousand dollars a year for the privilege of service,—to do everything in his power to make the people of America feel that they are not misrepresented in anything we may do.
The expenses of the Government for 1919 were nineteen billions; for 1920, seven billion, five hundred; for 1921, six billion, five hundred; for 1922, four billion, thirty-four millions; but a billion, eight hundred and forty-five millions of that are in three fixed charges, i.e., nine hundred and seventy-five million dollars a year for interest on the public debt, which did not exist before the war; three hundred and eighty-one million dollars a year for the sinking-fund, which did not exist before the war; four hundred and eighty-nine million dollars a year for the care of the men that you are here to represent, for their hospitalization, allotments, allowances, insurance, and so on; so that we have that fixed charge in these three items that never existed before. Our Government in the future is bound to cost twice what it ever cost before, and so we have everybody in the United States watching every dollar of expenditure.
We have seven million tax-payers now that pay out of their incomes,—seven million people watching what we do. Before the war we did not have any of these people. They did not care what you did; how much money you spent, or where you got it. They did not have to pay it; it was not being paid directly. Now it is paid direct, and the more tax-payers you have got paying into the Treasury, the more account you have got to have of what you do with the government funds.
I am just here today to say to you, gentlemen, that I know you can help a lot both in effecting economy of expenditure and in creating a better condition, from the moral standpoint, in all of the surroundings where our men are being treated and cared for. You can cooperate by suggesting to our Committee on Appropriations how we can best meet the situation that will prevent extravagant waste of money by the men who are being cared for, while they are in the institutions, and how we can preserve the funds for them and their families; also, how we can preserve the moral standards of the institutions.
Why, the statements that come to me are appalling about the low moral standards around some of these institutions. I heard a good deal about the Army camps during the war, but it was not any worse than now. It is for you men to say what we shall do to prevent it, and we want you to cooperate fairly, loyally, actively, unitedly and promptly, because we must at any hazard and at any cost prevent any condition that will bring stench to the institution that we are trying to preserve.
We must not under any circumstances allow the fund that is being used to preserve the health to the limit and build up the men who served us during the war, to be used for any purpose that will create scandal in the nation; and it is bound to create scandal if we do not watch out for the moral standard in every community.
Now, pave the way. Show us how we can tie the fund up, and help us to help the people of the nation to preserve the men who are the wards of the nation. We must not demoralize them; we must not make them mendicants; we must not encourage them to leave their normal, legitimate employment to become wards of the nation; but we must encourage these men in every way that we can to become so useful that theywill be able to help themselves and be willing to do it, and not depend upon the nation.
If I have been able to express a thought at all here that will be of any value in the long run, I shall feel well repaid for having come. I know of no more patriotic men than those who confront me, and no more patriotic women than those who devoted themselves to the service of the nation during the war. There are no more patriotic men and women than these anywhere. They made the sacrifice during the darkest hours. Many of you men could go out and, as far as dollars go, be much better off; but you prefer to do a service to the nation.
Now, couple with your medical service the two suggestions that I made. Let me repeat them,—the up-building of the moral standard, and the maintenance of an economic expenditure of the funds that may be placed under your charge.
Thank You.”
GENERAL SAWYER: “Fellows, as an expression of your appreciation of the presence of Congressman Madden this morning, I would ask you to rise to your feet, that he may know we believe in him and are for him.”
The assembly responded by standing up.
GENERAL SAWYER: I would lose a great opportunity if I did not take advantage of this particular moment to say to you that I should like—being a doctor myself—that we relieve ourselves of the charge of not being business men. Certainly in the administration of year affairs you have the greatest opportunity that can come to men now to demonstrate that you have some business sense as well as professional sense, and to me it is a great pleasure to have this program this morning because it gives us a new idea of what it means to think in the language of dollars and cents.
This administration has great ambitions to develop within the Government a business organization. The President of the United States believes that the machinery conducting the affairs of the Government of the United States is about as complete, is about as capable as any machinery that could possibly be devised, providing it has a perfect system of organization and business operation of these affairs.
The experiences of the past have shown that we have gone on in our governmental affairs without due regard to where we were to get out. We have depended upon deficiency bills to help us in our extravagance or our over-expenditures. The timehas come when that policy is a matter of the past.
Realizing that it was only possible to carry on the affairs of our Government along business lines, the President sought what he regards—and I know this personally because I have heard him express it many times—one of the biggest and best and most potent business men of the United States of America to take charge of the direction of the budget; and I now have great pleasure in introducing to you, follows, my dearest, closest friend, General Charles G. Dawes, of Chicago, Illinois.
“Mr. Chairman and Members of the Conference:
The trouble with most of the Government meetings is that they do not assume the nature of a business meeting. We have something that is entirely different from the atmosphere which surrounds the meeting of any private business organization.
In my work down here for this year, I look upon the Government simply as a business organization and unless I get formality out of my mind, I do not get close to the people with whom I do business. So this morning I just simply want to explain—because when you can give the reasons for the imposition of discipline and rules of action, you make these rules of action doubly effective.
I want to explain, and grasp this opportunity to explain something of the working of the machinery which has been set in motion by the President, creating by Executive Order for the first time, a machine for the imposition of an Executive plan, and a pressure upon Governmental business. In other words, the President, for the first time, has assumed his responsibility as business head of the organization. He has established certain agencies for the imposition of executive policies and I wanted to explain something about them.
This meeting, itself, is the result of the creation of one of these coordinating agencies by Executive Order. And what is involved in this meeting?
Suppose a private corporation was spending, apart from the interest it paid on its debts, about one-fourth of all its expenditures along one certain line of activity. That is what this Government is doing through the Boards represented here,—Army, Navy, Veterans’ Bureau, etc. Supposing that business had run along for a hundred years and somebody would come in and say to the head of the business, “How much money are you spending on this particular activity?”
“Well, so much, one-fourth of all we spend.”
“Have you ever had a meeting of the heads of the agencies for the expenditure?”
“No.”
“Well, how do you know you are not duplicating facilities? How do you know there is any coordination between the establishments you are building in the securing of supplies, in the hiring of men?”
“We don’t know. We never have had, in this business organization, even a meeting to discuss the question of proper expenditureof money upon the standpoint of one corporation as distinguished from five separate departments of a corporation.”
Now what a ridiculous situation that is and yet that is what has pertained from the beginning of Government. We have forty-one independent governmental departments and establishments and each of them has been going on its own way and the result has been chaos in business, absolute chaos. It is a remarkable thing that here for the first time in the history of the Government you have got together the elements to determine the proper administration of this most important matter of the care of the sick and the disabled among the veterans of the war. For the first time it is possible, by this juxtaposition, to properly consider policies to prevent duplication, to devise ways and means and it is a comment upon the terrible conditions under which the business of this Government has been transacted, and that is the first instance where you could get them all together to discuss a coordinated policy. That has been so with everything. The meeting never would have gotten together, you never could have gotten together physically in connection with this thing unless you had been ordered together by the use of the Executive power of the President of the United States. Now don’t get that out of your head,—that underneath this reorganization of government, which is not to be effected, but which has been effected in this routine business, there is the idea of force, and if the idea of force was not there we would not have gotten anywhere in connection with the securing of these results, which small as they are, represent an immense advance upon the old situation. I speak now from the standpoint of the accomplishment of these coordinating boards,—not as predicting something that is going to be done, but of the result of that which has been done during the last six months through coordinating agencies such as your Federal Board, established by the President of the United States through the use of his authority and running the routine business of the Government for the first time upon a business basis.
I make this distinction (for Mr. Burke, for instance) as some misapprehension may be had in connection with this matter of policy. The Budget Bureau, is not concerned with policy save that of economy and efficiency. We are concerned with the routine expenditure of money, of proper conduct of routine business. It is our business to see that when money is appropriated by Congress along a certain line or policy with which we have nothing to do, that that money is spent as economically and as judiciously and carefully as possible in order to secure the greatest results along the line of the policy imposed by Congress.
If Congress as a matter of policy should pass a law to put garbage on the White House steps, it becomes our duty, regrettable as it might be, to advise Congress and the Executive as to how the largest amount of garbage may be most expeditiously and economically spread on the White House steps. And that is why we are safe in demanding what is absolutely necessary, in every business, in routine matters,—a centralized authority. There is no democracy in a properly organizedbusiness so far as routine business is concerned. It is a monarchy, and if the sense of responsibility on the part of the agent to the man at the head of the corporation, who is responsible for the policy, is lost, the business goes to pieces, and, if a private business, you go into the hands of the sheriff.
The trouble is that in the past the Presidents of the United States have not done their full duty and assumed the control of the routine business organization of Government. The result is, as is always the case, with a private or public organization, that when the money is spent by parties interested alone in spending the money, the plan of the unit over which the spending head presides takes precedence over the plan of the organization as a whole.
Now that has been exactly the situation in the United States up to this time, and in dollars and cents, to say nothing of the matter of the use of facilities, there has been a waste that is incalculable in the past.
Now, for instance, take this. All this is preliminary but it is very important. Let me talk about human nature in connection with this matter of taking order,—this matter of jealousy of prerogative. I sometimes think we ought all to take a course of study in human nature. I sometimes think that while in the A. E. F. charged by the Commander-in-Chief with this same job of coordinating separated services, the independent services of the Army in connection with the unified business plan of the A. E. F., and afterwards in trying to couple up the allies in the same line of endeavor, I had a better chance than most people to see in its full majesty,—if you choose to look at it that way—that desire for absolute independence,—that willingness to subordinate practically everything on earth to hold power which is characteristic of human nature.
When you have to approach independent power, to induce voluntary surrender, I have found you might as well give it up in advance. There is nothing a man holds to like this right to exercise power, and the best illustration of that is shown by the fact that the greatest war of all ages was fought for four years without a central command. Napoleon’s 44th maxim in war was that nothing is more important in war than a unified command, under one chief. Everybody knew it, but it was not until the unnecessary loss of hundreds of thousands of lives and billions of dollars worth of material that Great Britain bent its pride and accepted that plain, common-sense provision of unified command of the allies under Foch. Not until the fourth year of the war when the allied cause faced annihilation was such a plain, common-sense provision as that for central command possible to be made for the allies, and the certainty of annihilation alone made it possible.
Now do you think it is any different in connection with the independent jurisdiction of these Government Departments, from the independent services of the Army?
They talked in the past about Interdepartmental Boards, to correct this old chaos, when they had no Executive leadership. An effort was made from time to time by Interdepartmental Boards, acting as a committee without relinquishment of the independent authority represented to undertake some of these reforms, the necessity of which everybody saw. Nothing was ever done to amount to anything. Why? They would meet together and talk and outline the situation and necessity for action until some question came up where somebody was going to lose control of something or a part of his jurisdiction by some coordinated action for the benefit of the whole Government. Then immediately the whole thing died out and nothing was accomplished practically by any Interdepartmental Board, where anything vital had to be given up by one of the independent members of it, whose jurisdiction and power would be cut down in the interest of the common plan of the Government.
When the President of the United States assumed this central control of routine business, he did what any man would do in connection with a private corporation; he called together in conference the business administration,—everybody connected with the business of the Government as head of department or independent establishment—Cabinet Officers correspond to Vice Presidents in a business corporation. Of necessity they had allowed this disgraceful system of chaos and extravagance to go on. It was not their fault any more than it is the fault of you gentlemen, who have been running along independent lines, because you were not joined together in a system operating under a central authority. We all were properly subject to the indictment of loose business methods because the President of the United States had not imposed a unified plan and system over us nor had he created the machinery by which this plan would be carried into effect, as he has since done.
In connection with surplus supplies, every department formerly was selling its supplies in the open-market, and other departments were buying the same kind of supplies in open market. In a number of cases speculators would come and buy our public sales material from one department to sell it to another department at two or three times the price. Real estate was being leased in cities right along from private owners, when the Government had vacant property to rent. This was the custom also in connection with motor transport. If any Department wanted something moved and did not have motor transport, it would go out and hire motor transportation. There was no machinery by which the empty motor trucks and idle men of the other departments could be used.
When goods were to be shipped, everybody would route them as they pleased. There was no unified central authority which could deal with the services as a whole as regards the classification of freight and the whole transportation question.
The same thing existed in the making of contracts.
The same thing existed in Government purchasing. There was competition between the Departments, the Departments themselves not being coordinated. In the Treasury Department alone we found 18 separate points of purchasing activity. Everything was run in Government business as if it was composed of 41 separate corporations. How were things changed for the better? It is all simple enough. It all depended on the President because he alone had the authority to impose the methods of coordinating and controlling this great general business, just as he is coordinating these great activities here today through this Board, presided over by his appointee, General Sawyer, a co-ordinator.
The plan which the President adopted was simple enough,—just what would be done in any business organization—without asking for any additional legislation for additional employees, but by simply taking from the body of the employees, officials of the United States, those men especially qualified by knowledge and experience to act as his agents, and then creating the machinery through which they could transmit his policy and plan of unified business to the general organization.
It is the simplest thing in the world, and the only possible objection I have ever heard was urged the other day where it was said that the detail of Army and Navy Officers for this central work by the President might not result in giving him the benefit of absolute impartiality of judgment because of their former connection with the War and Navy departments. That nonsense!
For instance, in my bank,—supposing I wanted to take a man from the Discount Department, from the Foreign Exchange Department, or the Real Estate Department,—what folly to say that I would be justly afraid that he would not be my loyal and faithful agent in the imposition of a plan for the interest of the institution as a whole because of his former connection with those departments of the bank. What folly to say that the President of the United States with all his power over personnel can not receive from men detailed for co-ordinating work the same loyalty as he would receive from men appointed from the outside to come into this complex machine. And I say now that the plan must stand or fall upon that proposition. Regarding Colonel Smither, the Chief Coordinator, or Commander Stanley, or any of these men who have been connected with the Army or Navy,—so far as this work is concerned, as agents for the President of the United States, they are as independent as if they had never been in the Army or Navy. If anybody thinks they are not, let us give him an example. We have not found anything but cooperation from the heads of these departments and the heads of these services because their personal interests lie parallel now with the unified plan of the government since the President of the United States to whom they are responsible, is behind that plan.
If the President becomes indifferent,—if he loses his eyes, and ears and fingers in matters of routine business in the shape of the Chief Coordinators of the Boards,—if he lets them drift, immediatelythere will come the effort from you and everybody else to pull to pieces this coordinating machinery which alone is able to impose a unified plan upon the governmental business.
Now why is it necessary for you to accept, without mental reservation, the necessity of the existence of this coordinating board under which you act and the authority of the Chief Coordinator of that board as representing the President? Let me say in connection with this that the rights of the independent departments and establishments are jealously regarded under these executive orders.
What I want to impress upon the minds of all is the necessity of these co-ordinating boards to enable you to do your work properly.
Take it in ships. In coordinating shipping transportation, you have got to have Mr. Weeks, Mr. Denby and Mr. Lasker in contact in connection with a decision involving the economical use of ships. How can anybody get them together without the authority of the President? Suppose I was expected to call them together without the authority of the President. I would go to Mr. Weeks for example and wait until the Senators were through seeing him, and then perhaps because of his personal friendship persuade him to go over with me to see Mr. Denby. When we had seen Denby how could we get the two together with Lasker? You could not get anywhere in this co-ordinating work without a delegated authority from the President to compel contact between high officials.
In connection with this great work of yours in which you spent last year three-fourths of a billion dollars, you cannot have it run right without the existence of this co-ordinating Board,—without that authority to make a bird’s-eye view of the whole situation,—without that authority to say why this building, for example, is unnecessary, because there exists a superfluity of this sort of building in another department. What’s the use of endeavoring to catalogue those activities in which there is duplication, in which you have got to have the bird’s-eye view, and would never get proper action taken, unless you have in existence this Board created by the authority of the President!
In connection with the rights of your department, for instance, there is preserved for you at all times in connection with the coordinating order of the Federal Board of Hospitalization, a right of appeal to the President of the United States. If this Coordinating Board interferes to such an extent with the plans of your unit that you think the disadvantage so great that it counterbalances the beneficial effect to the government as a whole, the right of appeal to the President is with you. But for the first time in the government, as you know, there will be presented to the President by the Chief Coordinator the interests of the government treated from the standpoint of the Coordinating Board, so that the President of the United States in making his decision on your matter has the strongest possible statement of the needs of the unit from you, and the strongest possible statement of the needs of the government as a whole from the President of the Board. But the final authority, of course, is in the President of the United States and he will exercise it. In all of these orders the right of the headof the independent unit to a proper examination, by the supreme authority, of his plan is preserved, and it has been so in connection with all of these coordinating agencies and with the Director of the Budget.
Let me tell you something as to the spirit of cooperation shown. I have never had a contest before the President with a cabinet officer or head of a department in connection with a coordinating action. I have never had one for this reason. Take in connection with the transfer of ships,—we have independent agencies for the examination of conditions. We have the right, as agents of the President, of obtaining information from any bureau chief or head of a department.
We have, through Colonel Smither’s wonderful organization of course, the means for securing essential knowledge about these things.
Regarding ships,—we asked the Navy the other day for a couple of mine sweepers for the Coast and Geodetic Survey. They refused. That was always the case in the old days. Of course, everybody looks out for the interest of his own department. Well I called over one of the Assistant Secretaries of the Navy, and gave him a bird’s-eye view of the situation.
They had 49 mine sweepers; and they were going out of commission. If they went to the Coast and Geodetic Survey, they would be kept in commission and would not deteriorate so rapidly. What is more, if they didn’t go to the Geodetic Survey, the United States would have to ask for a million dollars to build new ships.
That matter was taken back and proper attention given to it with this knowledge of the whole situation and the Secretary of the Navy joined in the request that the ships be transferred.
It was not the Secretary of the Navy who had really been responsible for the first decision. It was some fellow along down the line, without the bird’s-eye view, who has been safe for a hundred years from the eye of a central authority, thinking in terms of the whole government—doing what he believed his duty, I admit, in directing things for the best interests of his unit, but who, without the bird’s-eye view would have thrown the Government into an unnecessary expense of a million dollars.
It then developed when the Coast and Geodetic Survey people went to get the mine sweepers, that they were in process of repair; that the engines were disassembled. Now the Coast and Geodetic Survey had no appropriation available for repairing work and so the Navy said, “We won’t spend our money on those ships.”
“Why?”
“Because the President of the United States told us to be economical.”
Now supposing there had not been in existence an agency acting under the President, such as the one here presided over by General Sawyer which could see what was really involved in that action on the part of the head of that subordinate unit of the Navy. Because the Navy wanted to save a repair bill of $10,240.00 the Government would have spent unnecessarily $1,000,000 for new ships. Do not think that was anunusual case! It was almost always so in the old days.
Now nobody has been more anxious than the Secretary of the Navy to cooperate in those matters but he must have information,—and you must have the information,—to enable one to cooperate. All that was necessary for me to do was to write to the Secretary of the Navy, that unless these ships were repaired out of the Navy appropriation at a cost of $10,240 we would have had to ask for a million dollars appropriation for new ships. But what if that information had not been given?
The existence of these agencies is necessary to enable this Government to be run on a business basis. I have given you a simple illustration in connection with the ships. We transferred thirteen ships with the acquiescence of the heads of the departments concerned by simply developing the bird’s-eye view of the situation without ever taking the matter up with the President, except for the issuance of the Executive order by agreement.
The patriotic head of a unit really welcomes this system by which he is given the information which enables him to run the activities of his particular institution in the interest of the Government as a whole.
I repeat you must have that bird’s-eye view of the necessities of the Government as a whole, which alone you can secure through the authority of the President as exercised through the Coordinator of the Board you have here. It is absolutely necessary that there should be no withholding of the spirit of cooperation and loyalty to your Coordinator. There should be no feeling that your independent jurisdiction is going to be unnecessarily curtailed and interfered with. There is the right of appeal, and it is just as important to the proper functioning of the whole governmental business machine that you have courageous defense of the department unit as you have courageous defense of the policies of coordination.
There is no proper room for friction; and so far as the Budget Bureau is concerned and the coordinating agencies headed by Colonel Smithers, we have had a minimum of friction with the departments. There have been transferred over $112,000,000 dollars worth of property between these departments within the last six months. $100,000 per year is being saved in the comparatively small thing right here in the District of Motor transportation.
Anybody who stands against the principle of this thing is a man, in the first place, who is not intelligent. He is a man in the second place who is not loyal; and he is a man, in the third place, who is in danger, in view of the accomplishments of this coordinating work. What excuses are there for anyone not to give his loyal cooperation to the President of the United States, who, for the first time, has undertaken to be responsible for a correct system of routine business?
One other thing in connection with the spirit of economy:—the President of the United States has asked it. He asked it here in the first meeting of the Govt. business organization last June at which some of you were present. That request of his has received response. I find over the country that for the first time in government, economy has become fashionable, and extravagance dangerous; and all over the country, in the post office service,the Army service—in all Govt. activities. There is the spirit of loyal cooperation under the leadership of the President in the matter of economy.
We know, too, what you have been trying to do in that way in your own service is resulting in an immense saving to the Government.
What we need are men in authority to help us find out where savings can be made. We have only scratched the surface, but it is possible now, as we get the business of the Government in the proper, organized shape, to determine where the limit of economy is. We do not know yet, because our reorganization of routine business methods has not gone on long enough. We have only been in operation four or five months. It will be a year or two possibly before the extent of economies can be determined.
But in directing the prevention of duplication, etc., in the general attitude of being desirous to save, as opposed to the old attitude of being desirous to spend,—all that means that the Government of the United States can be run more economically than at present provided the President of the United States gives his attention to the business organization and he will.”
General Dawes concluded his remarks, and as he walked from the stage General Ireland made a suggestion that he say something in connection with coordination within the limits of a department itself. General Dawes then said:
“General Ireland asks that I speak about a most important matter. We cannot get general coordination among the departments unless each department is coordinated within itself. For instance, we found that in the Treasury Department there were about eighteen separate points of purchasing activity. No one man was in touch with all these agencies. The representative of the Treasury department on the coordinating board, therefore, could not speak for the eighteen agencies. Therefore, each institution must coordinate within itself in order that its representative can properly speak for it on the coordinating board, to say nothing about the desirability of coordination from the standpoint of the business of that particular department. Therefore, get your units coordinated.
In connection with this whole matter of hospitalization, the eyes of the country are on you, who are charged with this great responsibility. No body of men in Government service has more complexing situations to meet than you have. You are surrounded by every embarrassment. In these days, when the pinhead demagogues are flourishing; when the mere politician is willing to capitalize anything, even a wounded soldier, to catch votes, you know that you are liable to have your constructive work unjustly attacked. To get into the lime-light many men will sacrifice right principles, and it is distressing to see the antics of the puny men in public life seeking to ingratiate themselves in public favor in connection with soldier relief. The demagogue has no hesitation in attacking those things which are right only provided they happen to be unpopular. His mind, unlike yours, is not on the real good of the soldier. He is thinking what the newspapers may say about him.
You must be courageous; you must work for the real good ofthe soldier; you must work for the real good of the Government; and I will tell you something. There is no privilege so great, which comes with public life, as to courageously stand for that which is right, and in so doing take castigation from demagogues for doing one’s duty. It all comes out right in the long run.
In the midst of your discouraging embarrassments, when carefully thought out measures of sane relief for wounded veterans are often attacked by unscrupulous men, who thereby can advertise for a little time their insignificant personalities; if you sometimes are tempted to take the easy way and join the yelping pack of destructive critics, be comforted in the thought of that everlasting truth that in the long run the man who fearlessly does right in public place survives, and the man who weakly takes the wrong way because it is easy receives only ignominy.”
GEN. SAWYER: It seems unnecessary for me to say, still it is only fair to General Dawes, that he has injected into the affairs of Government the greatest enthusiasm and the most interest that has been known in Government affairs in all the history of the Republic.
His idea of coordination, which came to him out of the trying experience of the war on the other side has certainly served him a wonderful purpose in the effects that he has brought about in this new plan of conducting the affairs of the Administration on a business basis, and I certainly hope that each of you, as you go back to your fields of activity, will carry with you the idea that you have a most responsible position. No matter how small your institution, the responsibilities, the liabilities and the needs are all the same.
It may interest you to know that in the few weeks this present Board has existed, we have been able to turn over to the various hospitals of the country in which we have been particularly and necessarily interested, in a hurry, several million dollars worth of property. Arrangements are now in operation whereby in caring and preparing for nearly 11,000 new beds, we have in mind to avail ourselves of the great resources of the Army and Navy in supplying these needs; and I must say out of fairness to the heads of those Departments, as represented by the medical departments, that more hearty cooperation could not be obtained. To give you an evidence of something of the difference of today and yesterday, early last summer an appeal came to me to provide some cots for one of your institutions. It was impossible for me to locate cots that I could make accessible for the purpose, and one day one of our own representatives from this Board looking about found 80 car-loads of these cots at Des Moines, Iowa. Now when we are in need of cots, we know where to find them and know how to get possession of them; and this is true of all the things that are really necessary in the conduct of your affairs.
I am here to say to you without any fear of contradiction that this Hospitalization Board has already accomplished some very helpful things, and we have many more things in mind. One thing we do not assume, and that is authority. We have no idea or desire of being autocratic in our administration but we have a firm determination that regardless of any sentiment or any emotion which may be brought to influence the affairs of this Board, we will go on with what we believe to be the best thing for the men we are trying to serve.
I believe that the service we should render and that we must render, and the only service that is worth while to the veteran, is to make him well if possible, and, if not, to make him as nearly well as he can be and as resourceful as he can be and put him back into life again with confidence in himself, with respect to his Government and with ambition to make America the leading Government of all the governments of the world.
I am here to say to you that while you are talking to your patients about the affairs that arise with you each day, do not forget as a part of your responsibility and your duty that you help to createa spirit and a determination on the part of the man you are serving to get back into life again. Discourage in every way you possibly can the idea of his becoming a barnacle upon this great Ship of State. Encourage him to believe that the responsibility of the debts that are incurred here now are debts his children and his grandchildren will have to pay; and so, while we are talking economy to you, I would impress upon you this one thought: that economy is only the assurance to yourself that every hundred cents buys a dollar’s worth. We do not mean by the economy we are trying to preach here economy that might be regarded as penuriousness. We want you to have all you need in the best way that it can be provided for you, but we want you to have concern enough in the property that is turned over to you to see that it is worth what you pay for it and that it is used to the best advantage possible.
Yesterday, we decided, I believe, that we would devote an hour this morning to the answering of some miscellaneous interrogations. Dr. White, have you received any?
DR. WHITE: No.
SURGEON W. H. SANFORD (R): Having spent the last year and a half in the Inspection Division, the subject of this excessive amount of money in the hands of the sick soldier has impressed itself on me more and more as I inspected the hospitals. It was the cause of great trouble, and is in my opinion doing more to hinder the patient than any one factor. Without this $80.00 or $157.50 a month, the vice and crime and drinking around the institutions could not exist, and therefore I believe that one of the greatest things that could be accomplished at this Conference would be for the Committee to promulgate some way of preventing these men from using that money in the way it is being used today.
I have inspected Ft. Bayard, Ft. Stanton and other large institutions in the West, and I know these men in charge will agree with me when I say that the thing that hampers the recovery of the patients is their right to expend the money the way they want. If they didn’t have it, the rum-runner and the other vices that come would not be there. I think it is one of the most important subjects we could settle, and suggest that it would be well if the Committee would recommend that we give these men, say, $15.00 a month, and take care of the rest of their money until they are ready to go back to their homes.
SURGEON J. E. MILLER (R): At our hospital we have a canteen. I suppose most hospitals have canteens. We have had $3,000 paid into the hospital—$3,000 a year profit on sales to soldiers. I think such money could be turned in for the benefit of the soldiers, for entertainments, Christmas dinners, etc., as that seems the proper place for it.
MR. M. SANGER (St. Elizabeths Hospital): With reference to those funds of the beneficiaries who are in hospitals, a similar condition
existed for a while with reference to those drawing pensions. That proposition had to be met. Congress passed a law whereby those people receiving pensions, who entered soldiers’ homes or hospitals had to pay that money either to the superintendent of the hospital, the President of the Soldiers’ Home, or the Governor of the Home, to be cared for the benefit of the pensioner. Those who had beneficiaries at home received the benefit of their portion of the pension under supervision of the Pension Office, the Pension Office having machinery to find out what beneficiaries had dependents, etc., and what proportion of the pension should be paid to them.
The only thing in connection with these funds paid to the hospitals which led to complaint was the money paid to heads of hospitals or Soldiers’ Homes for deposit in the Treasury, but which was not drawing interest. This needs corrective legislation. Precedents are at hand. Moneys paid into the Treasury by beneficiaries or enlisted men of the Army or Navy are drawing interest. The money from these pensioners should be drawing interest. These funds, whether from the pensioners or beneficiaries of the War Risk Bureau should be used as a sinking-fund possibly to retire the debt of the Government and in that manner to draw interest. It would help the Government in becoming part of the sinking-fund; it would help the veteran in that it would permit the money received to be deposited for his benefit, and would give an opportunity for regulations to be made to safeguard him; to prevent these people from coming around the institutions by preventing his having excessive money to spend. Then when the man is discharged, he would have an estate with which to begin life and to provide for the future.
I think this organization should give some consideration to this matter. I refer to Acts of February 20, 1905 and February 7, 1909, and similar acts in regard to Soldiers’ Homes. I think the one thing to be considered is a means of investing these funds for drawing interest.
MAJOR GENERAL M. W. IRELAND: The question of patients having money while in the hospital is one of the most demoralizing things that can happen. It has been recognized in the Army for many years.
In the Philippines we had a sympathetic commanding officer and we received permission to with-hold a certain portion of the funds. Then we received word from the Secretary of War that it was contrary to law; that the money was earned by the soldier, and had to be paid to him.
I think you are going to find the same is true of compensation. If you are going to hold the compensation of the man while he is in the hospital, you will have to get an Act of Congress. I think, therefore, that you should consider the amount of compensation the man should get while in the hospital; consider the proposition of maybe reducing his compensation while in the hospital, being cared for by the Government.
SENIOR SURGEON J. E. DEDMAN (R): I am glad this subject came up. A year and a half ago, a committee of T. B. experts came to ourhospital and we discussed that question. I made the statement that many of the men in our hospitals were getting too much money. It was immediately taken up by the American Legion, and they said all kinds of unkind things about me. I said that men who never had any money in their lives single boys, etc., were getting $80.00 a month and that this was too much money.
I cited the instance of where a lady came into my office, weeping. She said she had been dependent upon her son; that he had gotten that day a check for $1200; had bought an automobile for $1500; and had gone $300 in debt.
The greatest set of vultures we have to contend with are the automobile salesmen. For instance, they come and sell to our boys for $700 cars which would sell for $400. If the boy has $500, they charge him $750 in order to get notes and keep him in debt.
I am in favor of getting an Act of Congress to put the man’s money at interest, so that when he is rehabilitated he will have something to take care of himself. As it is now the boys are spending their money for hootch, automobiles, etc., and instead of rehabilitating them we are ruining them.
MR. M. SANGER, St. Elizabeths’ Hospital: In regard to the question of General Ireland, the pension regulations include a provision that one part of the pension shall be devoted to reimbursing the hospital for part of the care. I think that would serve in a way to admit of those in hospital getting less while there than when outside.
SENIOR SURGEON G. B. YOUNG, U.S.P.H.S. While on the subject I offer the suggestion that something might be done along this line in connection with the disciplinary regulations, which provide that when a man is discharged for disciplinary reasons his compensation will be withheld for a certain period. We all know that we sometimes will have to discharge people for disciplinary reasons, and it may happen that the offense is of such a character and the man of such a character as to make you feel that the sentence you have to impose upon him as compared to that which you have to impose upon a flagrant offender is lacking in elasticity. It seems to me that it would be well in this connection to consider whether the regulations could provide for the with-holding of compensation by the Veterans’ Bureau for a greater period as an incentive to better conduct, so that the man might be returned to the hospital with the incentive that if he behaves satisfactorily that this money which had been withheld would be restored. As it is a man has to be discharged and he goes out penniless, because he hasn’t anything coming to him for several months. If he could look forward to a suspended sentence, I think that would save some of the better element among these possible unintentional offenders and get them back into a line of good behavior.
COLONEL JAMES A. MATTISON, N.H.D.V.S. This question which was brought up by Congressman Madden, General Ireland and others is a verypertinent one. This method of handling the funds of men of former wars has been in effect in the National Home service for many years. The matter just spoken of in regard to handling this money in a disciplinary way has also been a feature. In regard to the men who have been offenders, who have been continually guilty of getting drunk, the commanding officer of each hospital had the authority to with-hold, as a disciplinary measure, any part or the whole of a man’s pension until such time as he saw fit to turn the money over to the man or a part of it. Of course the matter of with-holding pension money in the case of men of former wars is of much less importance. Formerly, these men were getting $10, $20 and $25 a month, and when Congress passed a pension law providing $30 a month, they saved money. That does not compare with the pensions our soldiers of the recent war are receiving, $80, $100 and $150 a month, and, as has been stated by several men already, it has been and is going to continue to be one of the greatest factors in preventing these men from being restored to an active state in life again.
In the matter of the corrupt conditions which have been described as existing around these hospitals, it is something that cannot be prevented. Every effort has been made. The civil authorities have been appealed to and in most cases they have given undivided co-operation. Personally, I feel that it is an exceedingly important matter.
SURGEON J. B. ANDERSON (R): If I have interpreted the regulations correctly, we are not permitted to have a canteen around the hospital. If I am in error, I should like to know it.
LIEUT. COL. W. H. MONCRIEF, U.S.A.: Contrary to the impression given here yesterday afternoon, revelry does not maintain at Fitzsimmons Hospital. I think we have a well-ordered institution. The matter of compensation does give us some concern.
We have four classes of patients,—Army, Navy, beneficiaries of Soldiers’ Homes and of the Veterans’ Bureau. On the day I left, we had a total of 980 patients, 719 of which were Veterans’ Bureau beneficiaries. These are officers, ex-nurses and ex-enlisted men. I will say that the behavior of these people during my tour of duty at the hospital compares favorably with that of any other institution. We have our troubles; if we didn’t have them, I don’t suppose the institution would need a commanding officer.
But the question of compensation is one that is not easily adjusted unless it is adjusted at the source. It is impossible to give you an idea—unless you have charge of one of these institutions—of how much trouble the commanding officer is going to have if the responsibility of withholding this compensation is put on him.
We are near a large city—not too near and not too far—but we are surrounded by people who want to offer at all times every inducement to the enlisted men to spend this amount of compensation in the most advantageous manner. This class ranges from the peddler of tin toys to the most reliable banking firms in the city of Denver. Those bank representatives wait on us. Since I have been there, I have had topursue the policy of excluding from the reservation all solicitation whatsoever, my argument being that it was my duty, to protect the T. B. patients; that if one solicitor were allowed, others must be allowed; and that I had no time nor inclination to pass upon the merits of the various propositions offered. I have not had a great deal of trouble; and since I have been able to get the representative people to understand this situation—and I take particular pains to inform all my personnel that reputable firms and others are aware of this prohibition—it is assumed that anyone soliciting on the reservation is not reputable.
I think a great deal can be done in regard to taking care of this matter by the social service work in the hospitals. The good people of Denver have been very kind in every way.
DR. BUTLER: In view of the fact that economy seems to be the order of the day, and to have economy the bird’s-eye view has been pointed out to organizations this morning, I suggest that as a fitting slogan for this body, the words. “Cultivate a bird’s-eye view” be adopted.
GENERAL SAWYER: I don’t know just what authority you gentlemen have in regard to the matter of solicitors, but at White Oaks Farm if interruptions such as these attempted to exist, somebody would get hurt. I would not tolerate the existence of such affairs. There is no reason why you should, and if there is any reason why you shouldn’t, this Board can help you to bring about some regulation or some rule whereby it will be possible for you to protect yourselves and your people against such imposition as this. Be assured that this Board is going to provide it; but I really think that if you will exercise your authority as commanding officers and not allow these people to intrude upon you, you will be able to cure a lot of your difficulties at home.
SURGEON J. M. WHEATE (R), U.S.P.H.S.: A year ago we were swarmed with agents, and I sent out a hospital regulation prohibiting that. It is easy to issue regulations, but hard to put them into effect, so I have made it a rule to make my regulations as few as possible. This, however, I found to be a necessary regulation, and I prohibited agents of all kinds from access to the hospital.
We have a hundred-acre field, which is approachable in a hundred different ways, and there is no way of keeping such agents out of the reservation. I had my Captain of the Watch made a Deputy United States Marshal. I had my head orderly made a constable for the county. They helped me to maintain order outside the reservation.
The matter of compensation has been a big problem with all of us. I recall that about the first time I got “in bad” with my patients was early in the game. I was waited on by a delegation of patients in my office one morning, who asked if I were properly quoted in the morning paper. I had not seen the paper.
A day or two before, a committee of Legion men called at my office (we had most happy relations with the local Legion heads). One of this Committee was the editor of a local paper. Among the general things we discussed was the abuse of compensation. I said I wished we had some law like Canada, whereby all but one-fourth of the compensation could be withheld, as I believed that ten dollars a month was enough for a sick man in the hospital. This was discussed and it sounded reasonable.
The next day, to my surprise, the editor of the local paper printed the story of my recommendation; and the young chap, thinking I suppose to give me the credit for the thought, quoted me freely.
The soldiers appointed a committee to wait on me. They wanted to know if I thought it fair to the United States soldier. They said it was their money and that they proposed to spend it as they saw fit.
Out of this controversy grow consideration by the Legion; and in course of time that Legion Post sent a committee man to Washington, who had a long conference with Mr. Sweet; and indirectly I may be much to be condemned or praised for introducing into the Sweet Bill the measure of withholding compensation. Our committee man who went up there stated that it was a rather new thought to Mr. Sweet and that he waved it aside at first, but that later he showed interest and finally said he was going to rewrite his bill, incorporating that idea.
But it did not go nearly as far as I recommended; that is, the adoption of the Canadian form of withholding all but one-fourth. There is no need to discuss that. Mr. Sweet said it was illegal; that compensation is a wage; but he compromised by saying we could fine the men.
Regarding my drastic order, I might add that I do allow the agents of the banks to come in, and I am proud to say that we do handle much of our trouble by depositing money either for checking accounts or savings. I think that about forty per cent of our men are carrying savings accounts in the local banks.
We have at least 160 N. P. cases in my hospital, although it is officially a T. B. hospital. As you know, the regulation provides that if a man is not capable of handling his money, his compensation check will be sent to the Commanding Officer, who is held responsible for the money. I put the money in the bank, giving to the man, after conferring with the Chief of the N. P. Section, such funds as he may need.
SURGEON M. J. WHITE: Early in 1919, when I first opened Palo Alto, I made recommendation for the amendment of the Act, so that the Compensation of a patient might be held until he had completely recovered, and I see no reason why there is a legal bar to it. I think Congress can say that Compensation is payable when a man has completely recovered and is discharged from the hospital. We cannot undertake to protect the patients from sharks. For instance, we give a man a pass; he goes down town and spends his money. As long as he has money in his pocket, he will spend it. I think it would be legal for Congress to say that Compensation will be payable when the man has reached maximum hospital treatment or when he is properly discharged. Otherwise, if a patient has accumulated, say, $160, he starts a disturbance and you have to give him the money.
CAPTAIN F. W. Wieber, U.S.N.:—I am glad to say that we have had very little trouble with our Veterans’ Bureau patients. We have, however, had trouble occasionally, but I have always been able to attend to these matters myself, for I have a good understanding with a U. S. Attorney, who helps me out.
Regarding money, it would be the best thing if most of the Compensation to the men could be withheld. They may have dependent families, so no uniform rule could guide us in our action. I do not think it should be left to the Commanding Officer, for in the first place, we do not know how much money the men should receive.
With regard to the matter of smuggling into the reservation, I sent a request to the Surgeon General to be allowed to put up a fence but I have never heard from it. I am going to recommend to my successor that he call attention to that matter again. The reservation at Fort Lyon covers 1100 acres, and a portion should be enclosed with a fence. There has been much stealing there, and we have often found the stolen articles in houses around the reservation. The building of a fence would be expensive, but it would counter-balance the loss of government property.
For the benefit of the gentlemen who may succeed at Fort Lyon soon, I might say that when I was ordered to Fort Lyon I was very much grieved; I knew it was in a desert, and everybody who had been there gave such a discouraging report. My sentiment in that matter has changed to such an extent that if the place had remained in the hands of the Navy, I should have liked to have remained there. We are a happy family of about fourteen commissioned officers and we have formed a little community of ourselves, being independent of the outside world to a large extent. We have our power house, ice plant, community house, social meetings, and in fact we are as independent as can be.
During the flood, we were able, for about two weeks to attend to our own things, and after that we were able to help the outsiders. So, to those gentlemen I want to say that they need not be disconsolate upon receiving orders to go to Fort Lyon.
I think it is ideal for the T. B. patients. We have the dry climate, constant sun-shiny days, cool nights, and everything conducive to the proper treatment of T. B. Everything is complete, and the people are greatly benefited by their stay in our vicinity, as can be attested by the fact that many former Navy People, who had been in the institution, are now living there and are as strong as any person in the East.
I might say that the people who have had T. B. and who are doing well out west had better make up their minds to stay our there for fear that change of conditions might bring about activity again in their cases.
Regarding a uniform system of treatment as suggested, I do not believe any strict rules should be set. We can have a sort of general system, but no uniform method as to the hours of rest, food, etc. At Fort Lyon, rest is now being enforced, and every patient gets two rest periods, i. e., from 9 to 11 A.M. and from 1 to 3 P.M. Liberty is allowed only once a week; and overnight, once a month. Those who would be discontented anywhere have left, and those who have stayed feel they have our sympathy and support and are doing well.
GENERAL SAWYER asked for resolutions from the Resolutions Committee.
GENERAL IRELAND: “Your committee has gone over the resolutions that have been presented, and we find all of them in order, with the exception of one submitted by Colonel Bratton with reference to transportation home. We would inform you that there will have to be legislation to carry out that resolution. We have changed the resolution to read as follows:
‘That the Director of the U.S. Veterans’ Bureau be requested to secure legislation so that the expenses of the patient’s transportation to his bona fide home, when he has been discharged for disciplinary reasons, be deducted from his compensation, when compensation is being given, or may be given thereafter.’