“I write this to acquaint you, that the French vessels sailed two days ago; I acknowledge myself obliged to you for the method you have taken to send them off, am very much obliged to you for your advice; have sent my armourer to alter some handcuffs, your permission will much oblige,&c.”
“I write this to acquaint you, that the French vessels sailed two days ago; I acknowledge myself obliged to you for the method you have taken to send them off, am very much obliged to you for your advice; have sent my armourer to alter some handcuffs, your permission will much oblige,&c.”
Extract of a letter from six British masters of vessels, dated on board the Polly in Annamaboa Road, 20 March, 1750. To the same.
“Your favour of yesterday we received, and thank you for the promise of assistance, in protecting the privileges of the British subjects trading to this place, too much invaded by the French, and too little protected from home, butat this time shall have no occasion to trouble you. The French ship is sailed,&c.”
“Your favour of yesterday we received, and thank you for the promise of assistance, in protecting the privileges of the British subjects trading to this place, too much invaded by the French, and too little protected from home, butat this time shall have no occasion to trouble you. The French ship is sailed,&c.”
Extract of a letter from Richard Haskins, master of a ship from Bristol; dated Annamaboa Road, 27 Dec. 1750. To the same.
“Am much obliged to you for your kind intelligence, and all other favours; I shall be obliged to you to dispatch the carpenter as soon as possible, being in great want of him. I am,&c.”
“Am much obliged to you for your kind intelligence, and all other favours; I shall be obliged to you to dispatch the carpenter as soon as possible, being in great want of him. I am,&c.”
Extract of a letter from John Jepson, master of a snow from Rhode-Island, dated Annamaboa Road, 3 July, 1751. To the same.
“I am sorry you are going off the coast: but however, as I can do no more for you, beg to return you my hearty and sincere thanks for your many favours from time to time, not only from your willingness to supply us with any thing in your power of tradesmen’s work, or any other thing; but also for your pains and vigilance in protecting the trade,&c.which will always be justifiable, and hope will redound to your honour and credit, which is the sincere wish,&c.”
“I am sorry you are going off the coast: but however, as I can do no more for you, beg to return you my hearty and sincere thanks for your many favours from time to time, not only from your willingness to supply us with any thing in your power of tradesmen’s work, or any other thing; but also for your pains and vigilance in protecting the trade,&c.which will always be justifiable, and hope will redound to your honour and credit, which is the sincere wish,&c.”
Extract of two letters from Henry Ellis, master of the ship Hallifax, from Bristol, dated Annamaboa Road, the 13th, and 28th July, 1751. To the same.
“The boards you sent me were of real service; I hope you will not omit charging any expence I put you to, as I can discharge that, though not so easily your good offices: we cannot help the death of the slaves, they are mortal; but do not think it adviseable to give them rice, as that kind of diet first gave them a swelling.”N. B.He landed all his sickly slaves, which were kept and taken care of in the castle.
“The boards you sent me were of real service; I hope you will not omit charging any expence I put you to, as I can discharge that, though not so easily your good offices: we cannot help the death of the slaves, they are mortal; but do not think it adviseable to give them rice, as that kind of diet first gave them a swelling.”
N. B.He landed all his sickly slaves, which were kept and taken care of in the castle.
“We are not a little astonished at the pains these new agents take to prejudice the shipping here, by settling factories ashore to intercept the trade, and by giving equal prices with us, in order to distress us the more; it has already been some money out of the merchants pockets; we have been obliged to raise the price, or lie idle, under the hardships we endure. I cannot help observing the chagrin of the Liverpool captains, who loudly complain of the new management.”“I entirely join issue with you, that this new-fram’d project will become an errand job, though but for a season; for I look upon it, the physic of commerce, which, though it may disorder, as at present, will in the end work its cure. I am,&c.”
“We are not a little astonished at the pains these new agents take to prejudice the shipping here, by settling factories ashore to intercept the trade, and by giving equal prices with us, in order to distress us the more; it has already been some money out of the merchants pockets; we have been obliged to raise the price, or lie idle, under the hardships we endure. I cannot help observing the chagrin of the Liverpool captains, who loudly complain of the new management.”
“I entirely join issue with you, that this new-fram’d project will become an errand job, though but for a season; for I look upon it, the physic of commerce, which, though it may disorder, as at present, will in the end work its cure. I am,&c.”
Extract of a certificate of eight British masters of vessels, dated Annamaboa Road, 3 July, 1751. To the same.
“We being informed that a report hath been spread, that the late royal African company’s governor commanding on this coast, hath, during his command, acted in an arbitrary tyrannic manner, both to Europeans and natives on this coast; do hereby, in justice to the reputation of that gentleman, voluntarily certify, that we never heard of, or experienced, any part of his character or behaviour but what was humane and good, tending to promote the British interest and trade in these parts. And farther, that he has, from time to time, readily assisted us with all things each or any of us stood in need of at cape Coast Castle, during his command there, to the utmost of his power, as we sincerelybelieve. In witness whereof we have set our hands,&c.”
“We being informed that a report hath been spread, that the late royal African company’s governor commanding on this coast, hath, during his command, acted in an arbitrary tyrannic manner, both to Europeans and natives on this coast; do hereby, in justice to the reputation of that gentleman, voluntarily certify, that we never heard of, or experienced, any part of his character or behaviour but what was humane and good, tending to promote the British interest and trade in these parts. And farther, that he has, from time to time, readily assisted us with all things each or any of us stood in need of at cape Coast Castle, during his command there, to the utmost of his power, as we sincerelybelieve. In witness whereof we have set our hands,&c.”
Certificate from Capt. Thomas Derbyshire, of Liverpool, relating to the use granted him of Tantumquery fort.
“This is to certify whom it may concern, that during my making a voyage to the Gold Coast of Africa, and my lying at Annamaboa, I settled a factory at Lagoe; where from a disturbance there seemed likely to be in the country, I did not think my goods safe in the factory-house I had taken: and on my being at cape Coast Castle in the year 1750, and intimating the same to the then governor, he offered me the use of Tantumquery fort to carry on trade therein, which I accepted; and ordered my gunner to take my goods from the factory at Lagoe, and lodge them in Tantumquery fort, which he did, and continued in the same for upwards of three months to carry on his trade. And Mr. John Clifton, chief of said fort, had orders to render him every service and good office in his power, without fee or reward; neither did the said governor receive any benefit, profit or advantage in any shape or manner, in consideration for my having the use of the fort aforesaid. To certify which, I set my hand this 16 Aug. 1751,&c.”
“This is to certify whom it may concern, that during my making a voyage to the Gold Coast of Africa, and my lying at Annamaboa, I settled a factory at Lagoe; where from a disturbance there seemed likely to be in the country, I did not think my goods safe in the factory-house I had taken: and on my being at cape Coast Castle in the year 1750, and intimating the same to the then governor, he offered me the use of Tantumquery fort to carry on trade therein, which I accepted; and ordered my gunner to take my goods from the factory at Lagoe, and lodge them in Tantumquery fort, which he did, and continued in the same for upwards of three months to carry on his trade. And Mr. John Clifton, chief of said fort, had orders to render him every service and good office in his power, without fee or reward; neither did the said governor receive any benefit, profit or advantage in any shape or manner, in consideration for my having the use of the fort aforesaid. To certify which, I set my hand this 16 Aug. 1751,&c.”
Extract of a certificate, dated 28 Dec. 1753, from seven masters of ships, that in the late company’s time traded to the coast of Africa.
“That the late company’s governor, during the continuance of his authority and command on the coast of Africa, did every thing in hispower to promote the British interest and trade there: and from time to time assisted in doing us such service as our occasions required. In witness whereof we set our hands,&c. &c.”
“That the late company’s governor, during the continuance of his authority and command on the coast of Africa, did every thing in hispower to promote the British interest and trade there: and from time to time assisted in doing us such service as our occasions required. In witness whereof we set our hands,&c. &c.”
We think it unnecessary to trouble the public with any further proofs relative to the conduct of the late royal African company and their officers, to shew that they did every thing in their power to promote the trade of the British subjects in Africa, as we shall reserve them for a work that is in hand; therefore will only state some facts regarding the African committee, their governors, and officers by them appointed to have the command and management on the Gold Coast and Whydah in Africa, for the public to form their judgment from.
That by an act of parliament, passed in the 23d year of the reign of his late majesty, the trade to Africa was intended to be made free and open to all his majesty’s subjects, without distinction or preference. But contrary to the intentions of the said act, that trade has been engrossed and monopolized by the officers of the committee on the Gold Coast and Whydah, by their entering into a confederacy or joint stock, and intermixing the government supplies with their own merchandize, and by that means assorted themselves so as to command said traffic.
Those officers have many other great advantages over free merchants and traders, such as having a considerable part of their private merchandize sent to them freight free, their extraordinary influence over the natives, by the command of the several castles to deposit their effects in, salaries, maintenance, European servants, artificers, doctors, castle-slaves, canoe-men, canoes, medicines, stores and necessaries of all sorts, being under their management and direction. Besides, thepresents to princes, caboceers, and great men of the countries, being defrayed by the public, together with the said benefits arising from the government supplies; and many other advantages which they have taken, whereby they acquired such a superiority over the free traders, as obliged the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool to apply by memorial in the year 1753, stating therein the foregoing facts to the lords commissioners of trade and plantation for redress, which will appear by said memorial, supported by the following affidavits.
“Affidavit of William Brown, master of the Bristol, sworn 16 June, 1753, saith, that when he was last in Africa carrying on trade, was informed by Brew, chief of Tantumquery, and Withers, chief of Winnebah, that they were engaged in partnership in the slave trade with Melvil, Young, and the other officers at cape Coast Castle.”“That Melvil and others told deponent, they expected a ship from Holland with a Dutch cargo, which ship they had some time before sent to Jamaica with slaves.”“That he was in company with Dacres, chief of Accra, who informed him Young was coming to turn him out of the fort, by reason he would not enter into partnership with Melvil and Young; that Dacres declared he should have been glad to have continued his employ, but rather than be uneasy he would quit it, and soon after did so. That deponent could not purchase from the chiefs of forts, slaves under an ounce and half, or two ounces a head more than he gave for those of equal goodness to the Negro traders, occasioned by the trade being carried on by the chiefs of the forts.”“That deponent was informed by the Negroes at Annamaboa, if he wanted to trade under the forts, he must take canoes and canoe-men; forthe canoe-men under the forts were overawed by the chiefs, and they durst not assist him in trading; and deponent did so, and should have been under difficulties if he had not so done; and deponent found the Negroe traders under said forts, cautious and fearful of trading with him, lest the chiefs should know thereof, and sent to deponent in a private manner, when they had slaves to dispose of.”“That cape Coast, Tantumquery, Winnebah and Accra were used by the chiefs as repositories for their market slaves, and saw them lodged in said castle and forts; that Negroes will bear a high price as long as the chiefs are permitted to trade in them, which will destroy the trade with all persons, but the chiefs and those settled at the forts.”“Affidavit of James Hamilton, chief mate of the Polly of Bristol, sworn the same day as above. Swears to the same purport and effect as above set forth by Brown, in regard to the chiefs copartnership conversation with Dacres, and his being displaced, and the high price of slaves, and the reasons,&c.And then saith, that during his voyage, he hired a factory at Lagoe, and endeavoured to purchase slaves; on which Brew sent Negro traders and goods thither to oppose deponent; and Brew told deponent, it was impossible for him to trade to same advantage as Brew could, as he had so good assortment of goods; that if deponent gave eight ounces a head for slaves[19], Brew would give eight and half; and to intimidate deponent, declared he would send the servants of the forts up the paths, and prevent the trade coming down, and accordinglydid send them with liquor, and carried the traders to his own fort. That Brew refused to sell deponent slaves; and his reason was, Melvil had wrote him not to sell, as he could get a better price at cape Coast. That Young at Winnebah refused deponent slaves at ten ounces per head, unless deponent would give him the very best of his cargo, which would have unsorted him.”“That Young refused him water for fifteen slaves, and deponent was obliged to give the natives fifteen shillings for forty gallons. That he went on shore with his goldtakerat Succondee to trade, carried some checks with him: that Hippesly, the chief there, took the gold taker on one side, whispered him, and threatened to whip him if he ever saw him bring goods there to trade with the natives.”“That the natives and canoe-men at all the forts were fearful of trading with deponent, and declared they were afraid of being seen by the chiefs; that the forts were used as repositories for slaves, and that the trade will be hurt by the chiefs trading, as set forth by Brown.”“Affidavit of Alexander Graham, master of the Fly, sworn the same day, saith, that when he and Jenkins, commander of the Silvia, were trading at Annamaboa, they at first bought slaves at five ounces and half, and from thence to seven and a half per head, and went on in a good way. On a sudden found a stagnation, enquired the occasion, and were informed the prices were raised at the neighbouring forts; and this deponent was obliged to give an advanced price; that if the chiefs trade, the prices will be high, and the trade hurt.”
“Affidavit of William Brown, master of the Bristol, sworn 16 June, 1753, saith, that when he was last in Africa carrying on trade, was informed by Brew, chief of Tantumquery, and Withers, chief of Winnebah, that they were engaged in partnership in the slave trade with Melvil, Young, and the other officers at cape Coast Castle.”
“That Melvil and others told deponent, they expected a ship from Holland with a Dutch cargo, which ship they had some time before sent to Jamaica with slaves.”
“That he was in company with Dacres, chief of Accra, who informed him Young was coming to turn him out of the fort, by reason he would not enter into partnership with Melvil and Young; that Dacres declared he should have been glad to have continued his employ, but rather than be uneasy he would quit it, and soon after did so. That deponent could not purchase from the chiefs of forts, slaves under an ounce and half, or two ounces a head more than he gave for those of equal goodness to the Negro traders, occasioned by the trade being carried on by the chiefs of the forts.”
“That deponent was informed by the Negroes at Annamaboa, if he wanted to trade under the forts, he must take canoes and canoe-men; forthe canoe-men under the forts were overawed by the chiefs, and they durst not assist him in trading; and deponent did so, and should have been under difficulties if he had not so done; and deponent found the Negroe traders under said forts, cautious and fearful of trading with him, lest the chiefs should know thereof, and sent to deponent in a private manner, when they had slaves to dispose of.”
“That cape Coast, Tantumquery, Winnebah and Accra were used by the chiefs as repositories for their market slaves, and saw them lodged in said castle and forts; that Negroes will bear a high price as long as the chiefs are permitted to trade in them, which will destroy the trade with all persons, but the chiefs and those settled at the forts.”
“Affidavit of James Hamilton, chief mate of the Polly of Bristol, sworn the same day as above. Swears to the same purport and effect as above set forth by Brown, in regard to the chiefs copartnership conversation with Dacres, and his being displaced, and the high price of slaves, and the reasons,&c.And then saith, that during his voyage, he hired a factory at Lagoe, and endeavoured to purchase slaves; on which Brew sent Negro traders and goods thither to oppose deponent; and Brew told deponent, it was impossible for him to trade to same advantage as Brew could, as he had so good assortment of goods; that if deponent gave eight ounces a head for slaves[19], Brew would give eight and half; and to intimidate deponent, declared he would send the servants of the forts up the paths, and prevent the trade coming down, and accordinglydid send them with liquor, and carried the traders to his own fort. That Brew refused to sell deponent slaves; and his reason was, Melvil had wrote him not to sell, as he could get a better price at cape Coast. That Young at Winnebah refused deponent slaves at ten ounces per head, unless deponent would give him the very best of his cargo, which would have unsorted him.”
“That Young refused him water for fifteen slaves, and deponent was obliged to give the natives fifteen shillings for forty gallons. That he went on shore with his goldtakerat Succondee to trade, carried some checks with him: that Hippesly, the chief there, took the gold taker on one side, whispered him, and threatened to whip him if he ever saw him bring goods there to trade with the natives.”
“That the natives and canoe-men at all the forts were fearful of trading with deponent, and declared they were afraid of being seen by the chiefs; that the forts were used as repositories for slaves, and that the trade will be hurt by the chiefs trading, as set forth by Brown.”
“Affidavit of Alexander Graham, master of the Fly, sworn the same day, saith, that when he and Jenkins, commander of the Silvia, were trading at Annamaboa, they at first bought slaves at five ounces and half, and from thence to seven and a half per head, and went on in a good way. On a sudden found a stagnation, enquired the occasion, and were informed the prices were raised at the neighbouring forts; and this deponent was obliged to give an advanced price; that if the chiefs trade, the prices will be high, and the trade hurt.”
On the foregoing affidavits, and other allegations and facts, “the merchants of Bristol andLiverpool presented a memorial to the lords of trade, setting forth among other things,
“That an act was passed in the year 1750, for making the trade to Africa free and open, for which end the management of the forts and affairs were trusted to the care of nine persons, a committee, as there set forth; that the said committee had the power of appointing officers and servants for managing their affairs in Africa, and discharging them at pleasure for not obeying their orders, or other misdemeanors; and they were to take care that the orders given their servants did not extend to public detriment, or the hurt of the free traders.”
“That officers were appointed, and leave given to trade (but not with foreigners, except Portuguese, for gold and tobacco) so that they became the regulators of the market.The committee, bythe act, are annually to lay before the general meeting of the company of the chambers of London, all resolutions, orders and instructions given their servants previous to such meeting, and copies to be sent to Bristol and Liverpool; but they have not so done.”
“That the committee’s chief agents, instead of regarding the interest of their constituents, have acted opposite thereto, as soon as in power. Instead of assisting the free trader, they entered into a joint stock copartnership, and attempted a monopoly more formidable than any could have been at home, as they were on the spot, and had the whole power.”
“That the merchants of Bristol had advice of the chief proceedings from their commanders, which on their return they found too true; and that by the attempts of the chiefs to engross the trade, the prices of slaves were raised much higher than ever known. Also that thecommanders were denied what strangers were always before assisted with,viz.canoes, canoe-men, wood, water,&c.”
“That a memorial was laid before the committee for their relief, but, to their great surprize, they found their complaints were treated as groundless surmizes, and unjust aspersions of the character of their officers, arising only from personal prejudice and party interest; a second and several repeated applications were made, and the committee at last informedthe managers, thatthey had referred the matter to the lords of trade.” Accordingly their lordships heard the matters in dispute between the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool, and that of the committee.
“And were of opinion, that the officers and servants employed by the committee, ought not to be allowed to trade for Negroe-slaves further than the amount of the salaries allowed them by the committee; and that such slaves should be disposed of for ivory, gold, bills of exchange, or other proper returns to England only.”
“And were of opinion, that the officers and servants employed by the committee, ought not to be allowed to trade for Negroe-slaves further than the amount of the salaries allowed them by the committee; and that such slaves should be disposed of for ivory, gold, bills of exchange, or other proper returns to England only.”
The committee paid no regard to their lordships opinion, consequently we conjecture, no regulation or orders has since been given by them to their servants; or if there has, the execution of such orders have not been enforced; for it is a truth which cannot be contradicted, that governor Melvil to his death, and the other officers of the committee, during his command, carried on the Negroe trade, and sent them from Africa to America for their own accounts, without the least reserve or restraint; also that governor Senior, and the officers under his command, did the same; and that governor Bell, who commanded at cape Coast Castle, when thelast advice came from thence, did carry on a trade for Negroes, and continues to send the Negroes so purchased, to America, in the same manner his predecessors had done; which the gentlemen of the African committee must know was, and is the practice; and also that it is most certainly contrary to the truespirit,meaningandintentionof theactofparliament, passed in the 23d year of his latemajesty’s reign, forextendingandimprovingthetradetoAfrica(by which the Africancompanywas established) and the opinion of the lords of trade and plantation; for the legislative power could mean no other than to put all his majesty’s subjects upon an equal footing.
But lest the gentlemen of the African committee’s memories should fail, we will remind them of some things that surely could not have happened without their knowledge; (to wit) the committee appointed Mr.Richard Brewin the year 1761, to the command ofAnnamaboafortress; although at the same time they could not but know that he had fitted out the Brew, a large ship at Liverpool, and another in the river Thames; the former with a large cargo for Africa; the latter went to Holland for Dutch merchandize, to compleat her cargo, to the manifest disadvantage of this country, because it prevents so much of our manufactures and East India goods being exported; and theDutch brandyandGenevainterfere with the exportation ofBritish spirits, besides being of great disadvantage to the rum trade from theBritish coloniestoAfrica. Said ship returned from Holland, and arrived at Portsmouth in or about the month of July 1761, where Mr. Brew went on board; and also Messrs. Westgate and Flemming, who had been in the committee’s service upon the coast of Africa: but, as we have been informed, they are now gone out in partnership with said Brew. Wehave also been informed, that the cargoes of the said ships were landed in Africa, and deposited in the fort of Annamaboa; and that Negroes were purchased with said cargoes, and sent from thence to Jamaica for the account of Mr. Brew, and those concerned with him.
It is also as true that Mr. Samuel Smith, merchant, in the Old Jury in London, one of the committee of the company of merchants trading to Africa, was the acting agent for Messrs. Brew, Westgate and Flemming, during their residence in Africa; that he received their consignments from thence, and acted for them by commission after their arrival in England; likewise during their stay there, and since their arrival in Africa; and also that Mr. Smith lately fitted in the river Thames a large ship with a great cargo: and we have reason to believe from good authority, that said ship and cargo was fitted out for the account of Mr. Brew, and others concerned with him; which ship is now on a voyage to Annamaboa; but whether any of the African committee are concerned or interested in said ship, besides Mr. Smith, we cannot take upon us to say.
We conjecture it never was intended by those gentlemen who prepared the act of parliament, which appointed there should be a committee of nine persons, who were to have the care of the forts in Africa, with the charge and application of the monies granted by parliament for their support, that any one of those persons should supply merchandize to be paid for with the public money under their care and management. However, such has been the case, as appears by the committee’s accounts laid before parliament. The following is an abstract of their last account for the year 1761, so far as it relates to any of the committee-men furnishing merchandize; by that our readers mayform a judgment on their other annual accounts, they being nearly the same as to the amount of what the African committee supplied the public with. Abstract of the beforementioned account as follows:
The following are clauses of the act of parliament that provides for the election of the African committee.
“Page 550. And it is hereby further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that in all future elections, the said committee of nine persons shall annually, on the third day of July in every year, be nominated and chosen as follows; that is to say, three of the said committee shall be nominated and chosen by the major part of the freemen of the said company, admitted to the freedom of the said company in London, who shall assemble for that purpose at London; three other persons to be of the said committee, shall be chosen and nominated by the major part of the freemen of the said company, admitted to the freedom of the said company in Bristol, who shall assemble for that purpose at Bristol; and three other persons to be of the said committee, shall be chosen and nominated by the major part of the freemen of the said company, admittedto the freedom of the said company in the town of Liverpool, who shall assemble for that purpose at Liverpool.”“Page 554. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that no person shall be capable of being chosen, or acting as a committee-man above three years successively.”
“Page 550. And it is hereby further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that in all future elections, the said committee of nine persons shall annually, on the third day of July in every year, be nominated and chosen as follows; that is to say, three of the said committee shall be nominated and chosen by the major part of the freemen of the said company, admitted to the freedom of the said company in London, who shall assemble for that purpose at London; three other persons to be of the said committee, shall be chosen and nominated by the major part of the freemen of the said company, admitted to the freedom of the said company in Bristol, who shall assemble for that purpose at Bristol; and three other persons to be of the said committee, shall be chosen and nominated by the major part of the freemen of the said company, admittedto the freedom of the said company in the town of Liverpool, who shall assemble for that purpose at Liverpool.”
“Page 554. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that no person shall be capable of being chosen, or acting as a committee-man above three years successively.”
By the foregoing clauses it was most certainly intended that the election for committee-men should be free and uninfluenced, but that has not happened; for there was great interest made by those who were chosen committee-men the first year after the act passed, for establishingthe company of merchants trading to Africa. After which, the several tradesmen employed by the African committee in London, and by their friends in Bristol and Liverpool, took up their freedom of the new company, in order to vote for committee-men; so that, at the expiration of the first year, when the committee-men that had been chosen forLondon,BristolandLiverpoolfor the preceding year, could act no longer, then, or at the expiration of the three years (which we cannot now take upon us to say) three new committee-men were chosen instead of three that went out, which nine committee-men so chosen, continued to act for three years, when the three other were again elected; by which means there are twelve persons who take it by rotation alternatively, to be of the committee or not, as they agree among themselves; on which account it is a folly for any person, not being one of the twelve, to attempt getting elected a committee-man for eitherLondon,Bristol, orLiverpool; there having been as great interest made against such persons who have offered themselves, as hath happened on some occasions preceding the election of a member of parliament; therefore we have the greatest reason tobelieve, there is not any person who will again attempt to stand a candidate in opposition to one of the twelve persons who have had the direction and management so long, of which number those gentlemen are, we have mentioned in the account of the merchandize supplied by the committee-men, page 51.
The several articles of merchandize purchased in Holland, are paid for in money, or bills of exchange, which is very disadvantageous to this country; and such goods may serve to make an assortment with those paid for by the government, and sent to Africa for the support of the forts there; which has been proved to have been the case before, consequently may be so again. That fact being admitted, and indeed it would be folly to think otherwise; what chance can any private traders have, when the committee’s servants have such a glaring emolument, besides so many other advantages over them? Were there any reason to ground the least supposition, that all things in Africa are carried on upon the square, and no methods practiced by the officers that command the several forts to monopolize the trade; can any one think even in such case, that private merchants, or matters of ships, who are obliged to paycustoms,houseandwarehouse rents,servants, and all sorts of other contingent expences, can possibly carry on a trade in any degree of equality with those persons, who are, as hath been before observed, exonerated from every article of expence?
The committee’s servants having such advantages, can it be supposed any private trader can stand any chance in trade with them, as said trader must settle in a negroe town, in a mud house covered with thatch, there being no other sort of dwelling to be got, without carrying tradesmen of all sorts from Europe to build it, which would beattended with too great an expence and risk for any private adventure to undertake? Therefore, on account of the frequent fires that happen in negroe towns, persons well acquainted with them, would not insure any property lodged therein for twenty-fiveper cent.annually. That alone is sufficient to deter any one from settling, except some of the old or new companies discarded servants, whose narrow circumstances discourage them from returning to Europe, not knowing what else to do with themselves; for there has not one of the young men from Bristol or Liverpool,&c.that were to have been intrusted with cargoes by their relations and friends, to go and settle under the protection of the British forts in Africa, has yet made a single attempt to do it, though that was made use of as an argument, and enforced with great energy by gentlemen, to obtain a dissolution of the late royal African company (and in which they succeeded). But no such boasted consequence has taken place, because the people of those places were not to be lulled on to adventure their property, under the notion of a free trade. They very well knew what hardships must attend those whowere necessitated tosettle in a negroe town, from a knowledge, as soon as they did, they must become subservient in a manner, and brother citizens with the negroes. It is a joke to think they can make use of the forts to lodge and defend their properties in; for the very persons who (we should imagine) by the spirit and intention of the act of parliament, ought to be their defenders, will take every measure, in proportion as they rival them, and curtail their trade, to exercise their power over the natives, to prevent the private trader succeeding with them, which will create disputes between the officers commanding the forts and the towns people under them, in whichevery private trader must bear a part; for no man can settle in a negroe town without paying hisfreedom, and entering into a league to become anative, and partake of thattownship’s misfortunes,advantages and customs. Is there any difference then between a European trader and an African? None! one is a native black Negroe, and the other is become a white one: so that whenever a dispute happens betweenthe nativesand the officers aforesaid, theindenizened Europeanwill be under the compulsive necessity of joining his black fellowtownsmenagainst hiscountrymenandfortress, which theBritishnation intended for hispreservationin time ofdanger, and lastresort.
From what we have before advanced, our readers may naturally wonder if the trade to Africa, where the forts are situated, is carried on so much to the disadvantage of the British traders, and so greatly for the benefit of the officers of the African committee, why said traders do not continue their complaints, in order to have their grievances redressed. We conjecture one reason for their not doing so, is the difficulties they had to encounter when they presented their former complaint to obtain satisfaction, which arose from the opposition raised against them by the African committee, who refused to give their officers such orders, as would have obliged them to put in execution thelords of trade and plantations opinion. Being defeated in their first attempt, it is natural to suppose they were fearful of applying again to the legislative power, lest the methods pursued to carry on that valuable branch of commerce, since it has been under the management of the African committee, should be maturely and attentively enquired into; for there has been, and is now, as much reason for such examination, as there was in the year 1753, 1755, 1756 and 1758. But then it began tobecome too serious; and if continued fairly, might have been a means of putting the forts upon a new and respectable establishment, such as would have enabled the officers commanding them, to have secured the natives under their protection from the danger they may be in from enemies of their own colour, and the arbitrary injustice often imposed upon them by the officers of our good friends and allies. The Dutch residing in Africa, to have prevented saidDutch officers, by their superior power, from wresting violently and unfairly any part of the territories belonging to theBritish forts, or detaining and imprisoning any of the natives living under their protection, both which they have illegally done since the decline of the late company’s power, and confined a number of them, notwithstanding all remonstrances made by the British officers, till thatnobleandgallantcommander, the present honourable lordHowarrived in his majesty’s shipGlory, with theSwansloop under his command, upon the Gold Coast, in the year 1751, who soon after his arrival, did examine with the greatest attention, all the original papers relative to the cause of the dispute that happened between the officers of the English and Dutch companies. After such examination, he demanded from the Dutch general the prisoners he had confined during said dispute in the castle of St. George’s D. Elmina, the principal Dutch fort upon the coast of Africa in that noble manner which it has everbeen the invariable rule of that judicious, worthy, and great commander to pursue in the service of his country[20].
It is to be hoped that the British forts will be put upon such an establishment, that the officers commanding them will be sufficiently empowered to hinder the Dutch officers from exercising that arbitrary power they have done, and continued to do, over thePortuguezeupon theGold CoastofAfrica, to prevent their trading at the British settlements, in open violation of a treaty concluded between the English and Dutch principal officers in Africa, and ratified by bothcompaniesinEurope[21].
If the African committee has not represented that affair in a true light to the government, we are surprized they have neglected it, as it is a very valuable commerce now wholly engrossed by the Dutch; who will not suffer the master or supercargo of anyPortuguezevessel to trade at the Englishforts, or with theBritishsubjects, notwithstanding the beforementioned treaty, which, perhaps, might be deemed obsolete, since the dissolution of the late company. If that should be the case, then, in our humble opinion, it ought to be renewed, as well as many other regulations made between the English and Dutch in Africa.
If the British officers should once again obtain that influence and power so essentially necessary for them to have, in order to open the trading roads to the most distant inland countries of Africa, so long stopped, which would be of immense advantage to this country, and, at the same time, to prevent the subjects of France hereafter carrying to their colonies the most valuable Negroes, as we have observed they did before the war, and which will in a great measure be proved, by the extracts of the following letters from the captains Strange and Wyndham, commanders of two of his majesty’s ships war, dated Africa, 20th Sept. 1740, and 30th Aug. 1742.
Capt. Strange writes to the following purport:“The French, by the advantages of their goods, especially Brandies, occasions a great price they give for their slaves, which has brought the English and Dutch trade to the lowest ebb.”
Capt. Strange writes to the following purport:
“The French, by the advantages of their goods, especially Brandies, occasions a great price they give for their slaves, which has brought the English and Dutch trade to the lowest ebb.”
Capt. Wyndham writes as follows:“This concludes the present state of the royal African factories; and as to the Dutch factories, they, as far as I can learn, make no great hand of their trade any more than the English; the French, who has ten ships on the coast to our one, seem to flourish and carry all before them.”
Capt. Wyndham writes as follows:
“This concludes the present state of the royal African factories; and as to the Dutch factories, they, as far as I can learn, make no great hand of their trade any more than the English; the French, who has ten ships on the coast to our one, seem to flourish and carry all before them.”
We think it necessary here to observe, that notwithstanding almost all the trade had been for some years before, and at that time, carried on by the French on that part of the coast where the most valuable Negroes were to be got; the separate British traders made no application to the legislativepower to prevent such pernicious commerce, though several remonstrances were made for that purpose by the late royal African company to the government; who also did lay before the public, in several letters inserted in the daily papers, as well as by pamphlets, the danger of the French incroachments.
Yet as soon as the private traders found the said company applying to parliament for money, to put their forts upon a proper and respectable footing, to prevent foreign innovations upon the territory and trade under their care, they took the alarm, awaked from their lethargy, strained every nerve, and put every scheme in execution their invention pointed out, to prevent the company’s succeeding, and to obtain their dissolution, which they compleated in the year 1750. But how far the African trade has been improved thereby, in upwards of twelve years that the African committee have had it under their direction and management, will appear from the facts and truths we have before stated, to which we beg leave to refer, and to the judgment of our readers.
Thus far we can undertake to say with truth, notwithstanding the great noise and clamour raised at that time by the African merchants for an open trade; it was then much more open and free for all British subjects trading thither, than it has been since under the direction of the African committee, and the national grants of money more regularly and fairly accounted for, as the late company had, for some years before, sent no ship to Africa, but freighted the merchandize, stores and provisions purchased with the money granted by parliament on board private ships; nor were their officers or servants permitted to trade otherwise than to barter to the best advantage. The merchandize purchased with thepublic moneyfor the better supportof theforts, out of which said servants could neither make embezzlement or advantage to themselves, according to the established rules laid down by the company, and the method by which their principal officers and other servants were to account for the same, who were obliged to give ample and sufficient security, strictly to adhere and conform to such rules. All persons in the late company’s service, of what station soever, that were entrusted with any of their or the government’s effects, whether the value was much or little, they were obliged to keep a true account of all their receipts and disbursements in writing, and at the end of every two months at farthest, to render to the council, which presides at the principal fort,two originals signedby said person so intrusted, and attested to be true by some other of the company’s servants, who had been privy to his transactions. That the then accountant residing at the principal fort, examined and made his remarks upon the account so rendered; and required vouchers in writing for such transactions as were therein mentioned to have been had with Europeans, it being impracticable to have written vouchers for dealings with the natives[22].
That said accountant laid all accounts so rendered, with his remarks thereon, before the saidcouncil, whoexamined,allowed, ordisallowedsuch accounts,&c.made suchdeductionsorabatementsto as they saw cause. That afterwards every such account was returned to the accountant as one of the vouchers from which he was to compose the general books to be sent home to the company.That by general Books is meant, journals and ledgers, where the collections, arising from the vouchers beforementioned, were reduced into order and method. That the council abroad had not power to pass, or allow anyaccountorvoucher finally; every thing being subject to thecompany’sfutureexaminationandapprobationinEngland.
That each journal and ledger contained the accounts of six months, which after having been dulystated and balancedabroad, they were sent home to the company by the first conveyance, together with all the original vouchers from which they were composed and signed; duplicates thereof were deposited in the principal forts, in case of loss or accident. That as soon as possible after the arrival of the said journals and ledgers in England, they were compared by the company’s accountant general (who was one of the first accountants in Europe) with the vouchers, and the said vouchers themselves were examined; that objections and deductions were thereupon made by the company, when due cause was found for so doing. It must now surely clearly appear, that so many examinations of the books and accounts, made by persons whose private interest had not the least connexions with each other, must render it extreamly difficult for the late company’s servants toembezzleormisapplyany of the effects committed to their charge withimpunity, or without beingdetected.
That after the examinations aforesaid of the accounts, they were delivered to theauditorof hismajesty’s imprest, and after they were examined and compared by the deputy-auditor with the vouchers, and certified by him they were right, then the company obtained aquietusto discharge them from anysumorsumsofmoneyso accounted for, that they had received from thepublic; havingfirst sworn to the truth of such part of said accounts as had been transacted under their own inspection, in Europe before one of the barons of his majesty’s exchequer.
The following is the copy of a clause from the act of parliamentfor extending and improving the trade to Africa, directing in what mannerthe committee are toaccount for the monies they receive from the public for the support of the forts in Africa. In page 556.
“It is enacted that the committee shall, within one month after the expiration of the year, for or during which they shall have been chosen committee-men, lay before the cursitor baron of the exchequer, an account of all the money received by the committee during the preceding year, and of the application thereof, upon oath. And the said cursitor baron shall, within one month after the said account shall be laid before him, examine, pass, and audit the same; and for the better discovering of the truth of such account, the said cursitor baron is hereby empowered to examine any of the said committee-men, and such other person or persons as he shall judge necessary, upon oath, touching the articles or particulars in such account expressed, or such of them as the said cursitor baron shall think fit; which account, so audited and passed by the cursitor baron, shall be final and conclusive, and shall be a full and absolute discharge to the said committee-men, without their being compelled to give or render any further or other account thereof.”
“It is enacted that the committee shall, within one month after the expiration of the year, for or during which they shall have been chosen committee-men, lay before the cursitor baron of the exchequer, an account of all the money received by the committee during the preceding year, and of the application thereof, upon oath. And the said cursitor baron shall, within one month after the said account shall be laid before him, examine, pass, and audit the same; and for the better discovering of the truth of such account, the said cursitor baron is hereby empowered to examine any of the said committee-men, and such other person or persons as he shall judge necessary, upon oath, touching the articles or particulars in such account expressed, or such of them as the said cursitor baron shall think fit; which account, so audited and passed by the cursitor baron, shall be final and conclusive, and shall be a full and absolute discharge to the said committee-men, without their being compelled to give or render any further or other account thereof.”
By the foregoing clause, the African committee is only obliged to account for the application inEuropeof any monies they receive from government, or otherwise, for the support of theAfrican forts, by laying their annual account before thecursitor baron, how they have appropriated said monies, whether by purchasing and shipping merchandizes, stores, and other supplies for the use of the forts, or of any other manner they might have disposed of the same[23].
By said clause, the cursitor baron is obliged to audit and pass the committee’s account in one month after it is laid before him; though he should have objections thereto, as he had to their accounts for years 1754, 1755 and 1756. However, he passed them, but submitted it to the house of commons to allow some charges in said accounts, or not, that he certainly thought were charged contrary to act of parliament, or he would not have objected to them. But that would have appeared as well as many other facts, with respect to their management and accounts, if the report, consisting of 87 pages, of the committee, appointed by the honourable house of commons to examine into the state and condition of the forts in Africa in the year 1758, had been examined into. All we can take upon us to say with respect to that affair is, said report was prevented being taken into consideration by the house, in consequence of amotionbeingmadeandsecondedfor suchpurpose, by theAfrican committee’s friends.
We can with truth undertake to say, that many irregularities in the African committee’s accounts were pointed out during the examination before the several committee’s appointed by the house; upon which they desired leave to bring in subsequentaccounts to clear up such objections as had been made, one of which was presented to the committee the 22d April, 1756, wherein the African committee deductedfrom the balance ofa former account they had presented 1891l.sterling. We shall only quote this one instance, to shew how necessary it is that the African committee and their servants should be accountable to the public in the same manner the late African company was, for any monies they are intrusted with by government, for the application of said monies on the coast of Africa, before they should obtain a discharge for the same, which would lay them under a necessity to examine minutely into the accounts they receive from their officers in Africa, of the application of said monies there; which, as they are now no-ways accountable for, we may, we hope without being thought severe, presume is not done; which will, in a great measure, appear by the subsequent account before quoted: besides, we fear people, who have accounts of their own to look after, seldom give themselves much trouble about those of the public, unless obligated thereto.
When the officers, who have the application of the public money in Africa, are once satisfied that their accounts will undergo a strict examination by the committee, and also at the auditor of the imprests office; that it will induce them to be careful how they dispose of the merchandize,&c.committed to their charge; as suchofficersand theirsuretieswill be liable to make good any deduction there, may be made from their accounts. It will likewise be very advantageous to the inferior servants of the committee; for such good purpose, a method can be pointed out to prevent the merchandize purchased with the public money being made use of by the superior officers in trade, for their own account and emolument, to the great injury of the others, manyinstances of which we have to produce; also that the soldiers, under-servants, and company’s slaves have been paid out of the refuse goods that the commanding officers had taken in the course of their trade.
A single instance of such inhumanity to the inferior servants we think sufficient to trouble the public with, which happened during governor Melvil’s command; and that we should not now particularly take notice of, but as it fell under our observation when we were upon the spot. It also was a charge urged against Mr. Melvil when living, which he never attempted to contradict, to wit, that John Sweidger, a Prussian, and Gardiner at Cape Coast, desired his discharge, wanting to go to his own country. Mr. Melvil, the then governor and treasurer at Cape Coast Castle, whose business it was to give written orders upon the warehouse (or storekeeper) to pay the servants, gave said Sweidger a note upon the warehouse-keeper, for wages due to him, amounting to 28l.gold value, which is about 27l.2s.6d.sterling, which said warehouse-keeper offered to pay in guns, that would not even purchase the poor man a little fresh provisions for his voyage. After repeated applications to the governor and warehouse-keeper, finding he could not obtain any thing else, he offered the governor’s note for 28l.to sale to several of the servants in the castle; and at last sold it to James Hinch, the overseer of the slaves, for eight pounds. That oppressive transaction fully points out how necessary it is that some other method of accounting for the government’s supplies should be adopted, and carried into execution, which surely there cannot be the least objection to.
For example, we will suppose any gentleman in England to have an estate in Africa, and that he was to order Messrs. Trueman and company, orany other respectable merchants in the city of London, to send out a steward to superintend and take care of theimprovement of suchestate; and that they were to take security from said steward for the value of any monies or merchandize,&c.that he may be entrusted with, to pay the servants residing thereupon, and other expences; also charges of building and repairs. Is it to be supposed said gentlemen, notwithstanding he had the greatest faith in, and opinion of the integrity and honesty of said merchants, would be satisfied with their giving him an account only of their having sent such steward, merchandize, stores and provisions to his estate, without an account from the steward, properly vouched, of the application thereof in Africa? Surely no! then if a private person thinks it necessary to have such an authenticated account, we submit it to the judgment of our readers to determine, whether they think it reasonable the public should expect the same or not. We, for our own parts, are inclined to believe, that people intrusted with the application of public monies, at so great a distance as Africa, when they can make such immense advantage of it as thecommittee’s officerscan, will be induced to embrace the opportunity, however disadvantageous it may be to their country, when they are satisfied little care will be taken how they account for the same.
We shall conclude this pamphlet, with inserting a copy of a petition, signed by the planters of the island of Barbadoes, in the year 1710. The reasons and observations contained therein, in our humble opinion, fully point out, that they foresaw what has in effect since happened; therefore we beg leave to submit it to our readers to form their own judgment upon.
To the queen’s most excellent majesty,
The humble petition of several planters and others, inhabitants of your majesty’s island of Barbadoes,
Sheweth,