[198] LXIX As a native of Latium—Nam is civis ex Latio erat. "As he was a Latin, he was not protected by the Porcian law (see Cat., c. 51), though how far this law had power in the camp, is not agreed."Allen. Gerlach thinks that it had the same power in the camp as elsewhere, with reference to Roman citizens. But Roman citizenship was not extended to the Latins till the end of the Social War, A.U.C. 662. Plutarch, however, in his Life of Caius Gracchus (c. 9), speaks of Livius Drusus having been abetted by the patricians in proposing a law for exempting the Latin soldiers from being flogged, about thirty years earlier; and it seems to have been passed, but, from this passage of Sallust, appears not to have remained in force. Lipsius touches on this obscure point in hisMilitia Romana, v. 18, but settles nothing. Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, c. 8, says that Turpilius was an old retainer of the family of Metellus, whom he attended, in this war, asprafectus fabrûm, or master of the artificers; that, being afterward appointed governor of Vacea, he exercised his office with great justice and humanity, that his life was spared by Jugurtha at the solicitation of the inhabitants; that, when he was brought to trial, Metellus thought him innocent, and that he would not have been condemned but for the malice of Marius, who exasperated the other members of the council against him. He adds, that after his death, his innocence became apparent, and that Marius boasted of having planted in the breast of Metellus an avenging fury, that would not fail to torment him for having put to death the innocent friend of his family. Hence Sir Henry Steuart has accused Sallust of wilfully misrepresenting the character of Turpilius, as well as the whole transaction. But as much credit is surely due to Sallust as to Plutarch.
[199] LXX. To which Jugurtha—was unable to attend—Quae Jugartha, fesso, aut majoribus astricto, superaverant. "Which had remained to (or been too much for) Jugurtha, when weary, or engaged in more important affairs."
[200] Among the winter-quarters of the Romans—Inter hiberna Romanorum.It is stated in c. 61, as Kritzius observes, that Metellus, when he put his army into winter-quarters, had, at the same time, placed garrisons in such of Jugurtha's towns as had revolted to him. The forces of the Romans being thus dispersed, Nabdalsa might justly be said to have his armyinter hiberna, "amongtheir winter-quarters."
[201] LXXI. Behind his head—Super caput. On the back of the bolster that supported his head; part of which might be higher than the head itself.
[202] LXXIIL The factious tribunes—Seditiosi magistratus.
[203] After the lapse of many years—Post multas tempestates. Apparently the period since A.U.C. 611, when Quintus Pompeius, who, as Cicero says (in Verr. ii. 5), washumile atque obscuro loco natus, obtained the consulship; that is, a term of forty-three or forty-four years.
[204] That decree was thus rendered abortive—Ea res frustra fuit. By alex Sempronia, a law of Caius Gracchus, it was enacted that the senate should fix the provinces for the future consuls before thecomitiafor electing them were held. But from Jug. c. 26, it appears that the consuls might settle by lot, or by agreement between themselves, which of those two provinces each of them should take. How far the senate were allowed or accustomed in general, to interfere in the arrangement, it is not easy to discover: but on this occasion they had taken on themselves to pass a resolution in favor of the patrician. Lest similar scenes, however, to those of the Sempronian times should be enacted, they yielded the point to the people.
[205] LXXV. Thala—The river on which this town stood is not named by Sallust, but it appears to have been the Bagrada. It seems to have been nearly destroyed by the Romans, after the defeat of Juba, in the time of Julius Caesar; though Tacitus, Ann. iii. 21, mentions it as having afforded a refuge to the Romans in the insurrection of the Numidian chief, Tacfarinas. D'Anville and Dr. Shaw,Travels in Bombay, vol. i. pt. 2, ch. 5, think it the same with Telepte, nowFerre-anah; but this is very doubtful. See Cellar. iv. 5. It was in ruins in the time of Strabo.
[206] Had done more than was required of them—Officia intenderant."Auxitintenditquesaevitiam exacerbatus indicio filii sui Drusi" Suet. Tib. 62.
[207] LXXVI. Nor did he ever—continue, etc.—Neque postea—moratus, simulabat, etc.—Most editors takemoratusformorans; Allen places a colon after it, as if it were formoratus est.
[208] And erected towns upon it to protect, etc.—Et super aggerem impositis turribus epus et administros tutari. "And protected the work and the workmen with towers placed on the mound."Impositis turribusis not the ablative absolute, but the ablative of the instrument.
[209] LXXVII. Leptis—Leptis Major, nowLebida. In c. 19, Leptis Minor is meant.
[210] Their own safety—Suam salutem: i.e. the safety of the people of Leptis.
[211] LXXVIII. Which take their name from their nature—Quibus nomen ex re inditum.From [Greek:surein],to draw,because the stones and sand were drawn to and fro by the force of the wind and tide. But it has been suggested that this etymology is probably false; it is less likely that their name should be from the Greek than from the Arabic, in whichsertsignifies a desert tract or region, a term still applied to the desert country bordering on the Syrtea. See Ritter, Allgem. vergleich, Geog. vol. i. p. 929. The words which, in Havercamp, close this description of the Syrtes, "Syrtes ab tractu nominatae", and which Gruter and Putschius suspected not to be Sallust's, Cortius omitted; and his example has been followed by Muller and Burnouf; Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have retained them. Gerlach, however, thinks them a gloss, though they are found in every manuscript but one.
[212] Almost at the extremity of Africa—Prope in extremâ Africâ."Byextremâ AfricâGerlach rightly understands the eastern part of Africa, bordering on Egypt, and at a great distance from Numidia."Kritzius.
[213] The language alone—Lingua modò.
[214] From the king's dominions—Ab imperio regis."Understand Masinissa's, Micipsa's, or Jugurtha's."Burnouf.
[215] LXXIX. Philaeni—The account of these Carthaginian brothers with a Greek name,philainoi, praise-loving, is probably a fable. Cortius thinks that the inhabitants, observing two mounds rising above the surrounding level, fancied they must have been raised, not by nature, but by human labor, and invented a story to account for their existence. "The altars," according to Mr. Rennell (Geog. of Herod., p. 640), "were situated about seven ninths of the way from Carthage to Cyrene; and the deception," he adds, "would have been too gross, had it been pretended that the Carthaginian party had traveled seven parts in nine, while the Cyrenians had traveled no more than two such parts of the way." Pliny (II. N. v. 4) says that the altars were of sand; Strabo (lib. iii.) says that in his time they had vanished. Pomponius Mela and Valerius Maximus repeat the story, but without adding any thing to render it more probable.
[216] Devoid of vegetation—Nuda gignentium. So c. 93,cunota gignentium natura. Kritzius justly observes thatgignentiais not to be taken in the sense ofgenita, as Cortius and others interpret, but in its own active sense; the ground was bareof all that was productive, orof whatever generates any thing. This interpretation is suggested by Perizonius ad Sanctu Minerv. i. 15.
[217] Sacrificed themselves—Seque vitamque—condonavere. "Nihil aliud est quàmvitam suam, sc.[Greek:eu dia dyoin]."Allen.
[218] LXXX. Sell—honorable or dishonorable—Omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere. See Cat. c. 30. They had been bribed by Jugurtha to use their influence against Bocchus.
[219] A daughter of Bocchus, too, was married to Jugurtha—Jugurthae filia Bocchi nupserat. Several manuscripts and old editions haveBoccho, making Bocchus the son-in-law of Jugurtha. But Plutarch (Vit. Mar. c. 10, Sull. c. 8) and Florus (iii. 1) agree in speaking of him as Jugurtha's father-in-law. Bocchus was doubtless an older man than Jugurtha, having a grown up son, Volux, c. 105. Castilioneus and Cortius, therefore, saw the necessity of readingBocchi, and, other editors have followed them, except Gerlach, "who," says Kritzius, "has givenBocchiin his larger, andBocchoin his smaller and more recent edition, in order that readers using both may have an opportunity of making a choice."
[220] No one of them becomes a companion to him—_Nulla pro sociâ obtinet The use ofobtinetabsolutely, or with the word dependent on it understood, prevails chiefly among the later Latin writers. Livy, however, hasfama obtinuit, xxi. 46. "Thetyrois to be reminded," says Dietsch, "thatobtinetis not the same ashabetar, but is always forlocum obtinet."
[221] LXXXI. The two kings, with their armies—The text has onlyexercitus.
[222] To lessen Bocchus's chance of peace—Bocchi pacem imminuere. He wished to engage Bocchus in some act of hostility against the Romans, so as to render any coalition between them impossible.
[223] LXXXII. Should have learned something of the Moors —Cognitis Mauris, i.e.after knowing something of the Moors,and not before.Cognitis militibusis used in the same way in c. 39; and Dietsch says thatamicitia Jugurthae parum cognitais fornondum cognita, c. 14.
[224] LXXXIV. Discharged veterans—Homines emeritis stipendiis.Soldiers who had completed their term of service.
[225] Means of warfare—Usum belli.That isea quae belli usus posceret, troops and supplies.
[226] Cherished the fancy—Animis trahebant. "Trahere animois always to revolve in the mind, not to let the thought of a thing escape from the mind."Kritzius.
[227] LXXXV. Its interests ought to be managed, etc.—Majore curâ illam administrari quàm haec peti debere.Cortius injudiciously omits the wordillam. No one has followed him but Allen.
[228] Hostile—Occursantis.Thwarting, opposing.
[229] That you may not be deceived in me—Ut neque vos capiamini."This verb is undoubtedly used in this passage fordecipere. Compare Tibull. Eleg. iii. 6, 45:Nec vos aut capiant pendentia brachia collo, Aut fallat blandâ sordida tingua prece.Cic. Acad. iv. 20:Sapientis vim maximam esse cavere, ne capiatur." Gerlach.
[230] To secure their election—Per ambitionem. Ambireis to canvass for votes; to court the favor of the people.
[231] Of yonder crowd of nobles—ex illo globo nobilitatis. Illo,[Greek:deiktikos].
[232] I know some—who after they have been elected, etc.—"At whom Marina directs this observation, it is impossible to tell. Gerlach referring to Cic. Quest. Acad. ii. 1, 2, thinks that Lucullus is meant. But if he supposes that Lucullus was presentto the mind of Mariuswhen he spoke, he is egregiously deceived, for Marius was forty years antecedent to Lucullus. It is possible, however, thatSallust, thinking of Lucullus when he wrote Marius's speech, may have fallen into an anachronism, and have attributed to Marius, whose character he had assumed, an observation which might justly have been made in his own day."Kritzius.
[233] Persons who invert the order of things—Homines Praeposteri.Men who do that last which should be done first.
[234] For though to discharge the duties of the office, etc.—Nam gerere, quam fieri, tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est.Withgerereis to be understoodconsulatum; withfieri, consulem.This is imitated from Demosthenes, Olynth. iii.: [Greek:To gar prattein ton legein kai cheirotonein, usteron on tae taxei, proteron tae dynamei kai kreitton esti.] "Acting is posterior in order to speaking and voting, but prior and superior in effect."
[235] With those haughty nobles—Cum illorum superbui. Virtus Scipiades et mitis sapientia Laeli.
[236] My conditionMihi fortuna. "That is, my lot, or condition, in which I was born, in which I had no hand in producing."Dietsch.
[237] The circumstance of birth, etc.Naturam unam et communem omnium existumo. "Nascendi sortem" is the explanation which Dietsch gives tonaturam. One man isbornas well as another, but the difference between men is made by their different modes of action; a difference which the nobles falsely suppose to proceed from fortune. "Voltaire, Mohammed, Act.I., sce. iv., has expressed the sentiment of Sallust exactly:
Les mortels sont égaux, ce n'est point la naissance,C'est la seule vertu qui fait leur différence."Burnouf.
[238] And could it be inquired of the fathers, etc.—Ac, si jam ex patribus Alibini aut Bestiae quaeri posset, etc.Patres, in this passage, is not, as Anthon imagines, the same asmajores; as is apparent from the wordgigni. The fathers of Albinus and Bestia were probably dead at the time that Marius spoke. The passage which Anthon quotes from Plutarch to illustratepatres, is not applicable, for the word there is [Greek:pragonoi: Epunthaneto ton paronton, ei mae kai tous ekeinon oiontai progonous auto mallon an emxasthai paraplaesious ekgonous apolitein, ate dae maed autous di eugeneian, all ap aretaes kai kalon ergon endoxous genomenous.] Vit. Mar. c. 9. "He would then ask the people whether they did not think that the ancestors of those men would have wished rather to leave a posterity like him, since they themselves had not risen to glory by their high birth, but by their virtue and heroic achievements?"Langhorne.
[239] Abstinence—Innocentiae. Abstinence from all vicious indulgence.
[240] Honorable exertion—Virtutis. See notes on Cat. c. 1, and Jug. c. 1.
[241] They occupy the greatest part of their orations in extolling their ancestors—Plerâque oratione majores suos extollunt."They extol their ancestors in the greatest part of their speech."
[242] The glory of ancestors sheds a light on their posterity, Juvenal, viii.138:
Incipit ipsorum contra te stare parentumNobilitas, claramque facem praeferre pudendis.
Thy fathers' virtues, clear and bright, displayThy shameful deeds, as with the light of day.
[243] I feel assured—Ex animi sententiâ. "It was a common form of strong asseveration."Gerlach.
[244] Spears—Hastas. "Ahasta pura, that is a spear without iron, was anciently the reward of a soldier the first time that he conquered in battle, Serv. ad Virg. Aen. vi. 760; it was afterward given to one who had struck down an enemy in a sally or skirmish, Lips. ad Polyb. de Milit. Rom. v.17."Burnouf.
[245] A banner—Vexillum. "Standards were also military rewards. Vopiscus relates that tenhastae purae, and four standards of two colors, were presented to Aurelian. Suetonius (Aug. 25) says that Agrippa was presented by Augustus, after his naval victory, with a standard of the color of the sea. These standards therefore, were not, as Badius Ascensius thinks, always taken from the enemy; though this was sometimes the case, as appears from Sil. Ital. x.v. 261:
Tunc hasta viris, tunc martia cuiqueVexilla, ut meritum, et praedae libamina, dantur."Burnouf.
[246] Caparisons—Phaleras. "Sil. Ital. xv. 255:
Phalerishic pectora fulget: Hictorqueaurato circumdat bellica collae.
Juvenal, xv. 60:
Ut laetiphalerisomnes ettorquibusomnes.
These passages show thatphalerae, a name for the ornaments of horses, were also decorations of men; but they differed from thetorques, or collars, in this respect, that thephaleraehung down over the breast, and thetorquesonly encircled the neck. See Lips. ad Polyb. de Milit. Rom. v. 17."Burnouf.
[247] Valor—Virtutem."The Greeks, those illustrious instructors of the world, had not been able to preserve their liberty; their learning therefore had not added to their valor.Virtus, in this passage, is evidentlyfortitudo bellica, which, in the opinion of Marius, wasthe only virtue." Burnouf. See Plutarch, Vit. Mar. c. 2.
[248] To be vigilant at my post—Praesidia agitare. Or "to keep guard at my post." "Praesidia agitaresignifies nothing more than to protect a party of foragers or the baggage, or to keep guard round a besieged city."Vortius.
[249] Keep no actor—Histrionem nullum—habeo. "Luxuriae peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico (Manlii sc. Vulsonis, A.U.C. 563) invecta in urbem est.——Tum psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalialudionumobiectamenta, addita epulis." Liv. xxxix. 6. "By this army returning from Asia was the origin of foreign luxury imported into the city.——At entertainments—were introduced players on the harp and timbrel, withbuffoonsfor the diversion of the guests."Baker. Professor Anthon, who quotes this passage, says thathistrio"here denotes a buffoon kept for the amusement of the company." But such is not the meaning of the wordhistrio. It signifies one who in some wayacted, either by dancing and gesticulation, or by reciting, perhaps to the music of the _sambucistriae or other minstrels. See Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Ant. Art.Histrio, sect. 2. Scheller's Lex. sub. vv.Histrio, Ludio, andSalto. The emperors had whole companies of actors,histriones aulici, for their private amusement. Suetonius says of Augustus (c. 74) that at feasts he introducedacroamata et histriones. See also Spartian.Had. c. 19; Jul.Capitol.Verus, c.8.
[250] My cook—Coquum. Livy, in the passage just cited from him, addstum coquus villisimum antiquis mancipium, et estimatione et usu in pretio esse; ut quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta. "The cook, whom the ancients considered as the meanest of their slaves both in estimation and use, became highly valuable."Baker.
[251] Avarice, inexperience, and arrogance—Avaritiam, imperitiam, superbiam. "The President De Brosses and Dotteville have observed, that Marius, in these words, makes an allusion to the characters of all the generals that had preceded him, noticing at once the avarice of Calpurnius, the inexperience of Albinus, and the pride of Metellus."Le Brun.
[252] For no man, by slothful timidity, has escaped the lot of mortals—_Etenim ignavia nemo immortalis factus. The English translators have rendered this phrase as if they supposed the sense to be, "No man has gained immortal renown by inaction." But this is not the signification. What Marius means, is, thatno man, however cautiously and timidly he may avoid danger, has prolonged his life to immortality. Taken in this sense, the words have their proper connection with what immediately follows:neque quisquam parens liberis, uti aeterni forent, optavit. The sentiment is the same as in the verse of Horace:Mors et fugacem persequitur virum; or in these lines of Tyrtaeus:
[Greek: Ou gar kos thanaton ge psygein eimarmenon estinAndr', oud' haen progonon hae genos athanatonPollaki daeiotaeta phygon kai doupon akontonErchetai, en d' oiko moira kichen thanaton.]
To none, 'mong men, escape from death is giv'n,Though sprung from deathless habitants of heav'n:Him that has fled the battle's threatening sound,The silent foot of fate at home has found.
The French translator, Le Brun, has given the right sense: "Jamais la lacheté n'a préservé de la mort;" and Dureau Delamalle: "Pour être un làche, on n'en serait pas plus immortel."Ignaviais properlyinaction; but here signifiesa timid shrinking from danger.
[253] Nor has any parent wished for his children, etc.—[Greek:Ou gar athanatous sphisi paidas euchontai genesthai, all' agathous kai eukleeis.] "Men do not pray that they may have children that will never die, but such as will be good and honorable." Plato, Menex. 20. "This speech, differing from the other speeches in Sallust both in words and thoughts, conveys a clear notion of that fierce and objurgatory eloquence which was natural to the rude manners and bold character of Marius. It is a speech which can not be called polished and modulated, but must rather be termed rough and ungraceful. The phraseology is of an antique cast, and some of the wordscoarse.——But it is animated and fervid, rushing on like a torrent; and by language of such a character and structure, the nature and manners of Marius are excellently represented."Gerlach.
[254] LXXXVI. Not after the ancient method, or from the classes—Non more majorum, neque ex classibus. By the regulation of Servius Tullius, who divided the Roman people into six classes, the highest class consisting of the wealthiest, and the others decreasing downward in regular gradation, none of the sixth class, who were not considered as having any fortune, but werecapite censi, "rated by the head," were allowed to enlist in the army. The enlistment of the lower order, commenced, it is said, by Marius, tended to debase the army, and to render it a fitter tool for the purposes of unprincipled commanders. See Aul. Gell., xvi. 10.
[255] Desire to pay court—Per ambitionem.
[256] LXXXVII. Having filled up his legions, etc. Their numbers had been thinned in actions with the enemy, and Metellus perhaps took home some part of the army which did not return to it.
[257] Their country and parents, etc—Patriam parentesque, etc. Sallust means to say that the soldiers would see such to be the general effect and result of vigorous warfare; not that they had any country or parents to protect in Numidia. But the observation has very much of the rhetorician in it.
[258] LXXXVIII. From our allies—Ex sociis nostris. The people of the province.
[259] Obliged the king himself—to take flight without his armsIpsumque regem—armis exuerat. He attacked Jugurtha so suddenly and vigorously that he was compelled to flee, leaving his arms behind him.
[260]: LXXXIX. The Libyan Hercules—Hercules Libys. "He is one of the forty and more whom Varro mentions, and who, it is probable, were leaders of trading expeditions or colonies. Seesupra, c. 18. A Libyan Hercules is mentioned by Solinus xxvii."Bernouf.
[261] Marius conceived a strong desire—Marium maxima cupido invaserat. "A strong desire had seized Marius."
[262] Wild beasts' flesh—Ferinâ carne. Almost all our translators have rendered this "venison." But the Africans lived on the flesh of whatever beasts they took in the chase.
[263] XC. The consul, etc.—Here is a long and awkward parenthesis. I have adhered to the construction of the original. The "yet,"tamen, that follows the parenthesis, refers to the matter included in it.
[264] He consigned to the care, etc.—Equitibus auxiliariis agendum attribuit. "He gave to be driven by the auxiliary cavalry."
[265] The town of Lares—Oppidum Laris. Cortius seems to have been right in pronouncingLaristo be an accusative plural. Gerlach observes that Lares occurs in the Itinerary of Antonius and in St. Augustine, Adv. Donatist., vi. 28.
[266] XCI. After marching the whole night.—He seems to have marched in the night for the sake of coolness.
[267] XCII. All his undertakings, etc.—Omnia non bene consulta in virtutem trahebantur. "All that he did rashly was attributed to hisconsciousness ofextraordinary power." If they could not praise his prudence, they praised his resolution and energy.
[268] Difficult of execution—Difficilem. There seemed to be as many impediments to success as in the affair at Capsa, though the undertaking was not of so perilous a nature.
[269] In the midst of a plain—Inter caeteram planitiem. Bycaeteramhe signifies thatthe restof the ground, except the part on which the fort stood, was plain and level.
[270] Directed his utmost efforts to take—Summâ vi capere intendit. It is to be observed thatsummâ virefers tointendit, not tocapere.Summâ opeanimumintendit ut caperet.
[271] Among the vineae—Inter vineas. "Inter, for which Müller, from a conjecture of Glareanus, substitutedintrais supported by all the manuscripts, and ought not to be altered, althoughintrawould have been more exact, as the signification ofinteris of greater extent, and includes that ofintra.Interis used when a thing is inclosed on each side;intra, when it is inclosed on all sides. If the soldiers, therefore, are considered as surrounded with thevineae, they should be described asintra vineas; but as there is no reason why they may not also be contemplated as being inclosed only laterally by thevineae, the phraseinter vineasmay surely in that case be applied to them. Gronovius and Drakenborch ad Liv., i. 10, have observed how often these propositions are interchanged when referred totime." Kritzius. Onvineae, see c. 76.
[272] XCIII. A certain Ligurian—in the auxiliary cohorts—The Ligurians were not numbered among the Italians orsociiin the Roman army, but attached to it only as auxiliaries.
[273] A desire—of seeing what he had never seen—More humani ingenii, cupido ignara visundi invadit. This is the reading of Cortius, to which Muller and Allen adhere. Gerlach inserted in his text,More humani ingeni, cupidio difficilia faciundi animum vortit; which Kritzius, Orelli, and Dietsch, have adopted, and which Cortius acknowledged to be the reading of the generality of the manuscripts, except that they vary as to the last two words, some havinganimad vortit. The sense of this reading will be, "the desire of doing something difficult, which is natural to the human mind, drew off his thoughts from gathering snails, and led him to contemplate something of a more arduous character." But the reading of Cortius gives so much better a sense to the passage, that I have thought proper to follow it. Burnouf, with Havercamp and the editions antecedent to Cortius, readsmore humanae cupidinis ignara visundi animum vortit, of which the first five words are taken from a quotation of Aulus Gellius, ix. 12, who, however, may have transcribed them from some other part of Sallust's works, now lost.
[274] Horizontally—Prona. This word here signifiesforward, notdownward, as Anthon and others interpret, for trees growing out of a rock or bank will not take adescendingdirection.
[275] As nature directs all vegetables—Quò cuncta gignentium natura fert. It is to be observed that the construction isnatura fert cuncta gignentium, forcuncta gignentia. Ongignentia, i.e. vegetable, orwhatever produces any thing, see c. 79, and Cat., c. 53.
[276] Four centurions for a guard—Praesidio qui forent, quatuor centuriones. It is a question among the commentators whether the centurions were attended by their centuries or not; Cortius thinks that they were not, as ten men were sufficient to cause an alarm in the fortress, which was all that Marius desired. But that Cortius is in the wrong, and that there were common soldiers with the centurions, appears from the following considerations: 1. Marius would hardly have sent, or Sallust have spoken of,fourmen as a guard tosix. 2. Why should centurions only have been selected, and not common soldiers as well as their officers? 3. An expression in the following chapter,laqueis—quibus allevati milites facilius escenderent, seems to prove that there were others present besides the centurions and the trumpeters. The wordmilitesis indeed wanting in the text of Cortius, but appears to have been omitted by him merely to favor his own notion as to the absence of soldiers, for he left it out, as Kritzius says,summâ libidine, ne uno quidem codice assentiente, "purely of his own will, and without the authority of a single manuscript." Taking a fair view of the passage, we seem necessarily led to believe that the centurions were attended by a portion, if not the whole, of their companies. See the following note.
[277] XCIV. Those who commanded the centuries—Illi qui centuriis praeerant. This is the reading of several manuscripts, and of almost all the editions before that of Kritzius, and may be tolerated if we suppose that the centurions were attended by their men, and that Sallust, in speaking of the change of dress, meantto include the men, although he specifies only the officers. Yet it is difficult to conceive why Sallust should have used such a periphrase forcenturiones. Seven of the manuscripts, however, havequi adsensuri erant, which Kritzius and Dietsch have adopted. Two havequi ex centuriis praeerant. Allen, not unhappily, conjectures,qui praesidio erant. Cortius suspected the phrase,qui centuriis praeerant, and thought it a transformation of the wordsqui adscensuris praeerat, which somebody had written in the margin as an explanation of the following wordduce, and which were afterward altered and thrust into the text.
[278] Progress—might be less impeded—Nisus—faciliùs foret. The adverb for the adjective. So in the speech of Adherbal, c. 14,ut tutius essem.
[279] Unsafe—Dubia nisu. "Not to be depended upon for support."Nisuis the old dative fornisui.
[280] Causing a testudo to be formed—Testudine actâ. The soldiers placed their shields over their heads, and joined them close together, forming a defense like the shell of a tortoise.
[281] XCV. For I shall in no other place allude to his affairs—Neque enim allo loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus."These words show that Sallust, at this time, had not thought of writingHistories, but that he turned his attention to that pursuit after he had finished the Jugurthine war. For that he spoke of Sylla in his large history is apparent from several extant fragments of it, and from Plutarch, who quotes Sallust, Vit. Syll., c. 3."Kritzius.
[282] Lucius Sisenna—He wrote a history of the civil wars between Sylla and Marius, Vell. Paterc. ii. 9. Cicero alludes to his style as being jejune and puerile, Brut., c. 64, De Legg. i. 2. About a undred and fifty fragments of his history remain.
[283] Except that he might have acted more for his honor with regard to his wife—Nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli.As these words are vague and indeterminate, it is not agreed among the critics and translators to what part of Sylla's life Sallust refers. I suppose, with Rupertus, Aldus, Manutius, Crispinus, and De Brosses, that the allusion is to his connection with Valeria, of which the history is given by Plutarch in his life of Sylla, which the English reader may take in Langhorne's translation: "A few months after Metella's death, he presented the people with a show of gladiators; and as, at that time, men and women had no separate places, but sat promiscuously in the theater, a woman of great beauty, and of one of the best families, happened to sit near Sylla. She was the daughter of Messala, and sister to the orator Hortensius; her name was Valeria; and she had lately been divorced from her husband. This woman, coming behind Sylla, touched him, and took off a little of the nap of his robe, and then returned to her place. Sylla looked at her, quite amazed at her familiarity, when she said, 'Wonder not, my lord, at what I have done; I had only a mind to share a little in your good fortune.' Sylla was far from being displeased; on the contrary, it appeared that he was flattered very agreeably, for he sent to ask her name, and to inquire into her family and character. Then followed an interchange of amorous regards and smiles, which ended in a contract and marriage. The lady, perhaps, was not to blame. But Sylla, though he got a woman of reputation, and great accomplishments, yet came into the match upon wrong principles. Like a youth, he was caught with soft looks and languishing airs, things that are wont to excite the lowest of the passions." Others have thought that Sallust refers to Sylla's conduct on the death of his wife Metella, above mentioned, to whom, as she happened to fall sick when he was giving an entertainment to the people, and as the priest forbade him to have his house defiled with death on the occasion, he unfeelingly sent a bill of divorce, ordering her to be carried out of the house while the breath was in her. Cortius, Kritz, and Langius. think that the allusion is to Sylla'a general faithlessness to his wives, for he had several; as if Sallust had used the singular for the plural,uxoreforuxoribus, orreuxoriâ; but if Sallust meant to allude to more than one wife, why should he have restricted himself to the singular?
[284] Lived on the easiest terms with his friends—Facilis amicitiâThe critics are in doubt about the sense of this phrase. I have given that which Dietsch prefers, who says that a manfacilis amicitiâis "one who easily grants his friends all that they desire, exacts little from them, and is no severe censor of their morals." Cortius explains itfacilis ad amicitiam, and Facciolati, in his Lexicon,facilè sibi amicos parans, but these interpretations, as Kritzius observes, are hardly suitable to the ablative case.
[285] Most fortunate—Felicissumo. Alluding, perhaps, to the title of Felix, which he assumed after his great victory over Marius.
[286] His desert—Industriam. That is, the efforts which he made to attain distinction.
[287] XCVII. When scarcely a tenth part of the day remained—Vix decimâ parte die reliquâ.A remarkably exact specification of the time.
[288] From various quarters—Ex multis.From his scouts, who came in from all sides.
[289] The Roman veterans, who were necessarily well experienced in war,—The reading of Cortius is,Romani veteres, novique, et ob ea scientes belli;which he explains by supposing that the new recruitswere joined withthe veterans, and that both united were consequently well skilled in war, citing, in support of his supposition, a passage in c. 87:Sic brevi spationovi veteresquacoaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta.And Ascensius had previously given a similar explanation,quod etiam veterani adessent.But many later critics have not been induced to believe that Cortius's reading will bear any such interpretation; and accordingly Kritzius, Dietsch, and Orelli, have ejectednovique; as indeed Ciaeconius and Ursinus had long before recommended. Muller, Burnouf, and Allen, retain it, adopting Cortius's interpretation. Gerlach also retains it, but not without hesitation. But it is very remarkable that it occurs in all the manuscripts but one, which hasRomani veteres boni scientes erant ut quos locus,etc.
[290]Neque minus hostibus conturbatis. If the enemy had not been in as much disorder as himself, Marius would hardly have been able to effect his retreat.
[291]Pleno gradu.—"By themilitaris gradustwenty miles were completed in five hours of a summer day; by theplénusus, which is quicker, twenty-four miles were traversed in the same time." Veget. i.9.
[292] XCIX. When the watches were changed—_Per vigilias: i. e. at the end of each watch, when the guards were relieved. "The nights, by the aid of a clepsydra, were divided into four watches, the termination of each being marked by the blast of a trumpet or horn. See Viget. in. 8:A tubicine omnes vigiliae committuntur; et finitis horis a cornicine revocantur." Kritzius He also refers to Liv. vii. 35; Lucan. viii. 24; Tacit. Hist. v. 22.
[293] Auxiliary cohorts—Cohortium. I have added the wordauxiliary. That they were the cohorts of the auxiliaries or allies is apparent, as the wordlegionumfollows. Kritzius indeed thinks otherwise, supposing that the cohorts had particular trumpeters, distinct from those of the whole legion. But for this notion there seems to be no sufficient ground. Sallust speaks of thecohortes sociorum, c. 58, andcohortes Ligurum, c. 100.
[294] Sally forth from the camp—Portis erumpere. Sallust uses the common phrase for issuing from the camp. It can hardly be supposed, that the Romans had formed a regular camp with gates during the short time that they had been upon the hill, especially as they had fled to it in great disorder.
[295] Stupor—Vecordia. A feeling that deprived them of all sense.
[296] C. in form of a square—Quadrato agmine. "A hollow square, with the baggage in the center; see Serv. ad Verg. Aen. xii.121. … Such anagmenSallust, in c. 46, callsmunitum, as it was prepared to defend itself against the enemy, from whatever quarter they might approach."Kritzius.
[297] Might be endured by them with cheerfulnessVolentibus esset.A Greek phrase,Boulomenois eiae.
[298] Dread of shame—Pudore.Inducing each to have a regard to his character.
[299] CI. Trusting that one of them, assuredly, etc.—Ratua es omnibus aque aliquos ab tergo hostibus ventures. By aequo Sallustsignifies that each of the four bodies would have an equal chance of coming on the rear of the Romans.
[300] In person and with his officers—Ipse aliique."Thealii, are thepraefecti equitum,officers of the cavalry."Kritzius.
[301] Wheeled secretly about, with a few of his followers, to the infantry—Clam—ad pedites convertit. What infantry are meant, the commentators can not agree, nor is there any thing in the narrative on which a satisfactory decision can be founded. As the arrival of Bocchus is mentioned immediately before, Cortius supposes that the infantry of Bocchus are signified; and it may be so; but to whatever party the words wore addressed, they were intended to be heard by the Romans, or for what purpose were they spoken in Latin? Jugurtha may have spoken the words in both languages, and this, from what follows, would appear to have been the case, for both sides understood him.Quod ubi milites(evidently the Roman soldiers)accepere—simul barbari animos tollere, etc. Theclamsignifies that Jugurtha turned about, or wheeled off, so as to escape the notice of Marius, with whom he had been contending.
[302] By vigorously cutting down our infantry—Satis impigre occiso pedite nostro. "A ces mots il leur montra son épée teinte du sang des notres, dont il venait, en effet, de faire une assez cruelle boucherie."De Brosses. Of the other French translators, Beauzée and Le Brun render the passage in a similar way; Dotteville and Durean Delamalle, as well as all our English translators, takepediteas signifyingonly one soldier. Sir Henry Steuart even specifies that it was "a legionary soldier." The commentators, I should suppose, have all regarded the word as having a plural signification; none of them, except Burnouf, who expresses a needless doubt, say any thing on the point.
[303] The spectacle on the open plains was then frightful—Tum spectaculum horribile campis patentibus, etc. The idea of this passage was probably taken, as Ciacconius intimates, from a description in Xenophon, Agesil. ii. 12, 14, part of which is quoted by Longinus, Sect. 19, as an example of the effect produced by the omission of conjunctions: [Greek:Kai symbalontes tas aspidas eothounto, emachonto, apekteinon, apethnaeskon Epei ge maen elaexen hae machae, paraen dae theasasthai entha synepeson allaelois, taen men gaen aimati pe, ormenaen, nekrous de peimenous philious kai polemious met allaelon, aspidas de diatethrummenas, dorata syntethrausmena, egchoipidia gumna kouleon ta men chamai, ta d'en somasi, ta d'eti meta cheiras.] "Closing their shields together, they pushed, they fought, … But when the battle was over, you might have seen, where they had fought, the ground clotted with blood, the corpses of friends and enemies mingled together, and pierced shields, broken lances, and swords without their sheaths, strewed on the ground, sticking in the dead bodies, or still remaining in the hands that had wielded them when alive." Tacitus, Agric. c. 37. has copied this description of Sallust, as all the commentators have remarked:Tum vero patentibus locis grande et atrox spectaculum. Sequi, vulnerare, capere, atque eosdem, oblatis aliis, trucidare…. Passim, arma et corpora, et laceri artus, et cruenta humus. "The sight on the open field was then striking and horrible; they pursued, they inflicted wounds, they took … Every where were seen arms and corpses, mangled limbs, and the ground stained with blood."
[304] Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy—The reading of this passage, before the edition of Cortius, was this:Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a principio inopi melius visum amicos, quam servos, quaerere. Gruter proposed to readAd hoc populo Romano inopi melius est visum, etc., whence Cortius madeAd hoc, populo Romano jam inopi visum, etc. But the Bipont editors, observing thatinopiwas not quite consistent withquaerere servos, altered the passage toAd hoc, populo Romano jam à principio reipublicae melius visum, etc., which seems to be the best emendation that has been proposed, and which I have accordingly followed. Kritzius and Dietsch adopt it, except that they omitreipublicae, and put nothing in the place ofinopi. Gerlach retainsinopi, on the principle of "quo insolentius, eo verius," and it may, after all, be genuine. Cortius omittedmeliuson no authority but his own.
[305] Out of which he had forcibly driven Jugurtha—Unde ut Jugurtham expulerit [expulerat]There is here some obscurity. The manuscripts vary betweenexpuleritandexpulerat. Cortius, and Gerlaen in his second edition, adoptexpulerat, which they of necessity refer to Marius; but to make Bocchus speak thus, is, as Kritzius says, to make him speak very foolishly and arrogantly. Kritzius himself, accordingly, adoptsexpulerit, and supposes that Bocchus invents a falsehood, in the belief that the Romans wouldhave no means of detecting it. But Bocchus may have spoken truth, referring, as Müller suggests, to some previous transactions between him and Jugurtha, to which Sallust does not elsewhere allude.
[306] In ill plight—Sine decore.
[307] For interested bounty—Largitio. "The word signifies liberal treatment of others with a view to our own interest; without any real goodwill."Müller. "He intends a severe stricture on his own age, and the manners of the Romans."Dietsch.
[308] About forty days. Waiting, apparently, for the return of Marius.
[309] CIV. Having failed in the object, etc.—Infecto, quo intenderat, negotio.Though this is the reading of most of the manuscripts, Kritzius, Müller, and Dietach, readconfecto, as if Marius could not have failed in his attempt.
[310] Are always verging to opposite extremes.—Semper in adversa mutant. Rose renders this "are always changing, and constantly for the worse;" and most other translators have given something similar. But this is absurd; for every one sees that all changes in human affairs are not for the worse.Adversais evidently to be taken in the sense which I have given.
[311] CV. At his discretion—Arbitratu. Kritzius observes that this word comprehends the notion of plenary powers to treat and decide:der mit unbeschränkter Vollmacht unterhandeln könnte.
[312] Presenting—Intendere. The critics are in doubt to what to refer this word; some have thought of understandinganimum; Cortius, Wasse, and Müller, think it is meant only of the bows of the archers; Kritzius, Burnouf, and Allen, refer it, apparently with better judgment, to thearmaandtelain general.
[313] CVI. To dispatch their supper—Coenatos esse. "The perfect is not without its force; it signifies that Sylla wished his orders to be performed with the greatest expedition."Kritzius. He orders themto have donesupper.
[314] CVII. And blind parts of his body—Caecum corpus. Imitated from Xenephon, Cyrop. iii. 3, 45: [Greek:Moron gar to kratein boulomenous, ta tuphla, tou somatos, kai aopla, tauta enantia tattein tois polemiois pheugontas.] "It is folly for those that desire to conquer to turn the blind, unarmed, and handless parts of the body, to the enemy in flight."
[315] At being an instrument of his father's hostility—Quoniam hostilia faceret. "Since he wished to deceive the Romans by pretended friendship."Müller.
[316] CVIII. Of the family of Masinissa—Ex gente Masinissae.Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine.
[317] Faithful—Fidum. After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Allen, and Dietsch, followsRomanisoresse Romanis. These critics defendRomanison the plea that a dative is necessary afterfidum, and that it was of importance, as Castilioneus observes that Dabar should be well disposed toward the Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha. Glarcanus, Badius Ascensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with, most of the translators, omitRomanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their example.
[318] Place, day, and hour—Diem, locum, tempus.Not only the day, but the time of the day.
[319] That he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate—Consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere. Kritzius justly observes that most editors, in interpreting this passage, have erroneously given toconsultathe sense ofconsulenda; and that the sense is, "that all that he had arranged with Sylla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha."
[320] And that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador, as any restraint, etc.—Neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur. There is some difficulty in this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. "Sylla," says he, "was not to fear the envoy of Jugurtha,quo, on which account (equivalent toeoque, and on that account,i. e.on account of his freedom from apprehension) their common interests would be more freely arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoycould not be dismissed, and that there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sylla was to say but little before him, and to speak more at large at a private meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the wordremoto, or something similar, has been lost afterquo. The Bipont editors insertedcautum essebeforequo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense.
[321] African duplicity—Punica fide. "Punica fideswas a well-known proverbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin of it is perhaps attributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of the Romans toward the Carthaginians."Burnouf.
[322] CIX. What answer should be returned by Bocchus—That is, in the presence of Aspar.
[323] Both then retired to their respective camps—Deinde ambo in sua castra digressi. Both,i. e.Bocchus and Sylla, not Aspar and Sylla, as Cortius imagines.
[324] CX. It will be a pleasure to me—Fuerit mihi. Some editions, as that of Langius, the Bipont, and Burnouf's, havefuerit mihi pretium. Something of the kind seems to be wanting. "Res in bonis numeranda fuerit mihi."Burnouf. Allen, who omitspretium, interprets, "Grata mihi egestas sit, quae ad tuam, amicitiam coufugiat;" but who can deduce this sense from the passage, unless he havepretium, or something similar, in his mind?
[325] CXI. That part of Numidia which he claimed—Numidiae partem quam nunc peteret. See the second note on c. 102. Bocchus continues, in his speech in the preceding chapter, to signify that a part of Numidia belonged to him.
[326] The ties of blood—Cognationem. To this blood-relationship between him and Jugurtha no allusion is elsewhere made.
[327] His resolution gave way—Lenitur. Cortius whom Gerlach and Müller follow, readsleniter, but, with Kritzius and Gerlach, I prefer the verb to the adverb; which, however, is found in the greater number of the manuscripts.
[328] CXII. Interests of both—Ambobus. Both himself and Jugurtha.
[329] CXIV. At that time—Eâ tempestate. "In many manuscripts is foundex eâ tempestate, by which the sense is wholly perverted. Sallust signifies that Marius did not continue always deserving of such honor; for, as is said in c. 63, 'he was afterward carried headlong by ambition.'"Kritzius.