We, Acting Public Prosecutor of the Court of Coquilhatville:Having regard to the notes made by His Britannic Majesty’s Consul, on the occasion of his visit to the villages of Ikandja and Bossunguma in the territory of the Ngombe, from which it would appear that a certain Kelengo, a forest guard in the service of the La Lulonga Company—(a.) Cut off the left hand of a certain Epondo;(b.) ...;(c.) ...;Having regard to the inquiry instituted by Lieutenant Braeckman, which partly confirms the result of the inquiry instituted by His Britannic Majesty’s Consul, but also partly contradicts it, and to the charges already brought against Kelengo adds that of having killed a native of the name of Baluwa;Having regard to the conclusions arrived at by the police employé in question, which tend to raise grave doubts as to the truth of all these charges;In view of the fact that all the natives who brought these charges against Kelengo, whether before His Britannic Majesty’s Consul or Lieutenant Braeckman, on being summoned by us, the Acting Public Prosecutor, took to flight, and all efforts to find them have been fruitless; that this flight obviously throws doubt on the truth of their allegations;That all the witnesses whom we have questioned during the course of our inquiry declare ... that Epondo lost his left hand from the bite of a wild boar;That Epondo confirms these statements, and admits that he told a lie at the instigation of the natives of Bossunguma and Ikondja, who hoped to escape collecting rubber through the intervention of His Britannic Majesty’s Consul, whom they considered to be very powerful;That the witnesses, almost all inhabitants of the accusing villages, admit that such was the object of their lie;That this version, apart from the unanimous declarations of the witnesses and the injured parties, is also the most plausible, seeing that every one knows that the natives dislike work in general and having to collect rubber, and are, moreover, ready to lie and accuse people falsely;That it is confirmed by the clearly stated opinion of the English missionary Armstrong, who considers the natives to be “capable of any plot to escape work and especially the labour of collecting rubber”;That the innocence of Kelengo having been thoroughly established, there is no reason for proceeding against him;On the above-mentioned grounds, we, the Acting Public Prosecutor, declare that there are no grounds for proceeding against Kelengo, a forest guard in the service of the La Lulonga Company, for the offences mentioned in Articles 2, 5, 11, and 19 of the Penal Code.(Signed)Bosco,Acting Public Prosecutor.Mampoko, October 9, 1903.
We, Acting Public Prosecutor of the Court of Coquilhatville:
Having regard to the notes made by His Britannic Majesty’s Consul, on the occasion of his visit to the villages of Ikandja and Bossunguma in the territory of the Ngombe, from which it would appear that a certain Kelengo, a forest guard in the service of the La Lulonga Company—
(a.) Cut off the left hand of a certain Epondo;
(b.) ...;
(c.) ...;
Having regard to the inquiry instituted by Lieutenant Braeckman, which partly confirms the result of the inquiry instituted by His Britannic Majesty’s Consul, but also partly contradicts it, and to the charges already brought against Kelengo adds that of having killed a native of the name of Baluwa;
Having regard to the conclusions arrived at by the police employé in question, which tend to raise grave doubts as to the truth of all these charges;
In view of the fact that all the natives who brought these charges against Kelengo, whether before His Britannic Majesty’s Consul or Lieutenant Braeckman, on being summoned by us, the Acting Public Prosecutor, took to flight, and all efforts to find them have been fruitless; that this flight obviously throws doubt on the truth of their allegations;
That all the witnesses whom we have questioned during the course of our inquiry declare ... that Epondo lost his left hand from the bite of a wild boar;
That Epondo confirms these statements, and admits that he told a lie at the instigation of the natives of Bossunguma and Ikondja, who hoped to escape collecting rubber through the intervention of His Britannic Majesty’s Consul, whom they considered to be very powerful;
That the witnesses, almost all inhabitants of the accusing villages, admit that such was the object of their lie;
That this version, apart from the unanimous declarations of the witnesses and the injured parties, is also the most plausible, seeing that every one knows that the natives dislike work in general and having to collect rubber, and are, moreover, ready to lie and accuse people falsely;
That it is confirmed by the clearly stated opinion of the English missionary Armstrong, who considers the natives to be “capable of any plot to escape work and especially the labour of collecting rubber”;
That the innocence of Kelengo having been thoroughly established, there is no reason for proceeding against him;
On the above-mentioned grounds, we, the Acting Public Prosecutor, declare that there are no grounds for proceeding against Kelengo, a forest guard in the service of the La Lulonga Company, for the offences mentioned in Articles 2, 5, 11, and 19 of the Penal Code.
(Signed)Bosco,Acting Public Prosecutor.
Mampoko, October 9, 1903.
We have dealt at length with the above case because it is considered by the Consul himself as being one of the utmost importance, and because he relies upon this single case for accepting as accurate all the other declarations made to him by natives.
“In the one case I could alone personally investigate,” he says,[92]“that of the boy I I, I found this accusation proved on the spot without seemingly a shadow of doubt existing as to the guilt of the accused sentry.”
“In the one case I could alone personally investigate,” he says,[92]“that of the boy I I, I found this accusation proved on the spot without seemingly a shadow of doubt existing as to the guilt of the accused sentry.”
And further on:—
“I had not time to do more than visit the one village of R**, and in that village I had only time to investigate the charge brought by I I.”[93]
“I had not time to do more than visit the one village of R**, and in that village I had only time to investigate the charge brought by I I.”[93]
And elsewhere:—
“It was obviously impossible that I should ... verify on the spot, as in the case of the boy, the statements they made. In that one case the truth of the charges preferred was amply demonstrated.”[94]
“It was obviously impossible that I should ... verify on the spot, as in the case of the boy, the statements they made. In that one case the truth of the charges preferred was amply demonstrated.”[94]
It is also to this case that he alludes in his letter of the 12th September, 1903, to the Governor-General, where he says:—
“When speaking to M. le Commandant Stevens at Colquilhatville on the 10th instant, when themutilated boy Epondo stood before us as evidence of the deplorable state of affairsI reprobated, I said, ‘I do not accuse an individual, I accuse a system.’ ”
“When speaking to M. le Commandant Stevens at Colquilhatville on the 10th instant, when themutilated boy Epondo stood before us as evidence of the deplorable state of affairsI reprobated, I said, ‘I do not accuse an individual, I accuse a system.’ ”
It is only natural to conclude that if the rest of the evidence in the Consul’s Report is of the same value as that furnished to him in this particular case, it cannot possibly be regarded as conclusive. And it is obvious that in those cases in which the Consul, as he himself admits, did not attempt to verify the assertions of the natives, these assertions are worth, if possible, still less.
It is doubtless true that the Consul deliberately incurred the certain risk of being misled owing to the manner in which he interrogated the natives, which he did, as a matter of fact, through two interpreters—“through Vinda, speaking in Bobangi, andBateko, repeating his utterances ... in the local dialect;[95]so that the Consul was at the mercy not only of the truthfulness of the native who was being questioned, but depended also on the correctness of the translations of two other natives, one of whom was a servant of his own, and the other apparently the missionaries’ interpreter.[96]But any one who has ever been in contact with the native knows how much he is given to lying; the Rev. C. H. Harvey[97]states that—
“The natives of the Congo who surrounded us were contemptible, perfidious and cruel, impudent liars, dishonest, and vile.”
It is also important, if one wishes to get a correct idea of the value of this evidence, to note that while Mr. Casement was questioning the natives, he was accompanied by two local Protestant English missionaries, whose presence must alone have necessarily affected the evidence.[98]
We should ourselves be going too far if from all this we were to conclude that the whole of the native statements reported by the Consul ought to be rejected. But it is clearly shown that his proofs are insufficient as a basis for a deliberate judgment, and that the particulars in question require to be carefully and impartially tested.
On examining the Consul’s voluminous Report for other cases which hehas seen, and which he sets down as cases of mutilation, it will be observed that he mentions two as having occurred on Lake Mantumba[99]“some years ago.”[100]He mentions several others, in regard to the number of which the particulars given in the Report do not seem to agree,[101]as having taken place in the neighbourhood of Bonginda,[102]precisely in the country of the Epondo inquiry, where, as has been seen, the general feeling was excited and prejudiced. It is these cases which, he says, he had not time to inquire into fully,[103]and which, according to the natives, were due to agents of the La Lulanga Company. Were these instances of victims of the practice of native customs which the natives would have been careful not to admit? Were the injuries which the Consul saw due to some conflict between neighbouring villages or tribes? Or were they really due to the black subordinates of the Company? This cannot be determined by a perusal of the Report, as the natives in this instance, as in every other, were the sole source of the Consul’s information, and he, for his part, confined himself to taking rapid notes of their numerous statements for a few hours in the morning of the 5th September, being pressed for time, in order to reach K* (Bossunguma) at a reasonable hour.[104]
Notwithstanding the weight which he attaches to the “air of frankness” and the “air of conviction and sincerity”[105]on the part of the natives, his own experience shows clearly the necessity for caution, and renders rash his assertion “that it was clear that these men were stating either what they had actually seen with their eyes or firmly believed in their hearts.”[106]
Now, however, that the Consul has drawn attention to these few cases—whether cases of cruelty or not, and they are all that, as a matter of fact, he has inquired into personally, and even so without being able to prove sufficiently their real cause—the authorities will of course look into the matter and cause inquiries to be made. It is to be regretted that, this being so, all mention of date, place, and name has been systematically omitted in the copy of the Report communicated to the Government of the Independent State of the Congo. It is impossible not to see that these suppressions will place great difficulties in the way of the Magistrates who will have to inquire into the facts, and the Government of the Congo trust that, in the interests of truth, they may be placed in possession of the complete text of the Consul’s Report.
It is not to be wondered at if the Government of the Congo State take this opportunity of protesting against the proceedings of their detractors, who have thought fit to submit to the public reproductions of photographs of mutilated natives, and have started the odious story of hands being cut off with the knowledge and even at the instigation of Belgians in Africa. The photograph of Epondo, for instance, mutilated inthe manner known, and who has “twice been photographed,” is probably one of those which the English pamphlets are circulating as proof of the execrable administration of the Belgians in Africa. One English review reproduced the photograph of a “cannibal surrounded with the skulls of his victims,” and underneath was written: “In the original photograph the cannibal was naked. The artist has made him decent by ... covering his breast with the star of the Congo State. It is now a suggestive emblem of the Christian-veneered cannibalism on the Congo.”[107]At this rate it would suffice to throw discredit on the Uganda Administration if the plates were published illustrating the mutilations which, in a letter dated Uganda, 16th December, 1902, Dr. Castellani says he saw in the neighbourhood of Entebbe itself: “It is not difficult to find there natives without noses or ears, &c.”[108]
The truth is, that in Uganda, as in the Congo, the natives still give way to their savage instincts. This objection has been anticipated by Mr. Casement, who remarks:—
“It was not a native custom prior to the coming of the white man; it was not the outcome of the primitive instincts of savages in their fights between village and village; it was the deliberate act of the soldiers of a European Administration, and these men themselves never made any concealment that in committing these acts they were but obeying the positive orders of their superiors.”[109]
“It was not a native custom prior to the coming of the white man; it was not the outcome of the primitive instincts of savages in their fights between village and village; it was the deliberate act of the soldiers of a European Administration, and these men themselves never made any concealment that in committing these acts they were but obeying the positive orders of their superiors.”[109]
That Mr. Casement should formulate so serious a charge without at the same time supporting it by absolute proof would seem to justify those who consider that his previous employment has not altogether been such as to qualify him for the duties of a Consul. Mr. Casement remained seventeen days on Lake Mantumba, a lake said to be 25 to 30 miles long and 12 to 15 broad, surrounded by dense forest.[110]He scarcely left its shores at all. In these circumstances it is difficult to see how he could have made any useful researches into the former habits and customs of the inhabitants. On the contrary, from the fact that the tribes in question are still very savage, and addicted to cannibalism,[111]it would seem that they have not abandoned the practice of those cruelties which throughout Africa were the usual accompaniments of barbarous habits and anthropophagy. In one portion of the districts which the Consul visited, the evidence of the English missionaries on this point is most instructive. The Rev. McKittrick, in describing the sanguinary contests between the natives, mentions the efforts to pacify the country which he formerly made through the Chiefs:—“.... We told them that for the future we should not let any man carrying spears or knives pass through our station. Our God was a God of peace, and we, His children, could not bear to see our black brothers cutting and stabbing each other.”[112]“While I was going up and down the river,” says another missionary, “they pointed out to me the King’s beaches, whence they used to dispatch their fighting men to capture canoes and men. It was heartrending to hear them describe the awful massacres that used to take place at a great Chief’s death. A deep hole was dug in the ground, into which scores of slaves were thrown after having their heads cut off; and upon that horrible pile they laid the Chief’s dead body to crown the indescribable human carnage.”[113]And the missionaries speak of the facility with which even nowadays the natives return to their old customs. It would seem, too, that the statement made in the Report,[114]that the natives now fly on the approach of a steamer as they never used to do, is hardly in accordance with the reports of travellers and explorers.
Be this how it may, it is to be observed that nowhere in the territory which is the scene of the operations of the A.B.I.R. Company did the Consul discover any evidence of acts of cruelty for which the commercial agents might have been considered responsible. The coincidence is remarkable, since it so happens that the A.B.I.R. Company is a concessionary Company, and that it is the system of concessions to which are constantly attributed the most disastrous consequences for the natives.
What it is important to discover from the immense number of questions touched on by the Consul, and the multiplicity of minor facts which he has collected, is whether thesort of picture he has drawn of the wretched existence led by the natives corresponds to the actual state of affairs. We will take, for instance, the district of the Lulanga and the Lopori, as the head-stations of the missions of the “Congo Balolo Mission” have been established there for years past. These missionaries are established in the most distant places in the interior, at Lulonga, Bonginda, Ikau, Bongandanga, and Baringa, all of which are situated in the scene of operations of the La Lulonga and A.B.I.R. Companies. They are in constant communication with the native populations, and a special monthly review, called “Regions Beyond,” regularly publishes their letters, notes, and reports. An examination of a set of these publications reveals no trace, at any time previous to April 1903—by that date, it is true, Mr. Herbert Samuel’s motion had been brought before Parliament—of anything either to point out or to reveal that the general situation of the native populations was such as ought to be denounced to the civilized world. The missionaries congratulate themselves on the active sympathy shown them by the various official and commercial agents,[115]on the progress of their work of evangelization,[116]on the facilities afforded them by the construction of roads,[117]on the manner in which the natives are becoming civilized, “owing to the mere presence of white men in their midst, both missionaries and traders,”[118]on the disappearance of slavery,[119]on the density of the population,[120]on the growing number of their pupils, “especially since the State has issued orders for all children within reach to attend the mission schools,”[121]on the gradual disappearance of the primitive customs of the natives,[122]and lastly, on the contrast between the present and the past.[123]Will it be admitted that these Christian English missionaries, who, during their journeys, visited the various factories, and witnessed markets of rubber being held, would, by keeping silence, make themselves the accomplices of an inhuman or wrongful system of government? Among the conclusions of one of the Annual Reports of the Congo Balolo Mission is to be found the following: “On the whole, the retrospect is encouraging. If there has been no great advance, there has been no heavy falling off, and no definite opposition to the work.... There has been much famine and sickness among the natives, especially at Bonginda.... Apart from this, there has been no serious hindrance to progress....”[124]And speaking incidentally of the beneficial effect produced by work on the social condition of the natives, a missionary writes: “The greatest obstacle to conversion is polygamy. Many evils have been put down,e.g., idleness, thanks to the State having compelled the men to work; and fighting, through their not having time enough to fight.”[125]These opinions of missionaries appear to us to be more precise than those expressed in a Report on every page of which it may be said one finds such expressions as: “I was told,” “it was said,” “I was informed,” “I was assured,” “they said,” “it was alleged,” “I had no means of verifying,” “it was impossible for me to verify,” “I have no means of ascertaining,” &c. Within a space of ten lines, indeed, occur four times the expressions, “appears,” “would seem,” “would seem,” “do not seem.”[126]
The Consul does not appear to have realized that native taxes in the Congo are levied in the shape of labour, and that this form of tax is justified as much by the moral effect which it produces, as by the impossibility of taxing the native in any other way, seeing that, as the Consul admits, the native has no money. It is to this consideration that is due the fact, to give another example, that out of 56,700 huts which are taxed in North-Eastern Rhodesia 19,653 pay that tax “in labour,” while 4,938 pay it “in produce.”[127]Whether such labour is furnished direct to the State or to some private undertaking, and whether it is given in aid of this or that work as local necessities may dictate, one ground of justification is always to be found in what the Memorandum of the 11th February last recognizes is the “necessity of the natives being induced to work.” The Consul shows much anxiety as to how this forced labour should be described; he is surprised that if it be a tax it is sometimes paid and recovered by commercial agents. Strictly speaking, of course, it cannot be deniedthat the idea of remunerating a person for paying his taxes is contrary to ordinary notions of finance; but the difficulty disappears if it is considered that the object in view has been to get the natives to acquire the habit of labour, from which they have always shown a great aversion. And if this notion of work can more easily be inculcated on the natives under the form of commercial transactions between them and private persons, is it necessary to condemn such a mode of procedure, especially in those parts where the organization of the Administration is not yet complete? But it is essential that in the relations of this nature which they have with the natives, commercial agents, no less than those of the State, should be kind and humane. In so far as it bears on this point the Consul’s Report will receive the most careful consideration, and if the result of investigation be to show that there are real abuses and that reforms are called for, the heads of the Administration will act as the circumstances may require.
But no one has ever imagined that the fiscal system in the Congo attained perfection at once, especially in regard to such matters as the assessment of taxes and the means for recovering them. The system of “Chieftaincies,” which is recommended by the fact that it enables the authorities and the native to communicate through the latter’s natural Chief, was based on an idea carried into practice elsewhere:—
“The more important Chiefs who helped the Administration have been paid a certain percentage of the taxes collected in their districts, and I think that if this policy is adhered to each year, the results will continue to be satisfactory and will encourage the Chiefs to work in harmony with the Administration.”[128]
“The more important Chiefs who helped the Administration have been paid a certain percentage of the taxes collected in their districts, and I think that if this policy is adhered to each year, the results will continue to be satisfactory and will encourage the Chiefs to work in harmony with the Administration.”[128]
The Decree on the subject of these Chieftaincies[129]laid down the principle of a tax, and its levy in accordance with “a table of contributions to be made every year by each village in produce, forced labour, labourers, or soldiers.” The application of this Decree has been provided for by deeds of investiture, tables of statistics, and particulars of contributions, forms of which will be found in Annex IV. In spite of what is stated in the Report, this Decree has been carried out so far as has been found compatible with the social condition of the various tribes; numerous deeds of investiture have been drawn up, and efforts have been made to draw up an equitable assessment of the contributions. The Consul might have found this out at the Commissioners’ offices, especially in the Stanley Pool and Equator districts, which he passed through; but he neglected as a rule all official sources of information. No doubt the application of the Decree was at first necessarily limited, and it is possible that the result has been that for a certain time only such villages as were within a short distance from stations have been required to pay taxes; but this state of things has little by little altered for the better in proportion as the more distant regions have become included in the areas of influence of the Government posts, the number of villages subject to taxation has gradually increased, and it has been found possible to levy taxes on a greater number of persons. The Government aim at making progress in this direction continuous, that is to say, that taxation should be more equitably distributed, and should as much as possible be personal; it was with this object that the Decree of the 18th November, 1903, provided for drawing up “lists of native contributions” in such a way that the obligations of every native should be strictly defined.
“Article 28 of this Decree lays down that within the limits of Article 2 of the present regulations (that is to say, within the limit of forty hours’ work per month per native) the District Commissioners shall draw up annual lists of the taxes to be paid, in land or duration of labour, by each of the natives resident in the territories of their respective districts. And Article 55 punishes ‘whoever, being charged with the levy of taxes, shall have required of the natives, whether in kind or labour, contributions which shall exceed in value those prescribed in the tables of taxes.’ ”
“Article 28 of this Decree lays down that within the limits of Article 2 of the present regulations (that is to say, within the limit of forty hours’ work per month per native) the District Commissioners shall draw up annual lists of the taxes to be paid, in land or duration of labour, by each of the natives resident in the territories of their respective districts. And Article 55 punishes ‘whoever, being charged with the levy of taxes, shall have required of the natives, whether in kind or labour, contributions which shall exceed in value those prescribed in the tables of taxes.’ ”
It in matter of common notoriety that the collection of taxes is occasionally met by opposition, and even refusal to pay. The proofs of this, which are to be found in the Report of the Consul for the Congo, are borne out by what has happened, for instance, in Rhodesia:—
“The Ba-Unga (Awemba district), inhabitants of the swamps in the Zambezi delta, gave some trouble on being summoned to pay taxes.”[130]“Although in many cases whole villages retired into the swamps on being called upon for the hut-tax, the general result was satisfactory for the first year (Luapula district).”[131]“Milala’s people have succeeded in evading taxes.”[132]“A few natives bordering on the Portuguese territory, who, owing to the great distance they reside from the Native Commissioners’ Stations, are not under the direct supervision of the Native Commissioners, have so far evaded paying hut tax, and refused to submit themselves to the authority of the Government. The rebel Chief, Mapondera, has upon three occasions successfully eluded punitive expeditions sent against him. Captain Gilson, of the British South Africa Police, was successful in coming upon him and a large following of natives, and inflicting heavy losses upon them. His kraal and all his crops were destroyed. He is now reported to be in Portuguese territory. Siji M’Kota, another powerful Chief, living in the northern parts of the M’toko district, bordering on Portuguese territory, has also been successful in evading the payment of hut tax, and generally pursuing the adoption of an attitude which is not acceptable to the Government. I am pleased to report that a patrol is at present on its way to these parts to deal with this Chief, and to endeavour to obtain his submission. It will be noted that the above remarks relate solely to those natives who reside along the borders of our territories, and whose defiant attitude is materially assisted by reason of this proximity to the Portuguese border, across which they are well able to proceed whenever they consider that any meeting or contact with the Native Commissioner will interfere in any way with their indolent and lazy life. They possess no movable property which might be attached with a view of the recovery of hut tax unpaid for many years, and travel backwards and forwards with considerable freedom, always placing themselves totally beyond the reach of the Native Commissioner.”[133]
“The Ba-Unga (Awemba district), inhabitants of the swamps in the Zambezi delta, gave some trouble on being summoned to pay taxes.”[130]
“Although in many cases whole villages retired into the swamps on being called upon for the hut-tax, the general result was satisfactory for the first year (Luapula district).”[131]
“Milala’s people have succeeded in evading taxes.”[132]
“A few natives bordering on the Portuguese territory, who, owing to the great distance they reside from the Native Commissioners’ Stations, are not under the direct supervision of the Native Commissioners, have so far evaded paying hut tax, and refused to submit themselves to the authority of the Government. The rebel Chief, Mapondera, has upon three occasions successfully eluded punitive expeditions sent against him. Captain Gilson, of the British South Africa Police, was successful in coming upon him and a large following of natives, and inflicting heavy losses upon them. His kraal and all his crops were destroyed. He is now reported to be in Portuguese territory. Siji M’Kota, another powerful Chief, living in the northern parts of the M’toko district, bordering on Portuguese territory, has also been successful in evading the payment of hut tax, and generally pursuing the adoption of an attitude which is not acceptable to the Government. I am pleased to report that a patrol is at present on its way to these parts to deal with this Chief, and to endeavour to obtain his submission. It will be noted that the above remarks relate solely to those natives who reside along the borders of our territories, and whose defiant attitude is materially assisted by reason of this proximity to the Portuguese border, across which they are well able to proceed whenever they consider that any meeting or contact with the Native Commissioner will interfere in any way with their indolent and lazy life. They possess no movable property which might be attached with a view of the recovery of hut tax unpaid for many years, and travel backwards and forwards with considerable freedom, always placing themselves totally beyond the reach of the Native Commissioner.”[133]
The above is an instance of those “punitive expeditions” to which the authorities are occasionally obliged to resort, as also of the native custom, which is not peculiar to the natives of the Congo, of moving into a neighbouring territory when they are seeking to evade the operation of the law. Whether in the process of collecting native taxes there have been cases in the Congo, amongst those mentioned by the Consul, in which the limits of a just and reasonable severity have been overstepped is a question of fact which investigation on the spot can alone ascertain, and instructions to this effect will be given to the authorities at Boma.
We are also unable to accept, on the information at present before us, the conclusions of the Report in regard to the conduct of the forest guards in the employ of the A.B.I.R. and La Lulonga Companies. These subordinate officers are represented by the Consul as being exclusively employed in “compelling by force the collection of india-rubber or the supplies which each factory needed.”[134]It is true that another explanation has been given—though not, indeed, by a native—according to which the business of these same forest guards is to see that the india-rubber is harvested after a reasonable fashion, and especially to prevent the natives from cutting the plants.[135]It is, indeed, well known that the law has made rigorous provision for preserving the rubber zones, has regulated the manner in which they are to be worked, and has made planting and replanting obligatory, with a view to avoiding the complete exhaustion of the rubber plant which has occurred, for instance, in North-eastern and Western Rhodesia.[136]A heavy responsibility in this direction lies on the Companies and private persons engaged in developing the country, and it is obvious that they are bound to exercise the most careful superintendence over the way in which the harvest is collected. The object for which these forest guards are employed, therefore, may well be quite different from that alleged by the Consul; in any case, the complaints which have been made on this head will form a subject for inquiry in the Congo, as also the other remark of the Report that the manner in which these forest guards are armed is excessive, and liable to abuse. It is to be here observed that in calculating the number of these forest guards the Consul is obliged to rely on hypothesis,[137]and that he himself admits: “I have no means of ascertaining the number of this class of armed men employed by the A.B.I.R. Company.”[138]He mentions that the gun of one of these men was marked on the butt “Depôt 2210.” But it is evident that such a mark can only have the significance which the Consul would like to see in it, in so far as it can be proved that it refers to the numbering of the arms used in the Concession, and such is not the case, since this particular mark “Depôt” is not used either by the officials of the State or those of the Company, and it would seem that it is an old manufactory or store mark. In regard to the manner of arming the capitas, the Consul can hardly be ignorant that the higher authorities have always given great attention to the matter, which is, indeed, one surrounded with difficulties, seeing that while on the one hand it is necessary to consider the question of the personal protection of the capita, onthe other the possibility of the arms in question being used for improper purposes must not be lost sight of. It is not only in the Circular of the 20th October, 1900, which the Consul has reprinted, that this question is dealt with; there is a whole collection of Circulars on the subject, among which may be mentioned those of the 12th March, 1897, 31st May and 28th November, 1900, and 30th April, 1901. Copies of them are annexed as proof of the fixed determination of the Government to see that the law relating to this question is strictly enforced (Annex V). Yet, in spite of all these precautions, the Consul has ascertained that several capitas were not provided with permits (perhaps they might have been found at the head office), and that two of them were furnished with arms of precision.[139]But these few infractions of the rule are obviously not enough to prove the existence of a sort of vast armed organization destined to strike terror into the natives. On the contrary, the Circular of the 7th September, 1903, printed in Annex VII of the Consul’s Report, is a proof of the care taken by the Government that the regular black troops should always be under the control of European officers.[140]
Such are the preliminary remarks suggested by Mr. Casement’s Report, and we reserve to ourselves the right of dealing with it more in detail as soon as the Government shall be in possession of the results of the inquiry which the local authorities are about to make. It will be observed that the Government, in its desire not to seem to wish to avoid the discussion, has not raised a question in regard to the manner, surely unusual, in which His Britannic Majesty’s Consul has acted in a foreign country. It is obviously altogether outside the duties of a Consul to take upon himself, as Mr. Casement has done, to institute inquiries, to summon natives, to submit them to interrogatories as if duly authorized thereto, and to deliver what may be styled judgments in regard to the guilt of the accused. The reservations called for by this mode of procedure must be all the more formal, as the Consul was thus intervening in matters which only concerned subjects of the Congo State, and which were within the exclusive jurisdiction of the territorial authorities. Mr. Casement, indeed, made it his business himself to point out how little authorized he was to interfere when on the 4th September, 1903, he wrote to the Governor-General: “I have no right of representation to your Excellency save where the persons or interests of British subjects dwelling in this country are affected.” It is thus obvious that he was aware that he was exceeding his duties by investigating facts which concerned only the internal administration, and so, contrary to all laws of Consular jurisdiction, encroaching on the province of the territorial authorities.
“The grievances of the natives have been made known in this country by——, who brought over a petition addressed to the King, praying for relief from the excessive taxation and oppressive legislation of which they complain.”
“The grievances of the natives have been made known in this country by——, who brought over a petition addressed to the King, praying for relief from the excessive taxation and oppressive legislation of which they complain.”
These lines are extracted from the Report for 1903 of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and the natives referred to are the natives of the Fiji Isles. The Report goes on:—
“The case has been brought before the House of Commons. The grievances include forced labour on the roads, and restrictions which practically amount to slavery; natives have been flogged without trial by magistrate’s orders, and are constantly subject to imprisonment for frivolous causes. Petitions lodged with the local Colonial Secretary have been disregarded. Mr. Chamberlain, in reply to the questions asked in Parliament, threw doubt upon the information received, but stated that the recently appointed Governor is conducting an inquiry into the whole situation in the Fiji Islands, in the course of which the matter will be fully investigated.”
“The case has been brought before the House of Commons. The grievances include forced labour on the roads, and restrictions which practically amount to slavery; natives have been flogged without trial by magistrate’s orders, and are constantly subject to imprisonment for frivolous causes. Petitions lodged with the local Colonial Secretary have been disregarded. Mr. Chamberlain, in reply to the questions asked in Parliament, threw doubt upon the information received, but stated that the recently appointed Governor is conducting an inquiry into the whole situation in the Fiji Islands, in the course of which the matter will be fully investigated.”
Such are also our conclusions in regard to Mr. Casement’s Report.
Brussels, March 12, 1904.
Déclaration de Mgr. Van Ronslé, Évêque de Thymbrium, Vicaire Apostolique du Congo Belge.
DANS son numéro du 23 Octobre, le “West African Mail” publie une série de lettres du Révérend J. W. Weeks, missionnaire Anglais, établi à Monsembe, district de Bangala. Ces lettres, émanant d’un auteur qui a habité la contrée de longues années et qui proteste d’ailleurs de sa parfaite sincérité et de sa bonne foi, m’offraient un intérêt particulier, ayant moi-même parcouru et habité la contrée depuis quatorze ans, et en étant revenu récemment.
Mr. Weeks fait preuve de prudence en limitant ses considérations à ce qu’il a vu sur les deux rives du Congo, entre Bokongo et Ikunungu, dans les villages Bangala, avoisinant Nouvelle-Anvers; mais il se hasarde un peu plus, en étendant ses affirmations à la plus grande partie du Congo navigable, c’est-à-dire, du Stanley-Pool à Bopoto.
Sa thèse est que, sur cet immense espace, les rives se dépeuplent et que les tribus dégénèrent sous l’oppression de l’Etat, au moyen d’un système d’impositions, de déportations, et d’amendes.
Nous le reconnaissons, l’auteur ne formule pas positivement cette thèse ainsi généralisée; mais après l’avoir formulée spécialement pour Nouvelle-Anvers, il continue à décrire la situation générale de manière à faire croire que les populations riveraines sont toutes décimées parce que toutes sont également opprimées par le Gouvernement. Le lecteur ne peut pas tirer d’autres conclusions de ses lettres, ni interpréter autrement certaines propositions qui les résument.
Le souci de la vérité nous engage à mettre le public en garde contre des conclusions aussi hâtives.
L’auteur sait que parmi les tribusBobangi(citées sous les noms de Bwembe, Bolobo, Lukolela), qui sont ununfortunate dying people(un peuple qui dépérit), le Gouvernement n’a jamais fait de recrutement de soldats ni de travailleurs, et que les impositions qui ont été exigées de leurs nombreux villages, établis le long du fleuve sur un parcours de 100 lieues, consistent à ravitailler trois postes, dont celui de Yumbi seul est important, et à entretenir (depuis deux ans) la route de la ligne téléphonique—impositions réellement insignifiantes pour ceux qui y mettent quelque peu de bonne volonté.
C’est un fait, en outre, que ces populations subissaient de grandes pertes dès 1890, époque à laquelle les impositions étaient nulles; et c’est un autre fait que leurs voisins de la rive Française, qui ne sont pas imposés, se meurent également, notamment ceux qui sont établis dans les environs de la Mission Catholique des Révérends Pères Français: Saint-Louis de Liranga. On pourrait d’ailleurs citer d’autres exemples de populations qui s’éteignent quoique à l’abri d’oppression.
Nous voilà donc en présence de dépeuplements qui ne sont certainement pas causés par l’oppression, et auxquels il faut chercher d’autres causes. Si donc les lettres de Mr. Weeks induisent en erreur pour la généralité des cas, il est dès lors permis de douter qu’elles nous exposent la situation véritable pour Nouvelle-Anvers. N’existe-t-il pas là, aussi des causes autres que l’oppression?
A notre avis, ces causes existent réellement. Il y en a deux qui tendent non seulement au dépeuplement des rives, mais à l’extinction même des tribus de Nouvelle-Anvers. Elles ne sont pas spéciales à cette région, mais communes à tous les villages riverains du fleuve. Elles suffisent à elles seules à expliquer une diminution extraordinaire de la population.
La première et la principale, c’est l’épidémie qu’on nomme communément la maladie du sommeil. Que cette maladie a enlevé beaucoup de monde, Mr. Weeks en convient; mais il ajoute qu’il pense que le progrès de la maladie a été activé par l’oppression et que sans celle-ci le mal n’aurait pas été si tenace. Mr. Weeks a trop d’expérience de l’Afrique pour ne pas s’apercevoir qu’il avance ici une inexactitude et une erreur.
Il le pense, mais il n’en donne pas la preuve. Il est un fait avéré et reconnu par les médecins et par tous ceux qui ont observé la maladie du sommeil, c’est que ce fléau, une fois introduit dans une région, en abat lentement mais sûrement tous les habitants et reste, quoi qu’on fasse, maître du terrain; une fois que ce mal a pris pied dans une population, il la détruit sans merci, quelles que soient les conditions de bien-être, de paix, et de tranquillité de cette population.
A l’appui de ceci, nous donnerons deux exemples de dépérissement que l’on ne pourra pas attribuer à l’oppression.
Notre Mission de Berghe-Sainte-Marie, contaminée par le contact des tribus Bobangi parmi lesquelles elle était située, a vu disparaître tous ses habitants jusqu’au dernier. Les 100 familles qui s’y étaient formées vivaient heureuses, dans des conditions presque idéales.
Autre fait: Les journaux ont relaté que dans l’Uganda, des Colonies Anglaises, on perd annuellement 50,000 personnes. Et aujourd’hui, à propos d’une découverte qu’aurait faite le Colonel Bruce, dans la matière en question, un journal écrit un article qui finit comme suit: “La maladie du sommeil continue à faire d’énormes ravages dans l’Uganda. Dans l’Ile de Brevuna, qui comptait 82,000 habitants, il n’y a plus que 22,000 individus, alors que la population de la Province de Basaga est complètement éteinte.”
Si le travail et les occupations avaient une influence sur la maladie, ils auraient plutôt un effet tout à fait contraire à celui qu’on leur attribue. Mais nous n’y insistons pas, parce que le travail lui-même n’est pas un remède, mais tout au plus une espèce de réactif temporaire. Jusqu’à présent aucun moyen n’a pu vaincre la ténacité de cette maladie; mais, à notre avis, ses ravages seraient plus rapides en terrain inerte et endormi qu’en terrain actif.
Et voilà six ans que cette peste, indépendamment de toute autre cause, fait journellement des victimes chez les riverains de Nouvelle-Anvers; rien d’étonnant donc que la population y diminue rapidement, comme partout ailleurs où la maladie règne.
La cause que je place au second rang, en raison de son importance, n’est pas signalée par le Révérend Mr. Weeks. Elle consiste dans la suppression du commerce des esclaves et dans le défaut de la natalité; même l’hypothèse que les tribus Bangala fussent restées saines, cette cause les aurait rendues incapables de maintenir leur population à niveau, et aurait même eu pour effet de la diminuer considérablement.
Mr. Weeks estime que la population de Nouvelle-Anvers atteignait les 50,000 en 1890. Nous avons observé que parmi cette population, il y avait un nombre très considérable d’esclaves d’origine étrangère, notamment des Mongo. Disons qu’un tiers n’était pas originaire de Nouvelle-Anvers. Les Bangala les avaient acquis, soit par les guerres, soit par les rachats. Cette source d’acquisition leur a été fermée par le Gouvernement.
La natalité leur restait comme seul moyen de remplacer les morts. Or, même avant l’époque de la maladie, la moyenne des naissances était très basse. J’estime qu’elle ne dépassait pas l’unité par femme. Je ne dis pas par famille, parce que les hommes libres y sont tous polygames, au détriment des hommes esclaves, qui le plus souvent, n’ont pas de femme. Avec une telle moyenne de naissances, il ne leur était pas possible de conserver le même nombre d’habitants, et le défaut de la natalité, indépendamment de la maladie, causait nécessairement un recul. Or, depuis que l’épidémie a fait son apparition, ce défaut est doublé, et au moment où, à la suite des nombreux décès, le nombre des naissances aurait dû croître, il a diminué graduellement à mesure que la maladie devenait plus intense.
Le Révérend Mr. Weeks constate avec nous que les enfants sont si peu nombreux que le nombre des décès est de loin en avance sur celui des naissances, mais il attribue ce fait à l’expatriation des jeunes gens.
Qu’il veuille remarquer toutefois, que les jeunes Bangala qui ont été au service de l’État ou des Compagnies Commerciales étaient, à de rares exceptions près, d’anciens esclaves qui, généralement, ne possédaient pas de femme. Cette considération infirme cette dernière manière d’expliquer le petit nombre de naissances, la situation polygame restant à peu près la même après comme avant le départ de ces jeunes gens. Je pourrais corroborer ma manière de voir en citant l’exemple des tribus Bobangi, où il n’y a pas eu d’expatriations du tout.
Par ce qui a été dit, il est facile de comprendre que les deux causes précitées, de nature, indépendamment l’une de l’autre, au lieu de simplement réduire la population, sont assez puissantes pour l’éteindre complètement dans le cas où elles se combinent, comme à Nouvelle-Anvers et en général dans tous les villages riverains situés en aval de Bohaturaku; et nous pouvons déjà conclure que les assertions de Mr. Weeks, qui mettent tout le mal sur le compte de l’oppression, ne sont pas soutenables.
Il nous reste à signaler deux autres causes qui ne sont que secondaires. Elles n’ont pas eu d’influence sur le dépérissement constaté chez la race de Bangala: elles ont contribué relativement peu à diminuer le nombre d’individus appartenant à cette race; mais elles ont hâté le dépeuplement des rives du fleuve.
—L’une de ces causes, c’est l’abandon des emplacements riverains pour d’autres emplacements isolés à l’intérieur des terres, ou retirés dans les îles.—Peut-on légitimement conclure, comme le fait Mr. Weeks, que les populations quittent leurs villages pour échapper à des taxes qui les oppriment? Aucunement, à notre avis. Il suffit qu’il lui soit demandé un travail régulier quelconque aussi minime qu’il soit, pour que l’indigène mette tout en œuvre pour s’y dérober. S’il juge le déplacement comme un moyen sûr et efficace, il ne manquera pas d’y recourir. Le transport et la reconstruction de ses habitations ne lui demandent d’ailleurs pas grande besogne.
Il est passionné pour la liberté sauvage qu’il goûtait avant l’arrivée des Européens, et par laquelle l’homme libre vivait dans undolce farniente, passant ses journées à se reposer, à fumer, à boire, à “palabrer” et à commander à ses esclaves.
Il y a en outre chez le noir une tendance générale à éviter tout contact avec les Européens, et à reculer devant la civilisation.
Enfin, une mortalité extraordinaire est une cause suffisante pour expliquer les déplacements; l’indigène, soit par superstition, soit par motif d’hygiène, ne reste pas sur l’emplacement où les décès deviennent nombreux.
L’autre cause enfin consiste dans les expatriations des jeunes Bangala.
Les engagements volontaires, d’abord, ont été nombreux. Se dérober, prendre un terme de service à l’État ou aux Compagnies Commerciales, voyager, voir du pays et gagner de l’argent était à la mode chez les jeunes gens. Mais depuis trois ou quatre ans, le recrutement de travailleurs chez la population riveraine de Nouvelle-Anvers a été interdit par le Gouvernement. Un grand nombre, toutefois, de ceux qui se sont ainsi engagés volontairement ne sont pas rentrés dans leurs foyers, mais restent éparpillés—de plein gré—dans les différentes localités d’Européens, parce qu’ils préfèrent leur état actuel à celui dans lequel ils se trouvaient antérieurement dans leur village. On peut aussi compter qu’il y a eu parmi ces expatriés volontaires un grand nombre de décès, causés principalement par la dysenterie et la pneumonie, surtout parmi ceux qui formaient les équipages des vapeurs.
Viennent ensuite les recrutements de soldats. A ma connaissance, parmi les populations de Nouvelle-Anvers, l’État n’a pas fait des recrutements réguliers pour son armée permanente. Il a jadis recruté des Bangala dans des circonstances exceptionnelles pour les employer comme auxiliaires dans certaines expéditions. Ces auxiliaires ont été rapatriés, ou ont eu l’occasion de l’être.
Les déplacements de villages et les expatriations doivent être considérés comme des causes partielles et secondaires, non pas du dépérissement des tribus, mais simplement de l’abandon des rives, et il n’est pas raisonnable d’en faire un grief au Gouvernement. L’aversion profonde pour tout travail l’attrait pour la sauvage indépendance chez l’homme libre; le désir de se soustraire à l’esclavage domestique et la passion des voyages, chez la classe inférieure, voilà le fond où il faut chercher les motifs de ces faits.
En examinant en détail les lettres de Mr. Weeks, je n’aurais pas de peine à y trouver d’autres considérations dignes d’être contredites, mais je crois avoir fait un travail suffisant en montrant que la dégénérescence et le dépeuplement constatés à Nouvelle-Anvers sont le résultat de causes et d’influences étrangères à ce que l’auteur des lettres appelle l’oppression.
(Signé)C. van RONSLÉ.
Le 14 Novembre, 1903.
Notes du Consul Casement sur sa Visite aux Villages d’Ekanza et de Bosunguma dans la Contrée de Ngombe, près de Mompoko, sur la Rive gauche de l’Ileka, Affluent de la Lulongo.
(Traduction.)
Le 17 Septembre, 1903.
En présence du Révérend W. D. Armstrong et du Révérend D. J. Danielson, de la Congo Balolo Mission de Bouginda, de Vinda Bidiloa (“headman” du Consul) et de Bateko, servant d’interprètes, et du Consul de Sa Majesté Britannique.[141]
Le Chef de cette section de Bosunguma, du nom de Tondebila, avec beaucoup d’hommes du village et quelques femmes et enfants, étant présents.
Un garçon de 14 à 15 ans, du nom d’Epondo, dont la main gauche a été coupée, et dont le moignon est enveloppé dans une pièce de tissu, la blessure étant à peine guérie, apparaît, et en réponse à la question du Consul, accuse de cette mutilation une sentinelle nommée Kelengo (placée dans le village par l’agent local de la Société “La Lulonga” pour veiller à ce que les noirs travaillent le caoutchouc).
Cette sentinelle est appelée, et, après s’être fait quelque peu attendre, se présente armé d’un fusil à capsule.
L’enquête suivante sur les circonstances qui ont entouré la perte de la main d’Epondo est faite alors:—
Le Consul, par l’intermédiaire de Vinda, s’exprimant en Bobangi, et Bateko, répétant ses paroles en Mongo pour Kelengo—et dans le dialecte local pour les autres—demande à Epondo, en présence de l’accusé:
“Qui a coupé votre main?”
Epondo: “La sentinelle Kelengo que voilà.”
Kelengo nie le fait, interrompant, et disant que son nom est Mbilu, et non Kelengo. Le Consul le requiert de garder le silence—qu’il parlera après.
Le Chef du village, Tondebila, est appelé et questionné par le Consul, par l’intermédiaire des interprètes.
Après avoir été prié de dire la vérité sans crainte ni partialité, il déclare:
“La sentinelle Kelengo devant nous a coupé la main d’Epondo.”
Le Consul: “Avez-vous été vous-même témoin de l’acte?”
Réponse: “Oui.”
Plusieurs des Chefs du village sont appelés par le Consul pour témoigner.
Au premier d’entre eux, qui déclare se nommer Mololi, le Consul demande, en désignant le poignet mutilé d’Epondo:
“Qui a coupé la main de ce garçon?”
Mololi, désignant la sentinelle: “Cette homme-là l’a fait.”
Le second, qui dit s’appeler Eyileka, est interrogé par le Consul: “Qui a coupé la main de ce garçon?”
Réponse: “Kelengo.”
Le troisième, qui déclare se nommer Alondi, est interrogé par le Consul: “Qui a coupé la main de ce garçon?”
Réponse: “Cet homme-ci, Kelengo.”
Mololi est questionné à nouveau:
“Avez-vous, vous-même, vu cette sentinelle couper la main de ce garçon?”
“Oui, je l’ai vu.”
Eyikela est questionné à nouveau:
“Avez-vous, vous-même, vu cette sentinelle couper la main de ce garçon?”
Réponse: “Oui, je l’ai vu.”
Alondi est questionné à nouveau:
“Avez-vous, vous-même, vu cette sentinelle couper la main de ce garçon?”
Réponse: “Je le croirais. Si je ne m’étais pas blessé ici—il montre une coupure près du tendon d’Achille, au talon gauche—le même jour en m’enfuyant effrayé. Mon propre couteau m’a blessé ... je l’ai laissé tomber en m’enfuyant.”
Le Consul questionne Epondo:
“Combien de temps y a-t-il que votre main a été coupée?”
Réponse: Il n’est pas sûr.
Deux jeunes hommes du même village, nommés Boujingeni et Maseli, s’avancèrent et dirent qu’ils s’en souvenaient. Cela s’était passé pendant qu’on défrichait la terre sur la rive devant la station à Bonginda, quand on commençait à aménager un point d’accostage (un “slip”) pour les steamers.
Mr. Danielson déclare que le travail en question—le défrichement de la rive—en vue de l’établissement du “slip” de la Mission de Bonginda, fut commencé le 21 Janvier de cette année.[142]
Botoko, d’Ekanza, une autre section du village de Bosunguma, est questionné par le Consul:
“Avez-vous vu couper la main de ce garçon?”
Réponse: “Oui. Je ne l’ai pas réellement vu couper. Je vins et je vis la main séparée et le sang couler sur le sol. Les gens s’étaient enfuis dans toutes les directions.”
Le Consul demande aux interprètes de demander s’il y en avait d’autres qui avaient vu le crime et en accusaient Kelengo.
Presque tous ceux qui étaient présents, à peu près quarante personnes, presque tous des hommes, crièrent d’une seule voix que c’était Kelengo qui l’avait fait.
Le Consul: “Ils sont tous certains que c’était ce Kelengo que voici?”
Réponse unanime: “Oui. Il l’a fait.”
Le Consul demande à l’accusé Kelengo: “Avez-vous coupé la main de ce garçon?”
Cette question a été posée dans le langage le plus clair possible, et a été répétée six fois, et il a été demandé qu’une réponse claire, par oui ou par non, soit faite.
L’accusé évite de répondre à la question, commençant à parler d’autres choses n’ayant pas de rapport avec la question—par exemple, que son nom était Mbilu et non Kelengo, et que les gens de Bosunguma lui ont fait de méchantes choses.
Il lui a été dit de se confiner dans les limites de la question qui lui a été posée, qu’il pourrait parler d’autres choses après, mais que maintenant il y avait lieu pour lui de répondre aux questions posées, tout aussi simplement et tout aussi clairement que les autres avaient répondu. Il avait entendu ces réponses et l’accusation portée contre lui, et devait répondre aux questions du Consul de la même manière.
L’accusé continua à parler de choses étrangères, et refusa ou évita de donner de réponse à la question qui lui était posée.
Après des tentatives répétées pour obtenir une réponse directe à la question: “Avez-vous, ou n’avez-vous pas, coupé la main de ce garçon Epondo?” le Consul dit: “Vous êtes accusé de ce crime.
“Vous refusez de répondre aux questions que je vous pose clairement et franchement comme vos accusateurs l’ont fait. Vous avez entendu leur accusation.
“Votre refus de répondre comme vous devriez répondre, à savoir par oui ou par non, à une question directe et simple me laisse convaincu que vous ne pouvez nier l’accusation. Vous avez entendu ce dont vous avez été accusé par tout ce monde.
“Puisque vous ne consentez pas à répondre comme ils l’ont fait, vous pouvez raconter votre histoire comme vous voulez.
“Je l’écouterai.”
L’accusé commence à parler, mais avant que ses remarques puissent m’être traduites par l’intermédiaire de Bateko d’abord, à qui il parle directement, et de Vinda ensuite, un jeune homme s’avance hors de la foule et interrompt.
Il y eut du bruit, puis cet homme parla.
Il dit qu’il était Cianzo, de Bosunguma. Il avait tué deux antilopes, et il porta deux de leurs jambes à cette sentinelle Kelengo pour lui en faire cadeau. Kelengo refusa son cadeau et lia sa femme. Kelengo dit que ce n’était pas un cadeau suffisant pour lui, et il tint la femme de Cianzo liée jusqu’à ce que lui (Cianzo) eût payé 1,000 baguettes de laiton pour sa rançon.
A ce moment un jeune homme, disant se nommer Ilungo, de Bosunguma, s’avança dans le cercle et accusa Kelengo de lui avoir volé ouvertement deux canards et un chien.
Ils lui furent pris sans aucun motif, sinon que Kelengo en avait besoin, et les prit de force.
Le Consul se tourna de nouveau vers Kelengo, et l’invita à raconter son histoire et à faire une réponse à l’accusation portée contre lui, de la manière qui lui convenait. Le Consul ordonna le silence à tous, et leur enjoignit de ne pas interrompre Kelengo.
Kelengo dit qu’il n’a pas pris les canards d’Ilungo. Le père d’Ilungo lui à donné un canard. (Tous rient.)
Il est vrai que Cianzo a tué deux antilopes et lui en a donné deux jambes en cadeau, mais il n’a pas lié la femme de Cianzo et n’a pas demandé d’argent pour rançon.
Le Consul: “C’est bien. Cela termine les canards et les jambes d’antilope; mais maintenant je veux entendre parler de la main d’Epondo. Racontez-moi ce que vous savez au sujet de la main coupée d’Epondo.”
Kelengo élude de nouveau la question.
Le Consul: “Dites-lui ceci. Il est posté par ses maîtres dans ce village, n’est-ce pas? Ceci est son village. Maintenant en vient-il à dire qu’il ne sait pas ce qui se passe ici, où il vit?”
Kelengo dit: “Il est vrai que ceci est son village, mais il ne connaît rien au sujet de la main coupée d’Epondo.
“Peut-être c’était la première sentinelle ici avant qu’il ne vînt qui était un très méchant homme et coupait les mains.
“Cette sentinelle-là est partie; c’était elle qui coupait les mains, pas lui, Mbilu. Il ne sait rien à ce sujet.”
Le Consul: “Quel était le nom, alors, de cette méchante sentinelle, votre prédécesseur, qui coupait les mains des gens? Le connaissez-vous?”
Kelengo ne donne pas de réponse directe, et la question est répétée. Il commence alors une déclaration au sujet de plusieurs sentinelles. Il en nomme trois: Bobudjo, Ekua et Lokola Longonya, comme ses prédécesseurs ici, à Bosunguma.
Ici, un homme, nommé Makwombondo, bondit et interrompant affirma que ces trois sentinelles ne résidaient pas à Bosunguma, mais avaient été stationnées dans son propre village, le village de Makwombondo.
Le Consul, à Kelengo: “Depuis combien de temps êtes-vous dans ce village?”
Réponse: “Cinq mois.”
Le Consul: “En êtes-vous bien sûr?”
Réponse: “Cinq mois.”
Le Consul: “Connaissez-vous alors le garçon Epondo—l’avez-vous déjà vu?”
Réponse: “Je ne le connais pas du tout.”
(Ici tout l’auditoire éclate de rire et certains expriment leur admiration pour les aptitudes de Kelengo au mensonge.)
Kelengo, continuant, déclara qu’il était possible qu’Epondo vînt du village de Makwombondo. Quoi qu’il en soit, lui, Kelengo, ne connaît pas Epondo. Il ne le connaît pas du tout.
Ici Cianzo s’avance et dit qu’il est le propre frère d’Epondo; ils ont toujours vécu ici. Leur père était Itengolo, mort maintenant; leur mère est morte également.
Le Consul, à Kelengo: “Alors c’est fini; vous ne connaissez rien de cette affaire?”
Kelengo: “C’est fini. Je vous ai dit tout. Je ne connais rien de cela.”
Ici un homme, qui dit se nommer Elenge, d’Ekanza, la section voisine de Bosunguma, s’avança avec sa femme. Il déclara que les autres sentinelles, dans leur village, n’étaient pas aussi méchantes, mais que ce Kelengo était un gredin.
Kelengo a lié sa femme Sondi, la femme avec laquelle il se présenta, et lui a fait payer 500 baguettes avant de la relâcher. Il les a payées.
Ici le Consul demande à Epondo comment sa main a été coupée. Avec Bonjingeni et Maseli, il déclara qu’il avait d’abord reçu un coup de feu dans le bras et que, quand il tomba, Kelengo lui avait coupé la main.
Le Consul: “Avez-vous senti qu’on vous la coupait?”
Réponse: “Oui, je l’ai senti.”
Ceci terminait l’enquête.
Le Consul a informé le Chef Tondebila et les indigènes présents qu’il ferait rapport au Gouvernement de ce qu’il avait vu et entendu et qu’il lui demanderait de faire une enquête sur l’accusation portée contre Kelengo, qui méritait une punition sévère pour ses actes illégaux et cruels. Que les faits dont était accusé Kelengo étaient tout à fait illégaux et que si le Gouvernement savait que des choses semblables se commettent, ceux qui se rendent coupables de pareils crimes seraient, dans chaque cas, punis.
(Signé) ROGER CASEMENT,Consul de Sa Majesté Britannique.[143]
La déclaration qui précède a été lue par nous et nous déclarons par la présente qu’elle est un compte rendu juste et fidèle de ce qui a été dit en notre présence hier au village de Bosunguma, en témoignage de quoi nous avons apposé nos signatures ci-dessous.
(Signé)William Douglas Armstrong.D.-J. Danielson.
Signé par les prénommés William Douglas Armstrong et D.-J. Danielson, missionnaires à Bonginda, ce 8 Septembre, 1903.
(Signé)Roger Casement,Consul de Sa Majesté Britannique.
Je déclare par la présente que j’ai entendu lire par le Consul de Sa Majesté Britannique la déclaration ci-dessus et qu’elle est un compte rendu juste et fidèle des déclarations faites par les témoins questionnés hier à Bosunguma par le Consul de Sa Majesté Britannique par mon intermédiaire agissant comme interprète.
(Signé)Vinda Bidiloa.
Signé par Vinda Bidiloa, à Bonginda, ce 8 Septembre, 1903, par devant moi,
(Signé)Roger Casement,Consul de Sa Majesté Britannique.
Je certifie que ce qui précède est une copie véritable et fidèle des notes originales, en ma possession, sur ce qui s’est passé le 7 Septembre, 1903, au village de Bosunguma, dans la contrée de Ngombe, sur la Rivière Lulanga, où je me suis rendu le 7 Septembre, 1903, sur la demande d’indigènes de ce village.
En foi de quoi j’ai apposé ci-dessous ma signature et le sceau de mon office, à Lulanga, ce 9 Septembre, 1903.
(Signé)Roger Casement,Consul de Sa Majesté Britannique.
Enquête du Substitut du Procureur d’État, Gennaro Bosco, à charge de Kelengo.
(Extraits relatifs à l’affaire Epondo.)
L’an 1903, le 28 Septembre, à Coquilhatville, devant nous, Substitut, comparaît Efundu, Chef du village Bosunguma, qui après serment, répond comme d’après aux questions que nous lui posons:
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D.Parlez de la main d’Epondo?
R.Je ne puis que répéter ce qu’Epondo même m’a raconté. Il m’a dit que dans les Bangala, il était allé à la chasse au sanglier avec un camarade, dont il ne me dit pas le nom. Celui-ci blessa un sanglier et il voulut l’attraper par les oreilles, mais le sanglier le mordit si fortement qu’une main tomba, après gangrène.
D.Pourquoi les indigènes d’Ekanza et Bosunguma accusent-ils Kelengo?
R.Pour ne pas faire de caoutchouc. Kelengo est sentinelle de caoutchouc. Les indigènes n’aiment pas de faire du caoutchouc et ont décidé, sachant que les Anglais étaient là, de leur dire un mensonge dans l’espoir de ne plus faire de caoutchouc.
D.Étiez-vous présent lorsque le Consul Anglais interrogeait les indigènes?
R.Non, j’étais dans la forêt.
D.Lorsque le Consul Anglais fut parti, qu’est-ce que disaient entre eux les indigènes?
R.“Maintenant, c’est bien. Maintenant qu’il croit qu’on m’a coupé la main, nous ne ferons plus de caoutchouc; nous ne ferons que la kwanga.”
D.Avez-vous entendu dire que Kelengo avait tué un homme et coupé la main à deux autres parce qu’on refusait de lui donner une antilope qu’on avait tuée?
R.C’est ce qu’on est allé raconter aux Anglais, mais c’est un mensonge.
D.Savez-vous que Kelengo a amarré pour la même raison la femme de Ciango et qu’il ne l’a laissée qu’après un paiement de 1,000 mitakos?
R.C’est encore un mensonge. Je ne connais pas ce Ciango. C’est un nom qui n’est pas même usité parmi les indigènes.
D.Savez-vous que Kelengo a volé un canard et un chien d’Ilungo?
R.Mensonge. Cet Ilungo n’existe pas.
Dont procès-verbal lu et signé, hors le témoin illettré.
Le Substitut,(Signé) BOSCO.
Après comparaît Mongombe, d’Ikandja, qui, interrogé, après serment, déclare:
Epondo a perdu la main à la chasse du sanglier dans les Bangala. Lui-même l’a raconté en disant que son camarade, dont il ignore le nom, avait blessé le sanglier, et il avait voulu l’attraper par les oreilles. Le sanglier alors lui avait arraché la main.
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D.Pourquoi les indigènes accusent-ils Kelengo?
R.Ils ne veulent pas faire le caoutchouc et sont allés dire des mensonges aux Anglais dans l’espoir de ne pas faire de caoutchouc, et quand les Anglais sont partis, ils disaient: “Maintenant, c’est bien. Maintenant plus de caoutchouc. Seulement la kwanga.” J’ai entendu ces expressions plusieurs fois. Kelengo n’a pas amarré la femme de Sandjo, ni tué personne. L’histoire de l’antilope est un mensonge. Je ne connais pas Ilungo.
D.Êtes-vous au courant du complot des indigènes pour aller dire des mensonges aux missionnaires?
R.Oui; j’ai entendu les indigènes se plaindre qu’ils travaillaient beaucoup pour rien, que les Chefs s’emparaient des mitakos que les blancs payaient pour la récolte du caoutchouc; enfin, qu’ils mouraient de faim. Ils ajoutaient qu’ils avaient réclamé plusieurs fois inutilement et qu’ils allaient essayer si, par l’intermédiaire des Anglais, qui étaient très puissants, ils pouvaient obtenir de changer leur sort. Et ils disaient: “Allons, allons vite, vite chez les Anglais; allons dire que Kelengo coupe les mains.”
D.Avez-vous entendu ces mots?
R.Oui; je les ai entendus parfaitement.
Dont procès-verbal lu et signé, hors le témoin illettré.
Le Substitut,(Signé) BOSCO.
Après comparaît Bangwala, d’Ikandja, qui, interrogé, après serment, déclare:—
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