CHAPTER XXXIX.1881.
PERSECUTION IN RUSSIA—LORD GRANVILLE'S SPEECH—PROJECT OF EMIGRATION TO AMERICA—DEATH OF DEAN STANLEY AND OF PRESIDENT GARFIELD.
NUMEROUS letters now arrived from all parts of the Continent describing the Anti-Semitic movement in Germany; hundreds of communications reached him also from Russia, describing in heartrending language the attacks made upon the Jews during the riots in various towns and villages. Some of his Russian correspondents attributed them to the Anti-Semites in Germany. These people, they said, had entered into a league with similarly prejudiced persons in Russia, who, discontented with the results of their own business transactions, or of their professions, gave vent to their disappointment by attacking the Jews who peacefully followed their own pursuits. Others of Sir Moses' correspondents traced these disasters to the neglect of local governors and other officials to afford protection to those who stood most in need of it. There can be no doubt that the Anti-Semitic movement in Germany very greatly assisted those engaged in sowing the seeds of hatred, and in promoting ill-feeling against the Jews in Russia. Towards the end of April the Jews were openly attacked by the populace at Argenau, in Prussia, their intention having been publicly advertised beforehand, and the instigators of the riots having signed their names to the placards. It appears that this was the signal for the members of their league in Russia to begin the attack, for, on the same day, four hundred Jews were plundered at Elizabethgrad, many of them ill-treated and some killed, the riots continuing in various towns and villages. According to a tabulated statement, giving full particulars of the persecutions, the number of places where the Jews had to suffer in Russia amounted to 167.
A writer in theTimessays: "Ever since the German Anti-Semites raised an outcry against their Jewish fellow-citizens, it had been feared that the movement would spread to Russia, and there take a form more adapted to the less civilised state of the country when, before the assassination of the Czar on March the 3rd had roused all Russia to the highest pitch of excitement, it was confidently predicted that the approaching Easter would see an outbreak against the Jews. It was said afterwards, that the prediction was aided in its fulfilment by Panslavist emissaries from Moscow, who planned all the subsequent troubles.
"It is at least certain that rumours of a rising had reached Elizabethgrad, and caused the heads of the Jewish community, who form a third of its thirty thousand inhabitants, to apply for special protection from the Governor. No notice was taken of the appeal, and on Wednesday, April 27th, the dreaded outbreak took place."
Numerous meetings were held in London, Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, and other important towns in England, on the continent of Europe, and in the principal cities of America, to consider the position of the Russian Jews, with special reference to the necessity of sending delegations of their respective committees to Russia. Some thought emigration from Russia would be the best means of helping the sufferers. A million sterling, they said, could easily be collected from the Jews of the whole world, which would go far towards meeting the expenses of emigration; and many of the emigrants would be able to furnish a portion of the necessary funds themselves; but the question rose: "Will the Government permit the emigration of so many subjects?" Then it was asked: "Where are our brethren to be sent to?" Some suggested Bosnia, some America, others the Holy Land. There was a great difference of opinion among the members of the various committees, as to what should be done in the present terrible crisis.
May 23rd.—A numerously attended deputation of the Representatives of the Board of Deputies, conjointly with those of the Anglo-Jewish Association, waited on Lord Granville at the Foreign Office, for the purpose of invoking the good offices of the British Government to stop the outrages on their co-religionists in the Russian Empire.
His Lordship, referring to certain questions which had been raised by the deputation, said:
"It appears to me that the questions which have been raised are three. It is quite clear, as stated, that they are more or less connected one with the other. The first is the general question of the laws imposing great disabilities upon the Jews in Russia. Now it is clear that, however intolerant, however unjust, however impolitic such laws are, yet it is competent for any independent state to maintain those laws, if it seems fit to them. I maintain with regard to myself, that one of the strongest political convictions I have ever had in a public life, now extending to a good many years, was that in favour of the great measure of the emancipation of the Jews—(cheers)—and all I need say of that is, that it has been a source of great satisfaction to me to see the enormous change which has taken place since that was effected. Why, I have seen melt away like snow all those prejudices, not only political but social, which certainly, when I first came into public life, were extreme. I am glad to find that the members of this deputation have followed the example of their predecessors; and I think I can say for myself, that I am not aware of not having taken advantage of any opportunity in my power of doing what I thought judicious for the improvement of the position of the Jews, in countries where they are less favoured than in our own. At the same time it must be remembered that all nations are jealous of interference with their internal concerns, and this is especially so with regard to the great Powers of Europe. I had only last week to make a speech connected with Russia, with regard to our refusal to join in a conference on another subject, and I then pointed out how exceedingly sensitive we are in this country in anything which appears like compulsion from foreign countries, with regard to our internal legislation. I even quoted an instance where a popular Minister was turned out of office for proposing that which every one agreed was quite right, merely from the idea that he had been instigated to the task by a foreign power. While remembering this, we may consider what is the best to be done. Now I am myself perfectly convinced that it would not be judicious to make official representations on this subject to the Russian Government. I agree with the speaker who said that the prejudices are greatest amongst the mass of the people; but I do not agree with those who have said that a strong representation from a foreign Government would strengthen the hands of the Russian Government. I think that in many instances it might weaken the hands of the Government, who, I believe, are infinitely more enlightened than the mass of the people on the subject. I feel very strongly that if any representations are made, they should not be official representations, and moreover, that they should not be public. With regard to the second question of the fearful riots, and the destruction of the property of the Jews, I can only say I believe the statements that have been made, and that I share the feeling of sorrow that must be common to all that have read them, and I cannot help believing that that is the feeling of the Russian Government, and of the higher classes of that country." The noble earl then read a short extract from the information received from Mr Wyndham and our Consul at Odessa in regard to these riots, which were believed to be instigated by the Nihilists, and which had led to great destruction of property and some loss of life. "It is announced that the riots have been suppressed, and that no less than 1000 persons had been arrested on account of them. After that I do not think you can be of opinion that the Russian Government has any complicity with these outrages. No better proof can be afforded of the good feeling of the Russian Government than the cordial reception lately given by the Emperor to a deputation of Jews. Such a thing as that would have been absolutely impossiblein the reign of the Emperor Nicholas, and I think you may take it that the Emperor is horrified at these proceedings, and is desirous of putting them down."
"It appears to me that the questions which have been raised are three. It is quite clear, as stated, that they are more or less connected one with the other. The first is the general question of the laws imposing great disabilities upon the Jews in Russia. Now it is clear that, however intolerant, however unjust, however impolitic such laws are, yet it is competent for any independent state to maintain those laws, if it seems fit to them. I maintain with regard to myself, that one of the strongest political convictions I have ever had in a public life, now extending to a good many years, was that in favour of the great measure of the emancipation of the Jews—(cheers)—and all I need say of that is, that it has been a source of great satisfaction to me to see the enormous change which has taken place since that was effected. Why, I have seen melt away like snow all those prejudices, not only political but social, which certainly, when I first came into public life, were extreme. I am glad to find that the members of this deputation have followed the example of their predecessors; and I think I can say for myself, that I am not aware of not having taken advantage of any opportunity in my power of doing what I thought judicious for the improvement of the position of the Jews, in countries where they are less favoured than in our own. At the same time it must be remembered that all nations are jealous of interference with their internal concerns, and this is especially so with regard to the great Powers of Europe. I had only last week to make a speech connected with Russia, with regard to our refusal to join in a conference on another subject, and I then pointed out how exceedingly sensitive we are in this country in anything which appears like compulsion from foreign countries, with regard to our internal legislation. I even quoted an instance where a popular Minister was turned out of office for proposing that which every one agreed was quite right, merely from the idea that he had been instigated to the task by a foreign power. While remembering this, we may consider what is the best to be done. Now I am myself perfectly convinced that it would not be judicious to make official representations on this subject to the Russian Government. I agree with the speaker who said that the prejudices are greatest amongst the mass of the people; but I do not agree with those who have said that a strong representation from a foreign Government would strengthen the hands of the Russian Government. I think that in many instances it might weaken the hands of the Government, who, I believe, are infinitely more enlightened than the mass of the people on the subject. I feel very strongly that if any representations are made, they should not be official representations, and moreover, that they should not be public. With regard to the second question of the fearful riots, and the destruction of the property of the Jews, I can only say I believe the statements that have been made, and that I share the feeling of sorrow that must be common to all that have read them, and I cannot help believing that that is the feeling of the Russian Government, and of the higher classes of that country." The noble earl then read a short extract from the information received from Mr Wyndham and our Consul at Odessa in regard to these riots, which were believed to be instigated by the Nihilists, and which had led to great destruction of property and some loss of life. "It is announced that the riots have been suppressed, and that no less than 1000 persons had been arrested on account of them. After that I do not think you can be of opinion that the Russian Government has any complicity with these outrages. No better proof can be afforded of the good feeling of the Russian Government than the cordial reception lately given by the Emperor to a deputation of Jews. Such a thing as that would have been absolutely impossiblein the reign of the Emperor Nicholas, and I think you may take it that the Emperor is horrified at these proceedings, and is desirous of putting them down."
Mr Arthur Cohen, Q.C., M.P., who had now become President of the Board of Deputies, gave Sir Moses a full account of all that had passed at the interview with his Lordship, and subsequently at the meeting of the Board. Sir Moses wrote to him under date of 24th May, as follows:
"My dear Arthur,—It was most kind of you to devote so much of your valuable time to furnishing me with particulars on a subject which has occupied my mind for many years."When I had the honour of an audience with the Emperor Nicholas in the year 1846, His Majesty observed the laws of Russia did not permit Jews to sleep in St Petersburg. I said, 'I trust your Majesty will see fit to alter them,' and the reply was, 'I hope so.' Twenty-six years later, on my again visiting St Petersburg to seek an audience of the late Emperor Alexander, I found 12,000 of my co-religionists settled there; many of them had decorations, and a goodly number filled high offices in the University and public libraries; some were bankers, others merchants. On my arrival there, I was asked by a person of high authority what my object was in seeking an audience of the Emperor. I replied that it was to convey my gratitude to His Majesty for having realised the hope expressed to me by his father. The Prime Minister then assured me, in the presence of three or four Ministers of State, that the Russian Jews, if qualified by their abilities and moral character, could attain any high position in the Empire."I am fully convinced that it is only by mild and judicious representation—relying in advance, as it were, on their kindness and humanity—that you have a chance of your application reaching the throne of the Emperor."You have, I conceive, acted most wisely in all you have done with reference to the movement, and I perfectly agree with the opinion entertained by Lord Granville on the subject."If it be thought advisable, I am quite ready to go again to St Petersburg. I should, in the first place, ascertain whether my visit would be agreeable or not to the Emperor and his Government; and, in the next place, I should apply to the British Government for letters of recommendation to the British Minister, and thus equipped I should have every hope of smoothing the unfortunate position in which our brethren are placed in that country."
"My dear Arthur,—It was most kind of you to devote so much of your valuable time to furnishing me with particulars on a subject which has occupied my mind for many years.
"When I had the honour of an audience with the Emperor Nicholas in the year 1846, His Majesty observed the laws of Russia did not permit Jews to sleep in St Petersburg. I said, 'I trust your Majesty will see fit to alter them,' and the reply was, 'I hope so.' Twenty-six years later, on my again visiting St Petersburg to seek an audience of the late Emperor Alexander, I found 12,000 of my co-religionists settled there; many of them had decorations, and a goodly number filled high offices in the University and public libraries; some were bankers, others merchants. On my arrival there, I was asked by a person of high authority what my object was in seeking an audience of the Emperor. I replied that it was to convey my gratitude to His Majesty for having realised the hope expressed to me by his father. The Prime Minister then assured me, in the presence of three or four Ministers of State, that the Russian Jews, if qualified by their abilities and moral character, could attain any high position in the Empire.
"I am fully convinced that it is only by mild and judicious representation—relying in advance, as it were, on their kindness and humanity—that you have a chance of your application reaching the throne of the Emperor.
"You have, I conceive, acted most wisely in all you have done with reference to the movement, and I perfectly agree with the opinion entertained by Lord Granville on the subject.
"If it be thought advisable, I am quite ready to go again to St Petersburg. I should, in the first place, ascertain whether my visit would be agreeable or not to the Emperor and his Government; and, in the next place, I should apply to the British Government for letters of recommendation to the British Minister, and thus equipped I should have every hope of smoothing the unfortunate position in which our brethren are placed in that country."
Here we have a man, nearly ninety-eight years old, speaking seriously of setting out again on a Mission to St Petersburg. When his friends said to him, "How can you think of proceeding to Russia at your advanced age, and in your present weak state of health?" he replied, "If necessary, I will be carried there. Take me in my carriage to the train, put me on board ship, then again in the train, and when in St Petersburg I will be carried into the presence of the Emperor. Nothing," he added, "shall prevent me from serving my unfortunate brethren if I can be of use to them."
Although deeply grieved by the sad events to which so muchpublic attention was being directed, Sir Moses did not withdraw his attention entirely from other matters, and was much pleased to read in theTimesof the success of Mr A. F. Saunders, who had just gained the prize medal for Hebrew, which Sir Moses had founded years before at the Merchant Taylors' School. Many of the students who had gained this medal used, while pursuing their studies at the universities, to address Hebrew letters to Sir Moses, to show him the progress they were making in the sacred language, and he never failed to encourage them further in their studies.
The death of Dean Stanley was another shock to Sir Moses, whose relations with the Dean were of the most cordial character. He would frequently have read to him the reply of the Dean to Canon Jenkins, who proposed the establishment of an "Appellate Tribunal, to which the question of the treatment of the Jews should be referred."
The Dean regarded the scheme as impracticable, but expressed his abhorrence of the cruel persecutions, and his conviction that they were impossible in a country like ours.
"We stand much in need of such advocates for right and justice," Sir Moses remarks, "and the loss we have sustained by his death is great."
The news of the attempt on the life of General Garfield, the President of the United States, caused him also much sorrow. He always entertained a high regard for the Americans, and admired their numerous noble institutions. "How many millions of our fellow-beings," he used to say, "found a happy home there when all hope for an honourable maintenance in their own country had to be given up, because the land which gave them birth ceased to give them shelter and protection?"
September 19th.—On hearing that the life of the President was in danger, he immediately sent a telegram to the Spiritual Heads of the Spanish and German Hebrew Congregations of Jerusalem.
"Let prayers be offered up," he telegraphed, "in all Synagogues for President Garfield's speedy recovery."
Mrs Garfield, to whom Sir Moses subsequently addressed a letter of sympathy, several Senators, and many prominent American citizens, acknowledged this mark of attention most gratefully, and expressed their high appreciation of it.
When the President died Sir Moses sent £100 to Mr Marcus of Boston for distribution among the most deserving charitable institutions of that city, without distinction of race or creed, in memory of the esteemed and lamented President.
September 28th.—The following telegram, appeared in one of the papers, under the heading "Anti-Semitic Agitation," dated Vienna, Tuesday night:
"According to a Russian paper, Sir Moses Montefiore has forwarded an address to the Jews in South Russia, informing them of the measures provided for their emigration to the United States, and stating that no obstacle will be raised by the Government to their leaving the country."
This report having no foundation in truth, Sir Moses immediately addressed the editor on the subject, who in return published a correction the next day. As a matter of fact, Sir Moses never expressed an opinion on the matter, sent no address to the Jews of South Russia, and did not even reply to letters written to him on the question of emigration.
On the 8th day of Heshván Sir Moses celebrated his ninety-seventh birthday.
A few days afterwards there is an entry in his Diary, in which he says: "I have been very unwell for several days, and this day unable to take a drive in my carriage. Blessed be God for His manifold gifts, and, I hope, renewed strength."
December 30th.—Letters reached him from America referring to a meeting of the citizens of Harrisburg, Catahouli, and Louisiana, reporting that resolutions had been passed cordially inviting the Russian emigrants to settle in the district, and promising every assistance. Three representatives of the emigrants made an inspection of the land offered to them, and gave a very favourable account of it. At New Orleans every assistance was given to the emigrants, numbering about a hundred, and the President of the West End Railway placed a special train at their disposal.
The Local Committee leased the Continental Hotel, capable of lodging over five hundred persons, and placed it under the Ladies' Hebrew Sewing Society.
"I wish," Sir Moses said, "facilities like those offered by the Committee at New Orleans could be secured for emigrants who select the Holy Land for colonisation."