[Arabic]
“The convent of the Tôr (mountain) Sinai, and the church of the conference, the pious king Justianus (instead of Justinianus), of Greek confession, yearning after God, and hoping for the summons of his Lord, for a memorial of himself and his wife Theodora against the passing of time, that God may inherit the earth and what is upon it, forhe is the best of inheritors. And the erection was ended after thirty years of his government. And he set over it a chief, named Dhulas. And this took place after Adam 6021, which agrees with the year 527 of the era of the Lord Christ.”
The characters of the inscription certify, according to the information of the Consul, Dr. Wetzstein, who has kindly undertaken the copying and translation of the inscription, that they are not of a date previous to 550 of the Mahommedan era, which, therefore, brings us back to the time in which the Greek inscription was made. The passage of the Koran, mentioned already by Burckhardt, is in Surât, xxi., v. 18.
In the same wall, but much higher up, over a far greater door, now bricked up, at a place behind which the kitchen is now lying, another great stone is let in, the ornament of which[Rectangle]might lead to the supposition that there is another old inscription there. Unfortunately, it was impossible to have a ladder brought thither, to examine the stone more carefully. May a later traveller succeed in this!
NOTE E.
(Letter XXXIII.p. 370.)
The history of the palm-wood of Pharan forms the centre-point of the history of the whole peninsula. The accounts of the Greeks and Romans give a new proof of this, though their geographical determinations have, for the most part, been incorrectly apprehended. Thus the Poseidion of Artemidorus, Diodorus, and Strabo, is generally put at the extremity of the peninsula now called Râs Mahommed, even by Gosselin, Letroune, and Groskura, who had certainly perceived the incorrect gloss of the manuscripts of Strabo (p. 776: τοῦ [Ἐλανίτου] μυχοῦ). As the Poseidion laywithin(ἐνδοτέρω) the Gulf of Suez, and as thewesterncoast of the peninsula is described, this altar of Poseidion necessarily lay either at Râs Abu Zelîmeh, the haven of Faran, or at Râs G’ehân, where there was a more southerly and shorter communication by Wadi Dhaghadeh with Wadi Firân. That the Palm-grove (Φοινικών) of that author is not to be found by Tôr, but in the Wadi Firân, has already been rightly seen by Tuch, (Sinait. Inschr., p. 35), although he still places the Poseidion at Râs Mahommed (p. 37). It was the Serb Bâl—the palm-grove of Baal—from which the mountain first obtained its name. It appears that at an earlier date the name of Faran was used with particular reference to the haven near Abu Zelîmeh, and a Pharanitic colony at the place of ancient Elim, in the neighbourhood of the present Gebel Hammân Faraûn, still called Farân by the Arabic historians; while the grove itself was yet called Serb Bâl by the inhabitants. Probably, also,it was here where Aristo landed under Ptolemæus Philadelphus, and founded the Poseidion.
By Artemidorus (in Strabo, p. 776), and Diodorus (III. 42), Mαρανῖται are mentioned, for which Gosselin, Ritter, Tuch, and others, propose to read Φαρανῖται. But as the Maranites lived on theeasterncoast of the peninsula, and are reported to have been entirely destroyed by the Garindœans, I can find no support for this conjecture. The gorge Pharan, mentioned by Josephus in Judæa (Bel. Jud.iv. 9, 4), has no connection with anything here.
The name of the Pharanites on thewest coastof the peninsula first occurs in Pliny (H. N. xxxvii., 40), for there is no reason to consider thePharanitis gens, which he places in Arabia Petræa, to be other than thePharanitaiof Ptolemy. That the northern station Phara (circaten hours west of Aila) on the table of Peutinger, has nothing to do with the Pharanitic palm-grove, has been placed beyond doubt by Ritter, (p. 147 sq.).
Ptolemy, in the third century, is the first who mentions aplacecalled Pharan (κώμη φαράν); yet the grounds and the connection ofhiscalculations so very different from the true relations of the peninsula, had remained obscure, so that the single comparison were useless. His construction of the peninsula is immediately intelligible, if it be considered that he has evidently taken the obtuse coast-angle at Râs Gehân,—whither he put Cape Pharan according to his latitudes, instead of Hammân Farûn,—for the most southern point of the peninsula, whence the more remote coast again runs up to the north-east. By this the peninsula becomes 50´ too short, although the longitude of his promontory agrees with that of the right one. The real point (Râs Mohammed) now answers to the place whither he places the round of the Elanitic Gulf (ἐπιστροφὴ τοῦ Ἐλανίτου κόλπου). The whole Elanitic Gulf (Gulf of Akaba) shrinks with him to a little angle (μυχός) of 15´, as everything is pushed up too much to the north. The coast, from “the term” up to Οννη answers in fact to that from Râs Furtak (Diodorus’s or Artemidorus’s ἀκρωτήριον τῆς ἡπείρου, before which the island of Phoke lay) to Ἀïn Uneh and the Elanitic Gulf, the northern end of which (ἐπιστροφή) he placed at 66° longitude, 29° latitude,[159]
now takes the form of the gulf, the undermost point of which is now denoted by Ἀïn Uneh. The ocean angle of Pharan (μυχὸς κατὰ φαράν) he imagines to extend from Cape Faran (ἀκρωτήριον φαράν) to the inland city of the same name, like the angle of Elana, and the inner angle of Heroonpolis to the north of Arsinoe. From the same construction of the peninsula it came that the Rhainthenians, who were placed along the same coast by Tôr (even now called Ῥαιθοῦ) below the Pharanites, had now to be placed on the coast turned towards Arabia (παρὰ τὴν όρεινὴν τῆς Εὐδαιμονος Ἀραβίas), therefore on the oriental and not the occidental coast of the peninsula; and finally, the primary mountain-chain (ὄρη μέλανα) extending from Faray to Râs Mohammed to Judæa, therefore to the N.E. instead of the S.E.
From all this it is clear that the place Pharan of Ptolemy is identical with the recognised Pharan in the Wadi Firân, and the φοινικών of Artemidorus and Strabo. And it is less to be doubted that also the Pharan of Eusebius (s. v. Ῥαφιδίμ) and Jerome, which is expressly (s. v. φαράν) calleda city(πόλις,oppidum), and is placed at the distance of three days’ journey from Aila,—was the city in Wadi Firân, although by a confusion with the Biblical desert of Paran it is added, that the Israelites had returned by this Pharan on their return from Sinai (c. f. Ritter, p. 740).
According to the treatise of the monk Ammonius (Illustr. Chr. Martyr, lecti triumphi ed. Combefis, Paris, 1660,—whose history, undoubtedly fictitious, refers toA.D.370, but can in no case be used as a historical authority for that time, but seems to rest on some passages of the romance of Nilus, and to have been written for a like praiseworthy purpose,—the city of Pharan was converted toChristianityin the middle of the fourth century, by the monk Moses, a native of the city. By Nilus, placed at about 390, but concerning whose era and writings much uncertainty exists, a Christian council (βουλή) of the city of Pharan is mentioned (Nili app. quædam, 1539, 4to.) Soon after, from the first half of the fifth century, Le Quien, but certainly from sources of very different value (Oriens. Christ., vol. iii., p. 571), cites a series of bishops of Pharan, who can be followed up into the middle of the twelfth century (vide Reland, Palæst, vol. ii., p. 220). The monks of the mountains were all subjected to these bishops.
As to what concerns the founding of the present convent at Gebel Mûsa, it is certainly ascribed to the twelfth or thirteenth year of the Emperor Justinian, as in the inscriptions, by Saïd ben Batrik (Eutychius), who wrote about 932-953 (d’Herbelôt, s. v.), but he is contradicted by the much more trustworthy, and here particularly important testimony of Procopius, the contemporary of Justinian, in the most express manner. He says, in his particular treatise on the buildings founded by Justinian (Procop. ed. Diod.vol. iii.de œdif. Just.p. 326), that the emperor built achurchto the Mother of God, “not on the top of the mountain, buta good piece belowit” (παρὰ πολὺ ἔνερθεν, which, according to the locality, can only mean on the platform half way down the mountain, where the chapel of Elias now stands). Separated from it, he also found at the foot of the mountain (ἐς τοῦ ὄρους πρόποδα) a very strong castle (φρούριον), with a good garrison, in order to prevent the incursions of the Saracens from the peninsula to Palestine. As Procopius just before and after, as in the whole treatise, makes a careful distinction between convents and churches, and military posts, it is evident, that according to him, Justinian did not found the convent with its church. Probably, however, the military fort was at a later period used as a convent, and built up anew. And the church above, built by Justinian, was not dedicated, like the present one, to St. Katherine (vide Le Quien, vol. iii. p. 1306), but to Maria. What Eutychius (cited first by Robinson, though placed by him somewhat too early in the tenth century) relates, as well regarding the founding of the convent as in direct contradiction to Procopius, concerning a church on thetop of the mountain, is therefore no more worthy of credence than the conversation between the emperor and the architect. As little should the convents of Râyeh (near Tôr) and Kolzum (abishopof Clysma, named Poemen, was present already at the Constantinopolitan council of 460;vide Acta Concil. ed. Harduin, vol. ii. p. 696, 786), be ascribed to Justinian, on the authority of Ben Batrik, as in such a case Procopius would undoubtedly have spoken of it. Pharan is not mentioned by Procopius. On the other hand, however, he informs us of the important fact (de bell. Pers.1, 19, 164,de œdif.5, 8), that the Saracen prince, Abocharagos, reigning there, presented the emperor Justinian with a great palm-grove (φοινικῶνα), situated in the middle of the land (ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ). On a more careful examination of that narrative, there can remain scarcely a doubt, that the palm-grove of Pharan is intended here, not the place on the sea called φοινίκων κώμη by Ptolemy (vi. 7, 3), or a palm-grove quite unknown to us, also situate in the middle of a desolate waterless wilderness. According to Ammonius and Nilus, the whole population of Pharan was at that time Christian, and achurchwas certainly distinguished there; thus the present of Abocharagos, whom Justinian himself made phylarch of the Palestinian Saracens, is more easily comprehensible. Without doubt the founding of the fort in the higher mountains, for the guard against these Saracens, stood in connection with this.
Next to Procopius, Cosmas Indicopleustes is by far the most trustworthy source for that time. He was not only a contemporary of Justinian, but describes (about 540) what he had himselfseenin the peninsula.[160]This work is the only larger geography preserved from that age, and his unpretending narrative everywhere bears the character of uncoloured truthfulness. It is more remarkable, that he neither mentions a convent, nor indeed the localities round Gebel Mûsa, but only Pharan, although he had the route of the Israelites particularly in view.
That Antoninus Placentinus, who is considered by others to be St. Anthony martyr, in hisItinerarum(Ada Sanctor, May, vol. ii. p. x-xviii.), which is referred by Ritter to about six hundred, again speaks of a convent at the Thornbush (Procopius does not mention the Thornbush), between Horeb and Sinai; therefore, as the place of the present convent seems to lead us back to the opinion so decidedly expressed by the learned Papebrook, who first published the Itinerary, that this so learnedly defended, yet very doubtful, history belongs first to the eleventh or twelfth century. In any circumstances it would be desirable to submit the writings of Ammonius, Nilus, Antoninus, and some other ofthe productions of the first centuries of Christianity, to a more searching and connected criticism than has yet been done.
The earliest bishop of Mount Sinai referable to is found in the eleventh century; this is Bishop Jorius, who died in 1033 (Le Quien, vol. iii. p. 754). ThePhronimus episc. Synnaii(Acta Concil. ed. Harduin, vol. iii. p. 53), or (Synai tunorum, p. 206), signed at the second Constantinopolitan Council (a.553), and theConstantinus ep. Synai(Harduin, vol. v. p. 927), named at the fourth council (a.870), have been referred hither incorrectly (Ritter,Abhand. der Berl. Akad, 1824, p. 216,Peninsula of Sinai, p. 26), as they belong to Synaus or Synnaus in Phrygia.
NOTE F.
(Letter XXXIII.p. 370.)
That, indeed, an uninterrupted and certain tradition, concerning the position of Sinai in the peninsula, has been preserved to Christian times, must be most decidedly questioned. The name Choreb, or Sinai, seems to have been taken, at a very early period, for the whole of the mountain region of the peninsula, which was generally considered one mountain at a distance. No one took any interest in fixing the name to any geographical idea, until the time of the Christian hermits there. We only read of Elias, that he fled to the “Mountain of God, Choreb,” and there went into that cave (1 Kings, xiii. 9), (for it is taken for granted as known) in which the Lord had already (Exod. xxiii. 22) appeared unto Moses. The native races of Arabs gradually moved, so that of the Biblical names none remained in its place. The Greeks and Romans knew onlyone placein the whole peninsula, thepalm-grove of Pharan, just because this place and its port were alone of any importance, since the mines of the wilderness had been deserted. Also, for the Christian hermits—for which that mountain wild, even without reference to the sacred reminiscences of the place—must have seemed the most fitted of any region, as it provided them with the more necessary sustenance with the greatest solitude. Firan must have been the earliest centre-point; therefore, we also find herethe oldest church of the peninsula. When they gradually commenced to seek more definitely for Scripture localities, they had no further materials for its discovery than we possess, with far less power to use these materials properly, as every sharp criticism to examine the passages of Scripture then lay very far off. The name Sinai was indefinitely taken for the whole mountain; if one looked round for any particular peak, that ofSerbâlwould instantly present itself. To that, everything which we read in the first centuries about it in trustworthy writings points, to which, however, the treatise of the monk Ammonius certainly does not belong, in the estimation of any one who examines it more narrowly, and the excellent Romany, of Nilus, is very doubtful. What Josephus (Aut. iii. 5) says of Sinai (τὸ Σιναῖον), agrees very well with Serbâl, but not at all with Gebel Mûsa, as Hogg has already shown. According to Eusebius, Choreb and Raphidîm laynear Pharan(ἐγγὺς Φαράν), and Sinai beside Choreb (παράκειται τῷ ὄρει Σινᾶ.) Jerome (s. v.Choreb) considers both mountains to be one, which he also placesby Pharan, and, therefore, recognises inSerbâl. Also, the narrative of Nilus, concerning the Saracen attack at Sinai, either does not belong to the time in which it is dated (c. 400), or refers to Serbâl; for often (pp. 38-46) achurch(ἐκκλησία) is mentioned, which did not then exist on Gebel Mûsa, and Nilus goes down, in the same night in which the murdered people were buried,to Pharan, which could not have been done from Gebel Mûsa. Cosmas Indicopleustes, finally, who travelled in the peninsula about the year 535, just before the building of the church by Justinian, goes from Raithu, i. e. Tor, which he takes for Elim, although he finds butfew palmsthere (the plantations at that place are therefore younger) by the present Wadi Hebrân to Raphidîm, which is now called Pharan. Here he was at the end of his Sinai journey. Hence Moses went with the elders “to the Mountain Choreb,” i.e. Sinai, which was distant from Pharan about 6,000 paces (one and a half miles), and struck the water from the rock; here was the ark of the covenant built and the law given, by which the Israelites obtained writing, and had time to learn it at their leisure, from which the numerous rock inscriptions come which are still found in that wilderness, particularly at Serbâl. (Εἵτα κάλιν παρενέβαλον εἰς Ῥαφιδίν,εἰς τὴν νὔν καλουμένην Φαράν καὶ διψευσάντων αὐτῶν, πορεύεται κατὰ πρόσταξιν Θεοϋ ὁ Μωϋσῆς μετὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ ἡ ῥαβδὸς ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοϋ, εἰς Χωρὴβ τὸ ὄρος, τουτέστιν ἐν τῷ Σιναΐῳ, ἐγγὺς ὄντι τῆς Φαρὰν ὡς ἀκὸ μιλίων ἔξ.) (Barckhardt [Trav. in Syr.p. 611] required when he descended Serbâl, from its foot to west Faran, 2½ hours,) καὶ ἑκεϊ πατάξαντος τὴν πέτραν, ἐῤῥύησεν ὔδατα πολλὰ καὶ ἔπιεν ὁ λαὸς. Λοιπὸν κατεληλυθότος αὐτοϋ ἐκ τοϋ ὄους προστάττεται ὑπὸ τοϋ θεοϋ ποιεϊν τὴν σκηνήν, etc.Topograph. Christ. lib. V.in theColl. nova patr. ed. B. de Montfaucon tom. ii. p. 195 sqq.
This testimony of the unpretending traveller is just as clear as it is certain and unsuspicious. In the beginning of the sixth century there was thus the belief after this eye-witness that the law was given on Serbâl. Cosmas is in so little doubt about it, that he does not mention the southern mountain at all. We must also conclude that the monks had extended themselves over the whole mountain, and particularly over the guarded region about the Gebel Mûsa. That among the monks of the place another opinion arose, according to which Moses turned southward, instead of northward, from the height of Wadi Hebrân (for, to take Elim for Raithu remained the decided opinion, as preserved by the convent there) is not at all to be wondered; such confusions are very frequent in Christian topography. But how narrowly Horeb and Sinai, Raphidîm and the Mount of the Law, are connected together, is again shown in the fact, that with Sinai the rock of water went southward. The monks did not allow themselves to be hindered, by the verses in the beginning of the nineteenth chapter, from transporting that rock of Raphidîm, and consequently Raphidîm itself, as also the thorn-bush of Horeb, to Gebel Mûsa, their new Sinai; there it is yet shown, for the astonishment of travellers in Wadi Lega (Robinson, vol. i. p. 184). Thus in this point the unlearned monkish notion that Raphidîm was near Sinai came closer to the truth than the new criticism.
The Legate of Justinian now found it necessary to erect his castle in that safe position, and to build a church there, for the hermits living in the neighbourhood. That this alone was sufficient to draw many new hermits thither, and to found a new belief as to the position of the Mountain of the Law, if this werenot already there, is quite comprehensible. But as to how the two opinions in the next following centuries came together, we have no certain testimony whatever. Under any circumstances, one would have to take care, if, after the founding of Pharan, the mountain Sinai is often mentioned, to understand by it the Gebel Mûsa. As a rule, the whole range of mountains in the peninsula is intended by it. When, for example, already in the year 536, therefore probably before the building of the church, at theConcilium sub Mema, at Constantinople, aTheonas presbyter et legatus S. montis Sinai et deserti Raitha et S. ecclesiæ Pharan(Θεωνῦς ἐλεῷ Θεοϋ πρεσβύτερος καὶ ἀποκρισίάριος τοϋ ἁγίου ὄρους Σινᾶ καὶ τῆς ἐρήμου Ῥαιθοϋ καὶ τῆς κατὰ Φαράν ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας.Harduin, vol. ii. p. 1281) is signed, the Church of Pharan would probably be first named as undoubtedly the most important centre and bishop’s seat, if the monks all around the vicinity were not looked upon as the more important, and therefore put first. Le Quien (vol. iii. p. 735) mentions theEpiscopi Pharan sive montis Sinaiin one series, and as the earliest with the latter title the above-mentioned Bishop Jorius (†1033). Since then, and even since Eutychius (c. 940), the denomination of the single mountain of Gebel Mûsa as Sinai is certainly undoubted.
OF
GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES.
A,B,C,D,E,F,G,H,I,J,K,L,M,N,O,P,Q,R,S,T,U,W,Z
A.Abahuda,270.Abatou,123.Abdebab,146.Abd el Qurna,274,309.Abdîn,187.Abke,269.Abu Dôm,247,256.Abu el Abás,185.Abu Hammed,132,137,146,148.Abu Haras,132,178.Abu Hashîn,151.Abu Nugara,146.Abu Roash,35,64.Abu Shar,330.Abu Simbel,270.Abu Tleh,238.Abu Zelîmeh,333,348.Abydos,94,114.Acca,349.Adererât,146.Agamîeh,88.Ἀin el Haramîeh,392.Aithi,395.Akoris,100.Alabastron,113.Alexandria,7,11,389.Amâra,266.Amarna,94,111,113,374.Ambukôl,259.Anîve,274.Antinoe,110.Arbagi,177.Argo Island,262.Argôusene,264.Asasîf,297.Assuan,99,118.Assur,157.Astaboras,152.Atbara,152.Atfeh,13.Athirib (Athribis),389.Axum,91.B.Bachît,258.Bahîuda, Desert of,237.Bahr bela mâ,85,140.Bahr Jussuf,82,87.Bahr Sherkieh,85.Bahr Wardani,85.Bâlbek,407.Barkal,245.Begerauîeh,156,160.Behbet el hager (Iseum),389.Belled e’ Nûba,255.Bellel,255.Benihassan,94,107,110.Benisuef,93,374.Ben Naga,160,162,165,213,217.Bersheh,94,110,113.Berut,394.Beth el Walli,124.Bethin,392.Biahmu,87.Bigeh,119.Bireh,392.Birqet el Qorn,82,83,86,88.Bisheh,88.Blue River,172.Britân,407.Bsherreh,414.Bulaq,14.Byblus,418.C.Cairo,14,51,89,91.Carmel,394.Chartûm,133,134,168,206,207,211.Chemmis,113.Chôreb, or Hôreb,336,351.Chôr el Ammer,240.Chôsh e’ Gurûf,255.Crôcodilopolis,88.D.Dáhela,188.Dahshûr,64,90.Dakkeh,124.Dal Hani, island,156.Damascus,400.Dâmer,137,152,156.Damietta,389.Danqêleh,231.Darmali,255.Debbet e’ Ramleh,346.Debôd,124.Dendera,94,107,114,374.Dendûr,124.Dêr el ahmar,409.Dêr el bachît,304.Dêr el bahri,304.Dêr el medinet,304.Derr,264.Dimeh,89.Dongola (Old),251.Dongola (New),261.E.Echmim,113.Edfu,116.Eileithyia,115.El Ἀin,397.El Bosra,112,113.El Chôr,151.El Elâm,85,87.Elephantine,119.El Gôs,239.El Guês,231,234.El Hessue,368.Elim,351.El Kab,115.Esneh,115.E’ Sûr,131.F.Fadnie,163.Faiûm,69,88,90.Fidimin,88.G.Gabushîe,217.Gauâta,99,113.Gebel,231.Gebel Adar Auîb,146.Gebel Ashtân,167.Gebel Abrak,142.Gebel Abu Sheqere,335.Gebel Barqugrês,239.Gebel Buêrib,162.Gebel Dochân,321,328.Gebel el Bâb,140.Gebel Enned,331.Gebel e’ Tih,346.Gebel Farût,146.Gebel Fatireh,320.Gebel Graîbât,146.Gebel Hammâm,333,355.Gebel Katherin,335.Gebel Lagâr,165.Gebel Maqàl,255.Gebel Mograb,146.Gebel Mûsa,334.Gebel e’ Naga,163,165.Gebel Rauiân,167.Gebel Roft,143,146.Gebel Sefsâf,336.Gebel Selîn,113.Gebel Abu Sengât,146.Gebel Sergên,238.Gebel Abu Sibha,146.Gebel Silsilis,116.Gebel Um Shômar,335,342.Gebel Zeit,313,319,331.Ge’ah,333.Gedideh,287.Geg,151.Genna,157.Gennin,393.Gerashâb,167.Gerf e’ Shech,255.Gerf Hussên,125.Gertassi,124.Gezîret el Qorn,88.Ghadine,231.Gharag, Lake,89.Gibraltar,6.Gilif, Desert,237.Gizeh,18.Gôba,404.Gomra, Island,157.Gôs Basabir,167.Gôs Burri,234,238.Goshen,21.H.Haipha,394.Haluf,255.Hannik,264.Hamamât,318.Hamdab,252.Heliopolis,17.Hellet el Bib,253.Hellet e’ Soliman,204.Hermonthis,115.Hieras Kaminos,125.Hobi, Island,162.Hôreb (Choreb),336,351.Howara,76.I.Ibrim,270.J.Jericho,392.Jerusalem,391.Illahûn,69.Ishishi, Island,251.K.Kalabsheh,272.Kamlin,173,176.Karnak,280.Kasinqar,251,255.Keli,233,234.Kerak,396.Kermân,393.Koi,264.Kôm el Birât,308.Konosso,119.Korte,125.Korusko,100,127,129.Kossêr,319.Kûeh,252.Kummeh,268.Kurru,256.L.Labyrinth,67,78.Libanon,410.Lisht,44,69.Luqsor,95,96,287.Lycopolis,95.M.Mágeqa,241.Mandera,132,172.Malta,7.Mara,354.Marûga,231,232,235.Massani,255.Matarieh,21.Mechêref,147,154.Medînet el Fairûn,83,88.Medînet Habu,96,291,294.Medînet Mâdi,89.Medînet Nimrud,89.Megdel,395.Mehendi,126.Meidum,44,69.Mekseh,395.Memphis,19,54,67.Melâh,212.Méraui,232,249.Meroe,152,157,161,226,232,252.Mesaurât,165.Mesaurât el Kirbegân,165,167.Mesaurât e’ Raga,165.Mesaurât e’ Sofra,165.Messaid Fountain,330.Metamme,163.Mitrahinneh,55.Mogrân,152.Moeris, Lake,69,82.Mosh,264.Mundora,146.Myos hormos,330.N.Nablûs,392.Naga,160,162,165,233.Naharîeh,13.Nahr el Kelb,418.Nakb el egaui,334.Nakb el haui,338.Napata,246,249.Nazareth,391.Nebbi Shît,406.Nekleh,13.Nesleh,89.Noah’s Grave,396.Nuri,243,245.O.Okmeh,267.Ombos,116.P.Panopolis,113.Pharân,342.Philæ,95,118,122.Philotera,330.Pompey’s Pillar,11.Primis,126.Pselchis,100,125.Pyramids ofAbu Roash,25.Abusir,51.Dahshûr,64.Gizeh,18,32.Howara (labyrinth),67,78.Illahûn,69.Lisht,44,69.Merdûm,44,69.Memphis,14,67.Méroe,157,226.Saqâra,44.Zauiet el Arrian,35.Q.Qala,178,231.Qasr e’ Salat,114.Qasr Qerûn,89.Qeneh,313,316,372.Qirre Mountains,167.Qirsh,272.Qurna,96,104,270,294.R.Râha, plain,339.Raphidîm,355.Rigah,64.Roda,36.Româli,189.Rosetta,120.S.Saba Doleb,183.Sabagûra,272.Sâ el Hagar (Sais),13.Saffi, island,254.Sagâdi,157.Saï, island,266.Saida,394.Salamât, Sanamât,292.Salame,255.Salhîeh,405.Samanub (Sebennytus),389.San,389.Saqâra,44,51,62,67,74,77.Sarbut el Châdem,345,353.Shataui,270.Shendi,162,163,213.Sebastiêh,392.Sebûa,125.Sedeïnga,266.Selajîn,88.Selama,163.Selûn,392.Semneh,268,294.Sennâr,186,189.Serbâl,334.Sero,155,189.Sêse,265.Sêsebi,265.Sin, desert,335.Sinai,336.Sinai, convent,334.Siut,94,112,113.Soba,172,205.Soleb,265.Sorîba,190,192.Suk el Barada,405.Sur (Tyre),394.Surarîeh,93.Surîe Abu Ramle,211.T.Tabor,393.Taîba,203.Talmis,124.Tamaniât,211.Tamîeh,86,90.Tanis,389.Tanqassi,156,256.Tarablûs,417.Teirîeh,14.Tel Emdîeh,397.Thana, island, near Gorata, in Ethiopia,91.Thebes,93,114,274,277,279.Tiberias,393.Tifâr,259.Tombos,264.Tôr,313,319,333.Tripolis,417.U.Urn Shebah,243.Urn Shômar,v.Gebel Um Shômar,342.W.Wadi Auateb,163,164,165.Wadi Abu Dôm,242.Wadi Abu Harod,240.Wadi Aleyât,340.Wadi Bahr Hátab,141.Wadi Delah,141.Wadi el Arab,271.Wadi el Kirbegân,113,162,165,167.Wadi el Mehet,240.Wadi el Uêr,240.Wadi e’ Sheikh,338.Wadi e’ Sileha,165.Wadi e’ Sofra,160,165.Wadi e’ Sufr,141,157.Wadi Firân,340.Wadi Gazal,243.Wadi Gaqedûl,240.Wadi Gharandel,354.Wadi Gûah el âlem,230.Wadi Halfa,100,108,134.Wadi Hebrân,333.Wadi Ibrîm,271.Wadi Kalas,242.Wadi Kenus,271.Wadi Maghâra,335,353.Wadi Mokatteb,344.Wadi Murhad,144.Wadi Nasb,348,353.Wadi Nûba,271.Wadi Qeneh,345.Wadi Rim,339.Wadi Shebêkeh,353.Wadi Sebûa,127.Wadi Selâf,339.Wadi Sich,346.Wadi Síqelji,341.Wadi Sittere,346.Wadi Taibe,353.Wadi Teresîb,162.Wed Mêdineh,190,194,207.Wed Negûdi,183.White River,171.Z.Zachleh,395.Zahêra,417.Zani,91.Zauiet el Arrian,35,64.Zauiet el Meitîn,107.Zebedêni,398.Zerîn,393.Zûma,257.