The Lady concludes to lodge atAbbeville.—Observations on her Plan.—She being disappointed about getting a Post-chaise, continues in the Stage Coach.—A short Description ofMontreul.—They arrive atCalais.—Embark for and arrive atDover.—Of Disputes upon Philosophical Subjects.
The Lady concludes to lodge atAbbeville.—Observations on her Plan.—She being disappointed about getting a Post-chaise, continues in the Stage Coach.—A short Description ofMontreul.—They arrive atCalais.—Embark for and arrive atDover.—Of Disputes upon Philosophical Subjects.
Saturday, July 24.
We dined at the hotel, and set off towards London. Sometime before night, our lady told me, that she was almost beat out; that she had had but a little sleep for several nights, and intended to lodge at Abbeville, and go from thence in a post-chaise in the morning to Calais; as she supposed that she could get there as soon that way, as she should if she kept in the stage coach, which was to travel all night. She told me, by the way, that she had no company, and wished she could get somebody to ride in the post-chaise with her. I informed her, that I had paid for my passage and entertainment to London: but if she could do no better, I would tarry all night, and ride with her in the morning. She thanked me, and said, it should cost me nothing; forshe had money enough.
Now, thought I, you are opening a fine door for another discourse upon matrimony; now you are laying a foundation whereby we may be taken for man and wife. This may be an artful plan of yours to get another husband, as you may suppose I am a batchelor, or a widower; and that we may converse, eat, drink, and even sleep together, and escape undiscovered.
She said she was in a great hurry to get to England; that she had tarried longer than she had expected, and wanted to see her family, as she supposed they thought she was dead by that time: and withal informed me that she lived forty miles from London. But I did not ask her name, thinking it would be an impertinent question, and esteemed unpolite.
At length we arrived at Abbeville, where we supped; and as our lady found she could not have a post-chaise till the next Monday, and as she felt much refreshed by her supper, she concluded to take the stage again. We travelled all night, and arrived in the morning at Montreul, where we viewed the town and went to breakfast.
This town is situated on a high hill, and is strongly fortified with great walls, intrenchments, &c. There are some good buildings in it, and many genteel inhabitants.
From Montreul we went to Boulogn, where we were obliged to dine at too early an hour,viz.at about eleven. Many of us had an inclination not to dine at all; but on being informed that there would be no other dinner for us, we consented. We left this place about twelve, and arrived at Calais at about four in the afternoon, much fatigued with our journey.
As we had rode all night, we escaped being haunted by the beggars, which I have spoken of in the beginning of thisTour; and from hence it did not cost me quite so much to come from Paris as it did to go there.
We drank tea and supped at the hotel in Calais, and were visited again by the same monk or priest, who had begged of me at the hotel before. We gave him some money, and he pronounced a blessing, and departed.
As the tide was down, we were not able to set off for Dover till late in the evening. At about nine we were obliged to go down near the vessel, and tarry till it was high-water, because we had to pass through several gates that the people were ordered to shut at that hour.
We stayed at a public-house, where we drank punch, negus, &c. and at about eleven we embarked for Dover, and arrived at our desired haven about four the next morning, having had a very pleasant and agreeable passage. But as it was low water when we came to Dover, we were obliged to go ashore in a boat, and to pay three shillings a-piece to the boatman for carrying us about half a mile.
Whilst I was on the way to and from Paris, we had some warm debates upon several philosophical subjects,viz.Chymestry, electricity, the cause of earthquakes, the variation of the compass; the formation, preservation, and dissolution of the human body, &c. and, although I do not take much delight in arguments, but have rather endeavoured to shun and avoid them as much as possible; yet inasmuch as I had begun upon a good basis, and found myself violently opposed, I stood my ground, supported and maintained my cause, and at last had the satisfaction of seeing my opponents convinced of their error.
Further Claims on our Bounty.—French Coin exchanged for English.—Views the Castle and Town ofDover.—Arrives atCanterbury.—A Description of the Abbey.—Comes toRochester,and at length reachesPiccadilly.
Further Claims on our Bounty.—French Coin exchanged for English.—Views the Castle and Town ofDover.—Arrives atCanterbury.—A Description of the Abbey.—Comes toRochester,and at length reachesPiccadilly.
July 26.
When we had arrived at Dover we breakfasted at the hotel, where the captain of the vessel, the steward, porters, &c. came and begged of us. We gave the captain half a crown a-piece, and something to the rest of the beggars; but were now obliged to get our French money changed for English, and to lose considerably by the exchange.
Afterwards we walked upon the High-lands at Dover, and viewed the castle and the town: and when the tide was up, our vessel arrived with our baggage: our trunks were searched at the Custom-house, and one in our company, who had brought a number of prints from Paris, had them seized, because they were prohibited goods. A thing he said he did not know till they were taken from him. He told me they were worth about thirty pounds.
When our business was done at the Custom-house, we returned to the hotel, where our lady, the lawyer, and one of the merchants, set off in a post-chaise for London, because they had not paid their fare any further than to Calais, and could travel faster in the chaise than they could in the diligences. I told the lady before we parted, that I intended to give the public a narration of my journey. She prayed I would let her have one, and promised to call on me when she came to London.
The two Spanish gentlemen, a Frenchman, and two other gentlemen, with myself, left Dover about noon, and dined at Canterbury, where we viewed the abbey, which is a very ancient and elegant building: A part of it has been built eleven hundred years. We were there in the time of divine worship. They chanted the service, and their vocal and instrumental music was very excellent: The former bishops of Canterbury are buried here, and there are many statues and paintings in commemoration of ancient kings, bishops, and generals.
Before we left the hotel we were obliged to pay for the wine we had drank.
At about ten in the evening we came to Rochester, where we called for supper: but were informed that if we had one we must pay for a part of it, as the money was all exhausted that we had paid for our passages and entertainment, excepting five shillings. We had a supper, and paid an extravagent price for it, but were careful to have the five shillings deducted.
After we had supped, we pursued our journey, and arrived at the White Bear Inn, Piccadilly, about five the next morning, greatly fatigued; as we had been but about eighty-nine hours upon our journey, which is nineteen hours short of the time commonly allowed for the performance thereof. I had not been in bed for three nights, only I lay down a few minutes on a mattress when we were crossing the English Channel.
I do not think that the owners of the diligences can afford to carry people to and from Paris for a less sum than what they demand, nor to give better entertainment than such as we received, as it is a great distance, and half a guinea is given, out of five for the conveyance of a passenger over the English Channel: but people ought to know how they are to fare before they set off to France; and for that reason I have been more minute in many circumstances, than at first sight might appear to some to be necessary.
Definition of Liberty.—All have a Right to it, but some deprive themselves of that Right by their own Conduct, and some by the Conduct of others.—Of the Duty of Nations.—The evil Effects of bad Constitutions.—Of the French Revolution.—The happy Condition of the British Empire.
Definition of Liberty.—All have a Right to it, but some deprive themselves of that Right by their own Conduct, and some by the Conduct of others.—Of the Duty of Nations.—The evil Effects of bad Constitutions.—Of the French Revolution.—The happy Condition of the British Empire.
As liberty consists in the free exercise of our religion, the enjoyment of our rights, and the profits of our labour, with the protection of our persons and properties, it is a privilege of an immense value. And as it is the natural right of every man, it is our indespensible duty to seek after it, whenever we are deprived of its benefits. But we find that many deprive themselves of liberty by their own evil conduct—by breaking the good and wholesome laws of the land, by doing things dishonourable to the Creator, and injurious to mankind. Thus thieves, robbers, murderers, &c. destroy their own freedom by their vicious behaviour; and expose themselves, not only to confinement, but to more severe punishments.
We also find, that many are deprived of liberty by the inhuman conduct of tyrants, who oppress and persecute those over whom they have usurped dominion and power, by taking from them the liberty of conscience, and loading them with burthens which they are unable to bear.
It is the duty of every nation to guard against all these evils; and from hence arises the necessity of having a good constitution and system of laws in every kingdom or state; binding upon all ranks, orders, and degrees of men. Hence also arises the necessity of having kings, counsellors, governors, magistrates, and other officers appointed for the administration of justice, and the preservation of public tranquillity.
Various constitutions and systems of laws have been framed and established amongst different nations; and where ignorance and superstition have reigned triumphant, the constitution and laws have been very deficient, so that things have been established and practised that were repugnant to the principles of justice and humanity. What numerous multitudes have been massacred for a difference of opinion in matters of religion and modes of worship! And how many thousands have worn out their days in vassalage and slavery, because laws have been made contrary to the requisitions of the great law of reason! But whenever the minds of the people are illuminated, and the clouds of darkness, ignorance and superstition are dispelled, the spirit of liberty breaks forth like the sun in its meridian splendor. The constitutions are altered, oppressive laws abolished, the bands of tyranny and oppression are broken asunder, distressed objects are discharged from confinement, the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences thrive and flourish, and all enjoy those liberties which are the natural right of every man.
The illumination of the minds of the people in France, has been productive of the great and glorious Revolution; of the forming of a new constitution, the enacting of new laws, and the abolishing of those things that were repugnant to the interest and prosperity of the kingdom. How pleasing must it be to see both the King and the National Assembly unite together in establishing the new constitution, and in promoting whatever may conduce to the good of the nation, and benefit of mankind in general! May the flame of liberty, like the refulgent beams of the sun, be extended over the face of the whole globe; and may all nations partake of the great and glorious blessings of natural freedom!
And with pleasure we recollect, that once in theBritish Empire, the inhabitants, fired with the love of liberty, drove ignorance, darkness, and superstition before them; made a glorious stand for their rights, and were thereby brought into a happy situation. We are now blest with a good king, with good rulers, and with a good constitution and system of laws.—Here a man enjoys a free toleration of religion.—Here he is rewarded for his labour.—Here he is protected in his person and property.—Here agriculture, navigation, trade, commerce, architecture, and the manufactories thrive and flourish; and the nation has arrived to an inconceivable pitch of grandeur and affluence. Our constitution, being pregnant with a variety of privileges, is admired by distant nations: foreigners come from afar, and find shelter and protection, liberty and freedom, under our government!
THE GREATCONSTITUTIONOFLIBERTY,
Founded upon the Principles of Justice,and the Laws of Humanity.
Every constitution and system of laws ought to be constructed upon the principles of justice and humanity, which will ensure the rights of a king, and the peace, liberty, and happiness of his subjects. I shall therefore beg leave to observe:
1. That every man has a legal right to perform religious worship according to the dictates of his conscience, at such times and places as shall be most agreeable to himself; providing he doth not injure others in their persons, characters, or properties.
2. That it is unlawful to persecute any of the human race, for a difference of opinion in matters of religion or modes of worship.
3. That public teachers are needful to instruct people in the principles of religion and morality.
4. That good rulers, both in church and state, ought to be reasonably rewarded for their services, out of the public funds; and impowered to remove officers for malconduct; and, by and with the advice and consent of the body corporate, to expel members for vicious practices.
5. That the freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press, are the natural rights of every man, providing he doth not injure himself nor others by his conversation, or publications.
6. That legislative and executive officers, consisting of kings, counsellors, governors, judges, magistrates, representatives, and other rulers, are necessary to make and execute laws for the preservation of the public tranquillity in empires, kingdoms, and states.
7. That it is unlawful for rulers to make and execute laws repugnant to those of the greatGovernorof the universe, or destructive to the peace and prosperity of the community at large.
8. That the people have a right to chuse and send delegates, to represent their state and condition in a legislative assembly.
9. That a legislative body ought to consist of a mixture of monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical governments, and be divided into three branches, as that of a king, lords, and commons.
10. That each branch ought to have a negative voice on the other branches; and no bill ought to be passed into a law without the advice and consent of, at least, two-thirds of the members of two of the branches of the legislature.
11. That legislators ought to meet once in a year, and as much oftener as the circumstances of the nation may require, at such times and places as may be most convenient.
12. That the people have a right to petition the legislature for a redress of grievances.
13. That every branch of an empire ought to be subject to the supreme legislative head of a nation: To render all proper honour and obedience to the king, and to all in authority, and to be subordinate to the good and wholesome laws of the land.
14. That a king ought to be considered as the first supreme legislative and executive officer in a kingdom, and to be empowered to grant pardons to criminals whenever it may be needful. He has a right to a free liberty of conscience; to protection in his person, character, and property; to rule and govern his people according to the constitution, statutes, laws and ordinances of his realm; to that honour and obedience that is due to personages in such an exalted station; and to such a revenue as his circumstances may require, and his subjects be able to raise.
15. That no man ought to be chosen into office, unless he is endowed with wisdom and knowledge, and can be well recommended for good works and pious actions.
16. That it is lawful to confer titles of honour upon, and to give rewards to such persons as may merit them, by their vigorous exertions and good conduct.
17. That legislators ought to be exempted from being arrested for debt, whilst they are passing to, remain at, and are returning from the legislative assemblies, because an arrestment would impede the public service.
18. That courts of justice ought to be established, and justice administered to all, without respect of persons.
19. That every man ought to be allowed a trial by jury.
20. That those under confinement ought to know what they are confined for; who their accusers are; not be compelled to bear witness against themselves; be allowed to bring evidence, with the benefit of counsel; and should not be condemned, unless found guilty by the testimony of two or three credible witnesses.
21. That excessive bail ought never to be demanded, excessive fines required, nor excessive punishments inflicted.
22. That criminals under confinement, ought to have no punishment laid upon them, but that which is requisite for the securing of their bodies; unless after they have been found guilty, it is ordered by the judges, agreeable to the laws of the land.
23. That no man ought to be imprisoned for debt, providing he gives up his property to his creditors, and has not waited his time in idleness, nor his estate by intemperance, gaming, or any other vicious practice.
24. That persons falsely imprisoned, ought to be immediately liberated, and to have ample satisfaction for the injuries they have received; and those guilty of the abomination of confining the innocent, ought to be severely punished for their atrocious conduct.
25. That every one who is a subject of taxation, ought to be allowed to vote for a representative.
26. That every man ought to be taxed in proportion to his abilities.
27. That the power of levying and collecting taxes, duties, imposts, &c. with that of coining money, emitting bills of credit, borrowing money for the public use, entering into treaties and alliances with foreign powers, appointing, commissioning, and sending of ambassadors, ministers, consuls, messengers, &c. belongs to the legislature.
28. That such treaties ought to be esteemed as a part of the law of the land; kept inviolate; and whenever they are broken, restitution ought to be made to the party injured.
29. That as money is a defence as well as wisdom, a circulating medium ought to be established, consisting of gold, silver, copper, and bills of exchange. Its credit should be kept up, and but one currency established in a kingdom.
30. That churches ought to be built for the accommodation of the people when they perform religious worship; public schools, colleges, academies, and universities erected, for the promotion of literature; hospitals founded for the reception of the sick; work-houses for the employment of idle persons; and prisons for the securing of thieves, robbers, murderers, and other felons;—and societies instituted, for the purpose of making further discoveries and improvements in the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences.
31. That custom-houses, post-offices, and post-roads, ought to be established in every kingdom and state.
32. That weights and measures ought to be alike in every part of an empire, if not through the world.
33. That all foreigners ought to be treated with hospitality, and protected by the laws of the land.
34. That the heirs of an estate ought not to be disinherited by reason of the ill conduct of their parents; nor thrown out of their posts of honour and profit, in consequence of the unlawful behaviour of their relations.
35. That every author ought to have the benefit of his own productions, whether they be upon theological, mathematical, philosophical, physical, mechanical, or any other subject.
36. That all officers, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military, with every other person, ought to guard against sedition, treason, rebellion, and every thing that may tend to sow discord amongst brethren, destroy the public tranquillity, and make mankind unhappy.
Thus have I framed aCONSTITUTION, which appears to me to be according to the law of reason, and the dictates of sound policy. Perhaps some things have escaped my observation, that might justly be added. However, I believe that one calculated and established upon these principles, would secure the rights of kings and those of their subjects, which is all that any rational person can desire.
Of the impossibility of framing a Constitution that will please every Body.—Anecdote of two Irishmen.—The Rights of Kings, and Liberties of their Subjects, ought to be secured by a good Constitution and System of Laws.—Story of the Parson's Wig.—Thoughts on the Mode of chusing Representatives.—The Happiness of the People ought to be promoted.
Of the impossibility of framing a Constitution that will please every Body.—Anecdote of two Irishmen.—The Rights of Kings, and Liberties of their Subjects, ought to be secured by a good Constitution and System of Laws.—Story of the Parson's Wig.—Thoughts on the Mode of chusing Representatives.—The Happiness of the People ought to be promoted.
I cannot expect my political sentiments will please every body, let them be ever so well founded on reason; for there are such a number of discontented mortals in the world, who lust after dominion and power, and such multitudes that do not wish to be under any government at all, that should theAngel Gabrielframe and send aConstitutionfromHeaven, some would be found to murmur at it.
Many are of such a craving temper and disposition, that they would engross the whole world to themselves, and rule and govern it, were it in their power. The ambition of some men is almost boundless.—This brings to my mind an anecdote of two Irishmen, who being intoxicated with liquor at an inn, began to think that they were masters of the whole globe, and agreed to divide it equally between themselves: but as the intoxication increased, one of them, who was of a very craving disposition, concluded that he had the best right to the world, and swore that he would have it all to himself; whilst the other contended, that he was justly entitled to one half of it, and wanted no more than his right. At last they settled the matter by a number of heavy blows; but whether the world was at last to be equally divided, or whether one was to have it all, and the other no part of it, I have forgot, although I had my information from a gentleman who was witness to this very singular contest, and knew something of ourwisecombatants.
The same temper and disposition amongst others, has prevailed too much in the world; and has sometimes broke out into such acts of violence, that kings and nobles have been deprived of their rights, and oftentimes the people at large of theirs. A monarch may crave the estates, and all the profits of the labours of his subjects; and, on the contrary, the people may crave those things that legally belong to their king; and, by acts of violence and injustice, both may lose their rights. But both of these extremes ought to be carefully guarded against, and the rights of kings, and those of their subjects, secured by agood Constitutionand system of laws. Is it not strange that mortal men, who can abide but a very short time in this troublesome world, should be so craving as to lust after more riches, honours and profits, than they can enjoy, or that can possibly do them any good?
"Why doth the miser all his cares employ,"To gain those riches that he can't enjoy?"
"Why doth the miser all his cares employ,"To gain those riches that he can't enjoy?"
When the powers of legislation are lodged altogether in one man, and the nobles and other inhabitants of a country are shut out from having any voice in the making of laws; or when the powers are in the nobles, or in the people only, it will naturally generate a spirit of discontent amongst those who have not a share in that power. Will not a king feel very uneasy, if he has no part of the legislative power? Will not the nobles be discontented, if they have no part of it? And, will not the people murmur, if they have no share in the same? Therefore, to prevent uneasiness, and promote a spirit of union and harmony in empires, kingdoms and states, it is best, in my opinion, to have a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy in every legislative body, like the parliament of Great Britain.
The things of this world are so mutable, that we cannot foretel what constitutions may be established hereafter. And although an astronomer can determine the revolutions and rotations of the rambling planets, and point out the directions, stations, and retrogradations of the luminaries of heaven, for thousands of years to come; yet he cannot foretel what will be done hereafter, even in his own country, or in any other part of the globe, in regard to the overturning, altering, framing, and establishing of constitutions, kingdoms, or states. It is probable that there may be alterations in these things; and perhaps the future generations may have a greater knowledge in politics than the present, and be able to frame better modes of government than the nations are in this age: for if the knowledge of philosophy increases in the world, and the glorious sun-shine of liberty and freedom breaks forth, the clouds of darkness and ignorance will be dispelled, atheism, superstition and idolatry will wear away, and the people be freed from those burthens and impositions that involve many, in the dark and benighted corners of the globe, in vassalage and slavery! It is probable they will discover that some constitutions have been deficient, and be able to correct and amend whatever has been amiss.
But such is the changeableness and discontented tempers of many, that they would be for ever altering that which is even good and complete, and so alter till they spoil it,—like the minister's wig; an account of which I will just relate as I received it.
AReverend Divinehaving lost his hair in his old age, bought a large white wig to cover his naked head; but it displeased his auditors to that degree that they had a church-meeting on the subject, and concluded that the wearing of such a large wig was idolatry, and accordingly sent a committee to theirReverend Pastor, to acquaint him that his congregation was much displeased, &c. He told them that he did not wish to have any uneasiness about the wig, and if they thought it was too large they might make it smaller; and delivered it to the committee, who laid it before the congregation to have it altered; when one cut off a lock of hair in one place, and another in another, &c. till the wig was utterly spoilt. At length they agreed that it was fit to be seen in the pulpit, whereupon it was returned to the owner; who said it could not now beidolatryto wear the wig, for it had not thelikenessof any thing inHeavenorEarth.—Just so it is with a constitution that is constructed in the best manner; it will not suit every one; and if it is clipped by every discontented mortal, it will be wholly ruined,like the Reverend Divine's wig.
There is a vanity that I have seen under the sun, and have often wondered that it has not been suppressed in this enlightened age. I mean the unjustifiable mode of chusing legislators in some parts of the globe.
When the people are called upon to chuse their representatives, a number will put up in some public place, when perhaps not more than one or two is to be chosen. There scaffolds must be erected, publications sent forth, mobs convened day after day, harangues delivered, and many thousands spent to induce the freeholders to chuse their delegates—when the whole of the work might be completed in half a day, by the people's assembling at the places appointed for the performance of religious worship, and carrying in their votes, in writing, to the clerk of every parish, who might easily send them to some person that might be authorised in the county to receive and count the same, and to promulgate who has the greatest number, or who the people have chosen for their legislators. Would not this mode take up less time, be much easier to the people, and much more commendable, and beneficial to the community, than to have the freeholders fatigue themselves by coming a great distance, wasting their time by being kept from their employments, day after day; quarrelling and wrangling about the choice of a representative? or, than to have the candidates for such places waste their estates by keeping open houses, giving away victuals, drink, ribbands, cockades, &c. till they have ruined themselves, families, and creditors?
A Description of theRoadtoLiberty.
To all people, nations, and languages, that dwell in all the world.
2. Grace, mercy, and peace be multiplied unto you.
3. It hath seemed good unto me to promulgate thisEpistle, and to make known thereby the genuine description of the road which leads to that liberty which is destitute of licentiousness.
4. To mention those things that will make you comfortable in this life, and conduct you in the way to everlasting felicity in the realms of immortal bliss and happiness.
5. I beseech you, therefore, to remember that atheism, superstition, idolatry, sedition, treason, rebellion, covetousness, theft, robbery, murder, intemperance, debauchery, bad language, gaming, idleness, and all kinds of vice, will carry you out of the road that leads to liberty, and involve you in destruction and misery.
6. Shun, therefore, all kinds of vice and immorality, and walk in the pleasant paths of piety and virtue, which will establish your freedom on a parmanent basis.
7. Let those who doubt the existence of aSupreme Being; and, those who worship the sun, moon, or stars;—the birds, beasts, or fishes;—or idols made by the hands of men, contemplate upon the works of the visible creation; which will naturally convince them of their error, and excite them to pay homage and adoration toHim, who created, upholds, and governs the universe, and is the only proper object of religious worship.
8. Avoid contentions, divisions and animosities, which too frequently terminate in bloodshed and devaluation.
9. Follow peace with all men; break not your oaths of allegiance, fulfil your obligations; fear God, honour the king, and those in authority, and be subordinate to the good and wholesome laws of the kingdom or state in which you reside.
10. Walk honestly; render to all their dues; pay your debts, and your proportion of the public taxes.
11. Be kind to the poor and needy, relieve the oppressed, visit the sick, bury the dead, feed the hungry, clothe the naked; and shew acts of kindness, charity, and humanity to strangers, captives, and prisoners.
12. Love yourselves, your families, and your neighbours; do good to your enemies; avenge not yourselves.
13. Be not high-minded in prosperity, but patient in adversity.
14. Cultivate and improve the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences, and promote every thing that may tend to make mankind happy.
15. Be careful of your credit, your time, and your money; shun bad company, use not bad language, be not idle, waste not your estate in superfluities, be temperate and exemplary in your lives and conversations.
16. Shun the pollutions that are in the world, suppress that which is evil; do as you would be done by, and continually follow that which is good: then will ye be in the road that leads to liberty.
17. Grace, mercy, and peace be multiplied unto you all,Amen.
ThisEpistleof theAuthor, was written fromAnglia, to the inhabitants of the world.
ThisEpistleof theAuthor, was written fromAnglia, to the inhabitants of the world.
FINIS.