1. Circumstances which influenced the demand for schools.2. Lollardism and Education.3. Educational Legislation.
1. Circumstances which influenced the demand for schools.
2. Lollardism and Education.
3. Educational Legislation.
(1) The circumstances which influenced the demand for schools arose out of the existing social conditions. The Church, as a profession, offered considerable attraction to the able but penniless youth. Many of the outstanding churchmen of the Middle Ages were men who had come from a comparatively lowly origin. Thus William of Wykeham was the son of a yeoman whose ancestors for generations had “ploughed the same lands, knelt at the same altar, and paid due customs and service to the lord of the manor.” Henry Chicheley, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, famous as the founder of All Soul’s College, was also the son of a yeoman. William Waynflete, afterwards Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellor of England, was of lowly origin and at one time occupied the comparatively humble position of grammar master at Eton College at a salary of £10 a year.
But apart from the great prizes of the church available to those of outstanding ability, there were also a large number of openings possible to the man who had availed himself of the educational facilities offered by the church schools and had there mastered the elements of grammar. He might proceed from the parochial church schools to the school of a collegiate church, and possibly he might make his way to the university and ultimately obtain ordination to the priesthood.
The financial advantages of the education offered by the church became obvious after the Norman Conquest, and arose out of an undesigned circumstance. Prior to the Conquest, the parishes of this country were under the spiritual care of Saxon rectors who were generally well-born and whose position was well-endowed. The Norman Conquest ultimately resulted in these men being deprived of their cures and being replaced by ill-paid vicars orparochial chaplains. The chief factors which brought about this condition of things were impropriations, papal provisors, pluralities, and the custom, which gradually grew up, of appointing to livings men who had only been admitted to minor orders in the church.
The practice of impropriation was an indirect result of the revival of the monastic principle. The custom of endowing a newly founded monastery with the patronage of existing churches gradually came into being. When a vacancy occurred, the monastery as patrons of the benefice bestowed it upon themselves as a corporation, and drew the stipend attached to it, appointing a “vicar” to perform the requisite spiritual duties, and allowing the vicar only a comparatively insignificant share of the temporalities of the benefice. The position of the incumbent was consequently considerably degraded both in dignity and in emolument.
The custom of papal provisors dates from the thirteenth century when the popes began to assume a power of nominating to vacant benefices. In this way foreigners were appointed to many of the most lucrative of the English benefices. Naturally they never came near their parishes, but contented themselves with the appointment of an ill-paid parochial chaplain to discharge the necessary duties. This custom was put an end to by the Statute of Praemunire (1392).
We must also note that the system of pluralities was carried on in the Middle Ages to an extent which seems to us almost incredible to-day. One man might hold several valuable livings which he never went near, whilst a clerk, who was frequently paid a miserable wage, was expected to do the work. Equally vicious was the custom of appointing to benefices men who had only been admitted to minor clerical orders. “A glance at the lists of incumbents of parishes in any good county history will reveal the fact that rectors of parishes were often only deacons, sub-deacons, or acolytes. It is clear that in many of these cases—probably in the majority of them—the men had taken minor orders only to qualify themselves for holding the temporalities of a benefice and never proceeded to thepriesthood at all.”[742]Just as in the other cases we have mentioned, these men drew the revenues of the living and then appointed a deputy at a small salary to be responsible for the duty.
Whilst the spiritual effects of this policy were disastrous, the policy itself resulted in education becoming an object of desire to men in the lower social grades, as they saw in education an opportunity of escape from their existing circumstances. It does not follow that these men made either incapable or undesirable priests. One of the most charming pictures drawn by Chaucer is that of the poor parson of the town, but his social position is indicated by the fact that “with him there was a ploughman, was his brother.”
The number of possible ecclesiastical appointments does not end with vicars and parochial chaplains. In addition there were the numerous chantries, which existed in connection with so very many churches in the country, and for each of which one or two priests would be required. Then again the gilds to which we have already referred usually maintained one or more chaplains. In these ways employment would probably be found for a large number of priests. “There were at the Reformation, ten gilds in Windham in Norfolk, seven at Hingham, seventeen at Yarmouth. Moreover, a gild like a chantry, had sometimes more than one gild priest. Leland tells us that the gild of St. John’s in St. Botolph’s Church, Boston, had ten priests ‘living in a fayre house at the west end of the parish churchyard.’ In St. Mary’s Church, Lichfield, was a gild which had five priests.”[743]
Besides all these regular appointments, there were a large number of priests who earned fees by taking “temporary engagements” to say masses for the souls of the departed. Thus Archbishop Islip in his “Constitutions” speaks of this class as those who “through covetousness and love of ease, not content with reasonable salaries, demand excessive pay for their labours and receive it.”[744]Chaucerintroduces one of these characters into hisCanon Yeoman’s Tale:—
“In London was a priest an annueller,That therein dwelled hadde many a yearWhich was so pleasant and so serviceableUnto the wife there as he was at tableThat she would suffer him no thing to payFor board ne clothing went he never so gayAnd spending silver had he right ynoit.”
Employment for qualified men was also available in connection with the establishments of great nobles. The household books which are available usually contain a record relating to a “maister of gramer.” In addition to grammar masters, these establishments often afforded opportunities for employment for a number of priests. The “Household Book of the Earl of Northumberland” gives us information which enables us to see that he maintained a dean, ten other priests, and six children, who formed a choir for his private chapel.[745]
It was not only noblemen of high standing who numbered chaplains on their establishment. Knights and gentlemen and even wealthy tradesmen and yeomen also had their domestic chaplains. Sir Thomas More writes: “there was such a rabel (of priests) that every mean man must have a priest to wait upon his wife, which no man almost lacketh now.”[746]
We have thus demonstrated that there existed a considerable demand for men who had received a certain amount of education, and that as a result the demand for schools was stimulated. The account we have given in the preceding part of this work shows that a supply of schools was forthcoming to meet this demand. We have confined ourselves here to treating of the demand for men of education in connection with ecclesiastical positions, but it would also have been possible to show that men of education were also needed in connection with commerce and law.
(2) Turning next to the second of the three headings we have indicated, we note that Lollardism is the general term applied to the political and theological doctrines associated with the name of John Wycliffe. His main ideas are embodied in hisDe Civili DominoandDe Domino Divino. The chief subject discussed in these works is the nature of the relationship between a ruler and his subjects and between divine and civil lordship. His conception of this relationship is based on a feudal view of society, and he continually borrows illustrations of the relationship of divine to civil lordship from the connection between feudal lord and vassal. It was his application of this doctrine to questions touching temporal property that brought him under the imputation of heresy because he taught that “ecclesiastical persons or corporations had no indefeasible right to temporalities which might be taken away in case of misuse.”[747]This theory cut across the doctrine of the supremacy of the spiritual power. The State, according to Wycliffe, possessed the power of determining the function of the Church, and when the Church either extended the sphere of its legitimate operations or misused the revenues entrusted to it for spiritual purposes, then it was the duty of the State to take such action as might be necessary for the reformation of the Church.
Poole points out[748]that the main principle contained in the writings of Wycliffe is the recognition of the significance of the individual whom Wycliffe regarded as directly responsible to God, and to no one else. Wycliffe divorced the Church from any necessary connection with the State and conceived of it simply as a spiritual idea and as consisting of individuals in a certain relation to God. It is to the uniqueness of Wycliffe’s idea of individualism that Poole considers the claim of Wycliffe to rank as the “precursor of the Protestant reformation” to be due.
The doctrines associated with Wycliffe seem to have made great progress among the teachers of the time. This is not a matter for surprise. Facilities for education wereabundant and education was free. Either by means of begging, or by exhibitions, or through social interest, a student might be maintained without expense to himself until his course was completed. What happened then? Owing to the system of patronage prevailing in the Church, the clerk found that all the lucrative positions were usually given to men who on account of their social connections could command influence, regardless of their merits or demerits. This is brought out clearly when we consider the presentees to benefices by patrons whom Bishop Grosseteste refused to institute. One presentee was refused by the bishop because he was a “boy still in Ovid”;[749]another on the ground that the young man was practically illiterate;[750]in answer to a request of the papal legate, to institute a son of Earl Ferrers to a living, the bishop asks to be excused; when pressed, he suggests that the son of Earl Ferrers should simply draw the revenues of the living and appoint a vicar to discharge the spiritual duties.[751]
It is not a matter of wonder that the views of Wycliffe found ready supporters among those of the clergy who were of a low social origin. They considered themselves qualified for ecclesiastical positions which they had little hope of ever filling; hence they drifted to the teaching profession, and in their bitterness of feeling would use the opportunity they possessed to propagate among their scholars the new ideas they had acquired.
It is on an hypothesis of the kind which we have outlined that it is possible to interpret the legislation against Lollard teachers which was enacted in the fifteenth century. In 1400, an Act was passed which provided that:—
“None of such sect and wicked doctrines and opinions shall make any conventicles, or in any wise hold or exercise schools.”[752]
Any offender against this Act or anyone who in any way assisted or supported an offender, “shall before the people in an high place be burnt.”
In 1406 a petition was presented to the king by the Prince of Wales which drew attention to the propagation of teaching against the temporal possessions of the clergy by certain teachers in “lieux secretes appellez escoles,”[753]and prayed that no man or woman of any sect or doctrine which was contrary to the catholic faith should hold school. The rigour with which this commission was enforced is illustrated by the commission which was issued to the prior of St. Mary’s, Coventry, and to the mayor and bailiffs of that city ordering them to arrest and imprison all offenders found there.
The spread of Lollardism among teachers is further illustrated by the “Constitutions” of Archbishop Arundel issued in 1408. He forbade “masters and all who teach boys or others the arts of grammar and that instruct men in the first sciences” to teach theology except in accordance with the customary teaching of the Church, and also prohibited them from allowing their scholars to select as subjects for disputations any topics relating to the catholic faith or the sacraments of the Church.[754]
As the existing legislation was apparently not sufficient to effect the desired purpose, another Act was passed in 1414. By this Act “all of them which hold any errors or heresies as Lollards” and who sustained it in “sermons, schools, conventicles, congregations, and confederacies” were to be arrested.[755]
We have not found it possible to trace the effects of this legislation.
(3) We pass next to consider the Educational Legislation during the later Middle Ages. In our summary of the economic condition of this country at the opening of this period we referred to the scarcity of labour consequent upon the Black Death.[756]As a result an Act was passed in 1388, which provided that “he or she which used to labour at the Plough and Cart till they be of the age of twelveyears, from henceforth they shall abide at the same labour without being put to any Mystery or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond of Apprentice be from henceforth made to the contrary, the same shall be taken for void.”[757]The reason for this Act is embodied in the statute itself: “there is so great scarcity of Labourers and other Servants of Husbandry that the Gentlemen and other People of the realm be greatly impoverished for the cause thereof.”
Either on account of the prosperity of the labouring classes due to the increase of wages resulting from the demand for labour in the later fourteenth century, or to avoid the provisions of the Act we have just described, or for the purpose of making progress in social status, the custom of sending children to schools seems to have developed. As a result, the Commons of England petitioned the king in 1391 “de ordeiner et comander, que null neif ou Vileyn mette ses Enfantz de cy en avant a Escoles pur eux avancer par Clergie et ce en maintenance et salvation de l’honour de toutz Frankes du Roialme.”[758]
Mr. de Montmorency suggests four reasons for this action on the part of the Commons.
(1) The Commons “were anxious to check the further increase in the number of unbeneficed clergy and of those whom the bishops could claim as subject to ecclesiastical law.”(2) Lollardism would be very attractive to the newly educated and “the Legislature must have realised the revolutionary possibility of the first and nobler Reformation.”(3) “The jurisdiction of Rome increased with the increase of popular education,” consequently, this “was a serious consideration for the patriotic baronage of England.”(4) If a man became ordained, his services would be lost to the manor.[759]
(1) The Commons “were anxious to check the further increase in the number of unbeneficed clergy and of those whom the bishops could claim as subject to ecclesiastical law.”
(2) Lollardism would be very attractive to the newly educated and “the Legislature must have realised the revolutionary possibility of the first and nobler Reformation.”
(3) “The jurisdiction of Rome increased with the increase of popular education,” consequently, this “was a serious consideration for the patriotic baronage of England.”
(4) If a man became ordained, his services would be lost to the manor.[759]
These reasons do not appear to be very conclusive. The first implies an opposition between the clergy and laitywhich was non-existent; the second and the third are contradictory. If the development of education fostered Lollardism (which is probable, though it has not yet been demonstrated) it could scarcely be regarded as equally favourable to Rome. Further, the desire of limiting the jurisdiction of the Church could have been gratified more simply by the abolition of the “privilege of clergy.”
His fourth reason is a more plausible one but it must be noted that the consent of the lord of the manor was required before children could be sent to schools and before ordination.[760]For this reason, legislation would scarcely be necessary to effect this purpose.
The more probable reason for this petition of the commons is that the diminution of the supply of labour had caused employers to become fearful of future possibilities, and that they were afraid that the result of sending children to school would be that the number of those who would be prepared to act as “hewers of wood and drawers of water” would be seriously diminished.
We have just referred to the custom that villeins were not allowed to send their children to school without the consent of their lords. This custom was abolished by a statute of 1406 which provided that “chascun homme ou femme de quele estate ou condicion qil soit, soit fraunc de mettre son fitz ou file dapprendre lettereure a quelconque escole que leur plest deinz le Roialme.”[761]The same statute provided that labourers could not apprentice their children to trades and manufactures in the towns unless they owned land worth £1 a year, probably about £40 a year now.
It is difficult to understand the reasons for this legislation. The Feudal System was already crumbling and its complete collapse was not far off. It cannot therefore be assumed that the Act was passed merely to remove a grievance, because the grievance itself was probably lightly felt. It is just possible that the Act might have been intended to facilitate the process by which it was sought to make good the deficiency of priests occasioned by the Black Death.The reference to “daughters,” however, makes this suggestion improbable. There is also the possibility that the phrase “dapprendre lettereure” meant an education which would provide for “godly and virtuous living,” which, as we have shown in the preceding chapter, was becoming recognised as a part of the educational ideal.
The years 1446-7 are important in the history of education in England. In 1446 the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London petitioned the king for permission to erect two new grammar schools in London; the permission was granted and the Letters Patent duly issued.[762]In 1447, a petition was similarly sent to the Commons by four London Rectors for permission to set up four new grammar schools.[763]As we have already considered these petitions in the chapter dealing with the question of the monopoly of school keeping,[764]it will not be necessary for us to deal further with the topic here.
We have now brought to a close our exposition of the educational administration in England in the Middle Ages. Until comparatively recently it was generally believed that the educational provision available in this country could not be traced back further than to the efforts of the Reformers of the Church in the sixteenth century, and to the influence of the Renaissance. We are now able to realise that the two centuries preceding the Reformation, at least, were a period in which facilities for education in England were widespread and practically open freely to all. The educational effect of the Reformation—even though undesigned—was to remove from the great mass of the people the opportunities for attending school which had previously been available for them. It is also extremely probable that the significance of the Renaissance upon the educational development of this country has been considerably exaggerated; this, however, is a question which still awaits investigation.
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M.:Saxons in England, 2 vols., Lond., 1849.Lacroix, P.:Le Chevalrie et Les Croisades, Paris, 1890.Lacroix, P.:L’école et la Science jusqu’à la Renaissance, Paris, 1887.Lacroix, P.:Le moyen Age et la Renaissance, 5 vols., Paris, 1848-51.Laurie, S. S.:Rise and Constitution of the Early Universities, New York, 1886.Leach, A. F.:A History of Warwick School, Lond., 1906.Leach, A. F.:History of Winchester College, Lond., 1899.Little, A. G.:The Grey Friars at Oxford(Oxf. Hist. Soc. Pubs., vol. XX.), Oxon., 1891.Lyte, Sir H. C. M.:A History of Eton College, Lond., 1875.Lyte, Sir H. C. M.:History of the University of Oxford, Lond., 1886.Maitland, S. R.:The Dark Ages, Lond., 1899.Maître, Léon:Les écoles épiscopales et monastiques, 769-1180, Paris, 1866.Medley, D. L.:English Constitutional History, 4th edition, Lond., 1907.Meredith, H. C.:Economic History of England, Lond. (n.d.).Mignet, F. A. A.:Mémoire sur la conversion de l’Allemagne par les Moines, Paris (n.d.).Monnier, M. F.,Alcuin et Charlemagne, Paris, 1860.Montalembert, Count de:The Monks of the West, 7 vols., Lond., 1861-79.Montmorency, J. E. G. de:State Intervention in English Education from the Earliest Times to 1833, Camb., 1902.Mullinger, J. B.:History of the University of Cambridge, Camb., 1873.Mullinger, J. B.:The Schools of Charles the Great, Lond., 1877.Munroe, P.:Source Book for the History of Education for the Greek and Roman Period, New York, 1901.Ozanam, A. F.:La Civilisation Chretienne chez les Francs, Paris, 1872.Parker, H.:The Seven Liberal Arts; in Eng. Hist. Rev., vol. V., pp. 417-461, July 1890.Poole, R. L.:Illustrations of Medieval Thought, Lond., 1844.Putnam, G. H.:Books and their Makers during the Later Middle Ages, 2 vols., Lond., 1896.Rashdall, H.:Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 2 vols., Oxon., 1895.Report of the Schools Enquiry Commission, Lond., 1868.Rogers, J. E. T.:History of Agriculture and Prices in England, 4 vols., Lond., 1866-82.Roper, W.:Life of Sir Thos. More, ed. S. W. Singer, Chiswick, 1882.Sandys, E. G.:History of Classical Scholarship, 3 vols., Camb., 1903.Seebohm, F.:The English Village Community, Lond., 1883.Smith, J. G.:Rise of Christian Monasticism, Lond., 1892.Taylor, H. O.:The Medieval Mind, Lond., 1912.Theiner, A.:Histoire des Institutions d’Education Ecclesiastique, 2 vols., Paris, 1841.Timbs, J.:School Days of Eminent Men, Lond. (n. d.).Townsend, W. T.:Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages, Lond., 1881.Traill, H. D.:Social England, 6 vols., Lond., 1894.Vinogradoff, P.:English Society in the Eleventh Century, Oxon., 1908.Watson, Foster:English Grammar Schools, Camb., 1908.Watson, Foster:The Old Grammar Schools, Camb., 1916.West, A. F.:Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools, New York, 1892.Wilkins, A. S.:National Education in Greece in the Fourth Century,B.C., Lond., 1873.Abbreviations.Ed. Ch.Educational Charters.E. S. R.English Schools at the Reformation.S. M. E.Schools of Medieval England.
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Grosseteste, Robert:Epistolae, ed. H. R. Luard (R. S.), Lond., 1861.
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Memorials of St. Edmunds Abbey, ed. T. Arnold, 3 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1890-1891.
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Monumenta Academica, ed. H. Anstey, 2 vols. (R. S.), Lond., 1868.
Monumenta Franciscana, ed. J. S. Brewer, R. Hewlett (R. S.), 4 vols. 1858-1882.
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Ashley, W. J.:Introduction to English Economic History, 2 vols., Lond., 1886.
Azarias, Brother:Essays Educational, Chicago, 1896.
Bateson, M.:Medieval England, Lond., 1903.
Böhmer:Kirche und Staat in England und in der Normandie im XI. und XII. Jahrhundert, Leipzig, 1899.
Brodrick, G. C.:History of the University of Oxford, Lond., 1896.
Burrows, Montague:Collectanea, Second Series (Oxford Hist. Soc. Publications, vol. XVI.), Third Series, vol. XXXII., Oxon., 1890, 1896.
Capes, W. W.:The English Church in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Lond., 1900.
Cavendish, G.:Life of Cardinal Wolsey, ed. H. W. Singer, Lond., 1827.
Chevrier, Fischer de:Histoire de l’instruction populaire en France, Paris, 1898.
Church, R. W.:St. Anselm, Lond., 1884.
Clark, J. Willis:The Care of Books, New York, 1901.
Compayré, G.:Abelard, and the Origin and Early History of the Universities, New York, 1893.
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Coulton, G. C.:Monastic Schools in the Middle Ages, Lond., 1913.
Cunningham, W.:The Growth of English Commerce and Industry, Camb., 1882.
Cutts, E. L.:Parish Priests and their People in the Middle Ages, Lond., 1898.
Cutts, E. L.:Scenes and Characters in the Middle Ages, Lond., 1873.
Davidson, Thos.:Aristotle and the Ancient Educational Ideals, New York, 1892.
Denifle, H.:Die Enstehung der Universitatem des Mittelalters bis 1400, Berlin, 1885.
Dill, S.:Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, 2nd edition, Lond., 1899.
Dittes, Fr.:Gesichte der Erziehung und der Unterrichtes, Leipzig, 1890.
Drane, A. T.:Christian Schools and Scholars, Lond., 1881.
Draper, J. W.:Intellectual Development of Europe, 2 vols., New York, 1876.
Dunning, W. A.:History of Political Theories, New York, 1905.
Edgar, J.:History of Early Scottish Education, Edinburgh, 1893.
Emerton, E.:Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages, Boston, 1883.
Emerton, E.:Medieval Europe, Boston, 1894.
Fletcher, C. R. L.:Collectanea, First Series. (Oxf. Hist. Soc. Pubs.), vol. V., Oxon., 1885.
Froude, J. A.:History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the death of Elizabeth, 12 vols., 1856-70.
Furnivall, F. J.:The Babees Book, Lond., 1868.
Gaskoin, C. J. B.:Alcuin, Lond., 1904.
Gasquet, F. A.:The Black Death, 2nd edition, Lond., 1908.
Gasquet, F. A.:The Old English Bible and Other Essays, Lond., 1897.
Gautier, Leon:Chivalry, Lond., 1891.
Green, Mrs. J. R.:Town Life in the Fifteenth Century, 2 vols., Lond., 1805.
Hartson, L. D.:A Study of Voluntary Associations(Ped. Sem., Vol. XVIII., No. 1), Worcester, Mass., 1911.
Hazlitt, W. C.:Schools, School Books and Schoolmasters, Lond., 1887.
Healy, J.:Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars, Dublin, 1890.
Hibbert, F. A.:Influence and Development of English Gilds, Camb., 1891.
Hodgkin, T.:Italy and her Invaders, 4 vols., Camb., 1880-5.
Hodgson, G. E.:Primitive Christian Education, Edinburgh, 1912.
Holman, H.:English National Education, Lond., 1898.
Hunt, W.:The English Church from its Foundation to the Norman Conquest, Lond., 1899.
Jessop, A.:The Coming of the Friars, Lond., 1901.
Kemble, J. M.:Saxons in England, 2 vols., Lond., 1849.
Lacroix, P.:Le Chevalrie et Les Croisades, Paris, 1890.
Lacroix, P.:L’école et la Science jusqu’à la Renaissance, Paris, 1887.
Lacroix, P.:Le moyen Age et la Renaissance, 5 vols., Paris, 1848-51.
Laurie, S. S.:Rise and Constitution of the Early Universities, New York, 1886.
Leach, A. F.:A History of Warwick School, Lond., 1906.
Leach, A. F.:History of Winchester College, Lond., 1899.
Little, A. G.:The Grey Friars at Oxford(Oxf. Hist. Soc. Pubs., vol. XX.), Oxon., 1891.
Lyte, Sir H. C. M.:A History of Eton College, Lond., 1875.
Lyte, Sir H. C. M.:History of the University of Oxford, Lond., 1886.
Maitland, S. R.:The Dark Ages, Lond., 1899.
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Medley, D. L.:English Constitutional History, 4th edition, Lond., 1907.
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Montalembert, Count de:The Monks of the West, 7 vols., Lond., 1861-79.
Montmorency, J. E. G. de:State Intervention in English Education from the Earliest Times to 1833, Camb., 1902.
Mullinger, J. B.:History of the University of Cambridge, Camb., 1873.
Mullinger, J. B.:The Schools of Charles the Great, Lond., 1877.
Munroe, P.:Source Book for the History of Education for the Greek and Roman Period, New York, 1901.
Ozanam, A. F.:La Civilisation Chretienne chez les Francs, Paris, 1872.
Parker, H.:The Seven Liberal Arts; in Eng. Hist. Rev., vol. V., pp. 417-461, July 1890.
Poole, R. L.:Illustrations of Medieval Thought, Lond., 1844.
Putnam, G. H.:Books and their Makers during the Later Middle Ages, 2 vols., Lond., 1896.
Rashdall, H.:Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 2 vols., Oxon., 1895.
Report of the Schools Enquiry Commission, Lond., 1868.
Rogers, J. E. T.:History of Agriculture and Prices in England, 4 vols., Lond., 1866-82.
Roper, W.:Life of Sir Thos. More, ed. S. W. Singer, Chiswick, 1882.
Sandys, E. G.:History of Classical Scholarship, 3 vols., Camb., 1903.
Seebohm, F.:The English Village Community, Lond., 1883.
Smith, J. G.:Rise of Christian Monasticism, Lond., 1892.
Taylor, H. O.:The Medieval Mind, Lond., 1912.
Theiner, A.:Histoire des Institutions d’Education Ecclesiastique, 2 vols., Paris, 1841.
Timbs, J.:School Days of Eminent Men, Lond. (n. d.).
Townsend, W. T.:Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages, Lond., 1881.
Traill, H. D.:Social England, 6 vols., Lond., 1894.
Vinogradoff, P.:English Society in the Eleventh Century, Oxon., 1908.
Watson, Foster:English Grammar Schools, Camb., 1908.
Watson, Foster:The Old Grammar Schools, Camb., 1916.
West, A. F.:Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools, New York, 1892.
Wilkins, A. S.:National Education in Greece in the Fourth Century,B.C., Lond., 1873.
Abbreviations.
Ed. Ch.Educational Charters.
E. S. R.English Schools at the Reformation.
S. M. E.Schools of Medieval England.