NOTEA.—Page 7.
This being the identical speech sent by General Harrison to the Indians, on hearing of the burning of the chiefs, we make no apology for inserting it entire. The beauty of its composition and its remarkable adaptation to the Indian style, will render it interesting to every reader, and the spirit of humanity which it breathes does honor to the head and heart of its accomplished writer.
NOTEB.—Page 26.
The speech here attributed to Kenah, is reported by Tanner, who was thirty years a captive among the Indians, as having been made to him by one of the Prophet's agents, and he also farther states, ridiculous as it may seem, “that very many of the Indians killed their dogs and obeyed the commands of the Prophet, in every particular, as far as it was practicable.”
NOTEC.—Page 60.
The speech which we have here attributed to Tecumseh is reported by Hunter, in his “Manners and Customs of several Indian Tribes,” to have been delivered by Tecumseh in his presence to the Osages in Council, when wandering for the purpose of effecting a general union. We have given it in order to strengthen the view which we have taken of his policy.
Hunter thus speaks of Tecumseh and his speech:—
“He addressed them in long, eloquent and pathetic strains, and an assembly more numerous than had ever been witnessed on any former occasion, listened to him with an intensely agitated, though profoundly respectful interest and attention. In fact, so great was Tecumseh's eloquence, that the chiefs adjourned the council, shortly after he closed; nor did they finally come to a decision on the great question in debate, for several days afterward.
“I wish it was in my power to do justice to the eloquence of this distinguished man; but it is utterly impossible. The richest colours, shaded with a master's pencil, would fall infinitely short of the glowing finish of the original. The occasion and subject were peculiarly adapted to call into action all the powers of genuine patriotism; and such language, such gestures, and such feelings and fulness of soul contending for utterance, were exhibited by this untutored native of the forest in the central wilds of America, as no audience, I am persuaded, even in ancient or modern days, ever before listened to.”
The great question here alluded to, was whether or not they should give their assistance to the English.
NOTED.—Page 73.
We have used the words camp and town as synonymous; they were literally so. Tippecanoe was at this time the Prophet's residence, and no sooner did he hear that the whites were marching upon his lands, than he began to place it in the best state of defence, and actually bestowed more labour upon it, than was ever before known to be done by Indians upon any fortification; and at the time we speak of, it was a regular encampment, fortified on every side.
NOTEE.—Page 226.
The following extract from a letter of the Commander of Fort Wayne, to an American Authority, which we find in that truly interesting work, “Thatcher's Indian Biography;” will serve to give the reader some faint idea of the exertions the Brothers were now making for the promotion of the great cause which lay so near their hearts.
“On the 12th [July, 1812,] the Prophet arrived at this place, with nearly one hundred Winnebagoes and Kickapoos, who have ever since been amusing the Indian agents at this place with professions of friendship, and it is now evident that he has completely duped the agent who had suffered him to take the lead in all his councils with the Indians, giving him ammunition, &c. to support his followers until they can receive a supply from Tecumseh.
“On the 19th instant an express arrived in the Prophet's camp from Tecumseh. In order that it should make the better speed, the express stole a horse from some of the inhabitants of the river Raisin, and rode night and day. The horse gave out within twenty miles of this place. This messenger was directed by Tecumseh to tell the Prophet to unite the Indians immediately, and send their women and children towards the Mississippi, while the warriors should strike a heavy blow at the inhabitants of Vincennes; and he, Tecumseh, if he lived, would join him in the country of the Winnebagoes.
“The Prophet found no difficulty in keeping this information to himself and one or two of his confidential followers, and forming a story to suit the palate of the agent here; and, on the 20th instant, he despatched two confidential Kickapoos to effect the objects Tecumseh had in view. In order that these two Indians might make the better speed, they stole my two riding-horses, and have gone to the westward at the rate of one hundred miles in twenty-four hours, at least. To keep the agent blind to his movements, the Prophet went early in the morning yesterday, and told the agent that two of hisbadyoung men were missing, and that he feared they had stole some horses. The agent found no difficulty in swallowing the bait offered him, and applauded the Prophet for his honesty in telling of his bad men, as he called them, stealing my horses.
“To keep up appearances, the Prophet has this morning despatched two men onfoot, as he tells the agent, to bring back my horses, &c. He says he and all his party will certainly attend the Commissioner of the United States next month at Piqua.
“This he will do, if he finds he cannot raise the western Indians against the United States; but if he finds the western Indians will join him, you may rely on it, he will strike a heavy blow, as Tecumseh says, against the whites in that quarter. You may rely on the correctness of this statement, as I received information relative to the views of Tecumseh, last night, from a quarter that cannot be doubted. The conduct of the agent towards the Prophet, I have been an eye-witness to.”
NOTEF.—Page 239.
As to the individual who had the honor of shooting Tecumseh, public opinion ever has been, and still remains divided, and though a matter of no moment in itself, his death has often been discussed with as much warmth and zeal, as if the ascertaining of who killed him, involved the settlement of some cardinal principle. This discussion owes its origin to party feeling, together with the exertions of the friends of Col. Johnson on the one side to give him the honour, and to the equally zealous efforts of his opponents on the other to wrest it from him, without being able to agree on any other individual upon whom they will bestow it. Could it be proved that Colonel Johnson did kill Tecumseh, it would add nothing to his fame as a hero; could the world be convinced that he did not, it would detract nothing from the glory which he has already won. The settlement of this question, therefore, even were it in our power, could neither add to, nor take from his reputation. It has no sort of connexion with his character as a statesman, and could not affect him otherwise. That he was an able officer is proved by the success of the division under his command at the battle of the Thames:—that he was a brave man, and ever present at the post of danger, is apparent from his having received during that action five wounds, while a small white mare which he rode, died under him of sixteen. These facts establish for him the character of an intrepid and dauntless soldier; while the proving that he killed Tecumseh could do no more, even if it effected so much.
In the work which I have just written, I profess to set forth the principal acts, as well as the most striking features in the character of this celebrated chieftain, and as on that account some information, or at least a detail of those circumstances which are known relative to his death, may be expected, I shall give in a concise manner such particulars of the battle in which he fell as I have often heard stated in connexion with this event. Before doing so, however, I will mention the sources from which they have been drawn, and leave the reader to award to them such a degree of belief as he pleases.
An admiration for the character of Tecumseh, and a desire to obtain as much information as I could relative to him and the Prophet, induced me, long before I entertained the idea of attempting to write a novel, to examine every source which promised to aid me in my wishes. Travelling much throughout most of our western states, I often met with persons who were present in many of the engagements which took place along our north-western line of Posts, during the late war with Great Britain, and also with several who were actors in the battle of the Thames, and the exciting events of that period becoming a subject of conversation, from them I heard many details. From passing conversations, therefore, and from books, the following facts have been gathered.
The battle of the Thames was fought on the evening of the 5th of November, 1813. On the morning of that day the American army, in pursuit of the English, arrived at Arnold's mills, situated on the river Thames, and distant twelve miles from the Moravian Towns. By 12 o'clock, the whole army had crossed the river; the ford being too deep for infantry, each horseman was required to take up a soldier, and the remainder passed over in boats. No sooner was this effected, than Colonel Johnson was ordered to hasten forward with his regiment, for the purpose of ascertaining the number and situation of the enemy, who were now known to be near at hand. His regiment numbered twelve hundred men, and allowing for the sick, it always presented an effective force of at least one thousand. They were all volunteers, well mounted, and well equipped, burning with a desire for glory, and anxious to meet the enemy. This was the only part of the American army which was mounted, and consequently it was the most effective in pursuit. In pursuance of the order received. Colonel Johnson moved forward with his regiment, followed as rapidly as was practicable by the Infantry, and had advanced some ten or twelve miles, when he found his farther progress checked by the appearance of the English army drawn up in order of battle, and apparently waiting an attack. A messenger was despatched with these tidings to General Harrison, and in the mean time Colonel Johnson drew up his regiment, and remained in front of the enemy. The English army was stationed not on a plain or even a partially open space, but entirely in the woods. The left wing, composed altogether of British regulars, rested on the Thames, and extended to a swamp which was almost impassable, and which ran parallel to the river for several miles, and distant from it, only some two or three hundred yards. Across this swamp, and in a line with the regulars or left wing, was posted the right wing of the English army, commanded by Tecumseh, and composed wholly of Indians. The Infantry of the American army had not yet come up, and the afternoon was fast wearing away. Colonel Johnson's regiment still remained where it was first halted, namely, in front of the British regulars, who were now known to number only some six or seven hundred men, and upon General Harrison's arrival, Colonel Johnson was ordered, at the approach of the American Infantry, to file off to the left, take post in front of the Indians, and leave the Infantry alone to contend with the British regulars. An examination for some time, of the swamp, on the other side of which the Indians were posted, proved this to be impracticable, for at first, no place could be found where it was possible to cross it. The mounted volunteers were also sanguine of success, and impatient for immediate action. The plan of battle was therefore changed; and Colonel Johnson was ordered to divide his regiment into two lines of five hundred each, and refusing the right wing, to charge upon the British regulars, while every exertion would be made to bring up the Infantry to his assistance. The regiment was divided. To Lieutenant Colonel James Johnson was assigned the command of the right division, while Colonel Richard M. Johnson retained the command of the left, and they were in the act of leading the charge, when information was brought by some persons who had been despatched for that purpose, that a place had been discovered where it was practicable to cross the swamp. In consequence of this, Colonel Richard M. Johnson determined to file off still farther to the left, cross the swamp, and oppose the Indians, leaving his brother to charge with his single division against the left wing. His reasons for doing this were, that Colonel James Johnson insisted, as did likewise the men who were with him, that they themselves were amply sufficient to beat the left wing or British regulars, and they also judged it impossible to employ effectually, a thousand mounted men in a compact body in the woods, and on so small a strip of land as the one they then occupied. They also feared lest their numbers, by hindering each other, should prove injurious to themselves.
Colonel R. M. Johnson, having, as before stated, resolved to cross the swamp, parted from his brother, each agreeing that the blast of a bugle was to be the signal for an attack upon each wing at the same time. Leading his division, he had no sooner crossed the swamp, than the bugle was heard, and with it, commenced the charge of cavalry. Colonel James Johnson charged at full speed with his division formed into five columns, each column presenting a front of but two men abreast. He received, as he rapidly advanced, the fire of the whole English force, yet not a man of his division was killed, and in less than five minutes from the first moment of the charge, the British ranks were broken, and the men threw down their arms and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. In this encounter, two or three only of the volunteers were wounded, while some ten or twelve of the regulars were killed, and about twice that number wounded. At the same time that Colonel James Johnson led the charge against the left wing; Colonel R. M. Johnson led the charge against the Indians or right wing. At his order, however, his men moved forward at a slow pace, for no opposing force was visible, and as yet they were charging against an unseen enemy. They were however prepared, each man was ready for instant battle, and all were advancing, Colonel Johnson being at the head of a company of rather more than one hundred men, which was but a short distance in advance of the remainder of his division, when from behind each tree sprung a warrior, and the war whoop was yelled, by a thousand voices, accompanied at the same time by an instantaneous discharge of fire-arms. This was returned by the cavalry, more than half the advanced division of which was dismounted at the first fire. The different companies in the rear however now rushed forward, charge followed charge, and the battle was maintained with the greatest obstinacy. The Indians were several times forced to give ground, but when they did, a voice was heard distinct and clear above the din of battle, rallying them in the most exciting language, cheering them on to the attack, and again they returned, and renewed the contest. This was counter to all former experience in Indian engagements, for, when once broken, they had heretofore invariably been beaten. When Colonel Johnson began the charge, he selected from his division twenty men, and ordered them to remain near his person during the engagement; the battle had now raged only a short time, and out of the twenty, nineteen had been either cut down or dismounted;—only one remained by his side. It was now deemed advisable that the whole division should dismount, the horses of the soldiers were accordingly turned loose, and the battle renewed on foot. The soldiers now fought with the Indians hand to hand, and in several places the appearance was that of many engaged in single combat, and repeatedly did they struggle for life or death separated only by the body of a tree. So literally was the battle in this part of the line fought hand to hand, that the blood often spurted out from the person killed, upon the one who killed him. At this stage of the battle, Colonel Johnson occupied the extreme right of his division, and, as subsequent events proved, he was directly in front of Tecumseh and his immediate followers, who occupied the extreme left of their right wing. The Indians numbered more than a thousand men, and extended for some distance in the woods, and while Colonel Johnson's division was still warmly engaged, seasonable assistance was afforded by the remainder of the army, which had now come up, and the Indians were engaged throughout the whole extent of their line. Opposite the extreme left of the right wing, where Colonel Johnson with his division was still fighting, and where indeed the only contest may be said to have taken place, the Indians had been several times repulsed since the cavalry were dismounted, yet still, they continued to rally and return to the attack. It was now discovered that this was effected by the power of a single chief, who was conspicuous from his apparel, and also from a plume of white feathers which he wore in his cap; and in consequence of it, many efforts were made to cut him off, which for a long time proved ineffectual; for he was scarcely stationary a moment, but was present every where, his voice was heard in every quarter, and no sooner was he seen in one position, and an attempt made upon him, than moving rapidly away, he occupied another, and was still heard cheering on his men.
Up to this time, Colonel Johnson had received four wounds; he was shot through the left arm, hip, knee, and leg, was bleeding freely, and consequently becoming weak. His mare, from the loss of blood, was also fast failing him; he was unable to dismount, and even if dismounted could not move; he therefore saw plainly that if his mare fell before the Indians were routed, he must inevitably be tomahawked; and to beat them, there seemed to be no other hope, but by killing the gallant chief who exercised so powerful an influence over them.
Colonel Johnson was still in advance of his division, and the weakness of his mare admonished him that she could stand up but a short time longer, when he saw at a distance of about thirty or forty yards from him, the chief whom he was anxious to meet. He had at the instant when discovered, stopped at the root of a large fallen tree, the top or branches of which serving somewhat as a cover, Colonel Johnson moved forward, with a determination to meet him in single combat. At this time, he had only one loaded pistol, which he cocked, and holding it in his right hand, pressed it close against the saddle, and rather behind him, for the purpose of concealing it; his bridle he held in his left hand, and in this situation he advanced. His mare could now only walk, and even in that gait, her step was unsteady, yet, he reached the top of the tree, and was as yet undiscovered, but in endeavouring to get round it, for the purpose of placing himself on the same side with the chief, and also approaching near enough to render his own fire certainly effectual, his mare became entangled in some of its branches, and in endeavouring to free herself, arrested the attention of the chief, who instantly moved forward a step or two, and raising his rifle, deliberately shot at Colonel Johnson, who still continued to advance. His ball entered the left hand of Colonel Johnson, between the first and second fingers; shattered his wrist, and then glanced off—causing his hand to relax the grasp of the bridle, and fall powerless by his side; yet his mare, still reeling, walked forward. The chief having discharged his rifle, quickly changed it to his left hand, drew from his belt his tomahawk, and sprung forward. Colonel Johnson's pistol was still concealed, and he seemed only to be armed with the sword which hung at his side, and thus they now advanced. They had approached so near, that the chief raised his arm, as if in the act to throw his tomahawk, for he was not near enough to strike with it, when Colonel Johnson raised his pistol. It was unexpected, and the chief recoiled a step at the sight. Colonel Johnson then fired, and the chief sprung in the air, and fell dead. The Indians uttered a cry of lamentation, immediately fled, and the battle was ended; no resistance being made after the fall of the chief.
The most remarkable circumstance which I have ever heard relative to this event, and I believe it to be well authenticated, is, that when Colonel Johnson and the chief were advancing upon each other, the former was in the presence of the Indian force, and might have been shot down at any time during the encounter; but they forebore to fire upon him, and all pausing, gazed in silence, and left the two brave chiefs to decide the matter themselves.
Thus, I believe, fell Tecumseh. I say so, for that he was killed in that part of the line whore Colonel Johnson was himself posted, has never yet been questioned; and though unknown at the time of his death, yet, when recognized, he was found lying by a large fallen tree, pierced with three wounds, a pistol ball, and two buckshot. The person who loaded Colonel Johnson's pistols on the day of the battle, deposed that such was the load he placed in each; it was usual to fire with single balls, and no other pistols than Colonel Johnson's were proved to have been differently loaded on the same day. The balls which entered the breast of Tecumseh ranged downwards, a proof that the person who shot him, must have been on horseback, or rather above him; with the exception of Colonel Johnson, and a friend who acted as his aid, no other persons were on horseback in that part of the line, at the time when Tecumseh fell, and the Indians fled. Another reason for this opinion is, that Colonel Johnson's hat, and also the scabbard belonging to his sword, were found lying near Tecumseh.
The Indians having fled, several friends led Colonel Johnson's horse a short distance from the field, that his wounds might be attended to, and upon being lifted from his mare, she immediately sunk and died. When examined, she was found to have been shot in sixteen places.
Such are the details, as I have often heard them stated, relative to the death of Tecumseh, and a careful examination of the subject induces me to believe that they are entitled to the fullest belief.
THE END.