“With full affection for the flag which I have been born under, and the flag I represent, I can understand the sentiment and feeling of a republican who has created his independence, and values that before all; but I can say fairly that I believe in the future that I can assimilate the system, which I have been connected with, with the Cape Colony, and it is not an impossible idea that the neighbouring republics, retaining their independence, should share with us as to certain general principles. If I might put it to you, I would say the principles of tariffs, the principle of railway connexion, the principle of appeal in law, the principle of coinage, and in fact all those principles which exist at the present moment in the United States, irrespective of the local assemblies which exist in each separate state in that country.”
“With full affection for the flag which I have been born under, and the flag I represent, I can understand the sentiment and feeling of a republican who has created his independence, and values that before all; but I can say fairly that I believe in the future that I can assimilate the system, which I have been connected with, with the Cape Colony, and it is not an impossible idea that the neighbouring republics, retaining their independence, should share with us as to certain general principles. If I might put it to you, I would say the principles of tariffs, the principle of railway connexion, the principle of appeal in law, the principle of coinage, and in fact all those principles which exist at the present moment in the United States, irrespective of the local assemblies which exist in each separate state in that country.”
To this policy President Kruger and the Transvaal government offered every possible opposition. Their action in what is known as the Vaal River Drift question will best illustrate the line of action which the Transvaal government believed it expedient to adopt. A difficulty arose at the termination of the agreement in 1894 between the Cape government railway and the Netherlands railway. The Cape government, for the purposes of carrying the railway from the Vaal river to Johannesburg, had advanced the sum of £600,000 to the Netherlands railway and the Transvaal government conjointly; at the same time it was stipulated that the Cape government should have the right to fix the traffic rate until the end of 1894, or until such time as the Delagoa Bay-Pretoria line was completed. These rates were fixed by the Cape government at 2d. per ton per mile, but at the beginning of 1895 the rate for the 52 m. of railway from the Vaal river to Johannesburg was raised by the Netherlands railway to no less a sum than 8d. per ton per mile. It is quite evident from the action which President Kruger subsequently took in the matter that this charge was put on with his approval, and with the object of compelling traffic to be brought to the Transvaal by the Delagoa route, instead of as heretofore by the colonial railway. In order to compete against this very high rate, the merchants of Johannesburg began removing their goods from the Vaal river by waggon. Thereupon President Kruger arbitrarily closed the drifts (fords) on the Vaal river, and thus prevented through waggon traffic, causing an enormous block of waggons on the banks of the Vaal. A protest was then made by the Cape government against the action of the Transvaal, on the ground that it was a breach of the London Convention. President Kruger took no notice of this remonstrance, and an appeal was made to the imperial government; whereupon the latter entered into an agreement with the Cape government, to the effect that if the Cape would bear half the cost of any expedition which should be necessary, assist with troops, and give full use of the Cape railway for military purposes if required, a protest should be sent to President Kruger on the subject. These terms were accepted by Rhodes and his colleagues, of whom Mr W.P. Schreiner was one, and a protest was then sent by Mr Chamberlain stating that the government would regard the closing of the drifts as a breach of the London Convention, and as an unfriendly action calling for the gravest remonstrance. President Kruger at once reopened the drifts, and undertook that he would issue no further proclamation on the subject except after consultation with the imperial government.
On the 29th of December 1895 Dr Jameson (q.v.) made his famous raid into the Transvaal, and Rhodes’s complicity in this movement compelled him to resign the premiership of Cape Colony in January 1896, the vacant post being taken by Sir Gordon Sprigg. As Rhodes’s complicity in the raid became known, there naturally arose a strong feeling of resentment and astonishment among his colleagues in the Cape ministry, who had been kept in complete ignorance of his connexion with any such scheme. Mr Hofmeyr and the Bond were loud in their denunciation of him, nor can it be denied that the circumstances of the raid greatly embittered against England the Dutch element in Cape Colony, and influenced their subsequent attitude towards the Transvaal Boers.
In 1897 a native rising occurred under Galeshwe, a Bantu chief, in Griqualand West. Galeshwe was arrested and the rebellion repressed. On cross-examination Galeshwe stated that Bosnian, a magistrate of the Transvaal, had supplied ammunition to him, and urged him to rebel against the government of Cape Colony. There is every reason to suppose that this charge was true, and it is consistent with the intrigues which the Boers from time to time practised among the natives.
In 1897 Sir Alfred Milner was appointed high commissioner of South Africa and governor of Cape Colony, in succession to Sir Hercules Robinson, who had been created a peer under the title of Baron Rosmead in August 1896.
Mr Schreiner’s Policy.—In 1898 commercial federation in South Africa advanced another stage, Natal entering the customs union. A fresh convention was drafted at this time, and under it “a uniform tariff on all imported goods consumed within such union, and an equitable distribution of the duties collected on such goods amongst the parties to such union, and free trade between the colonies and state in respect of all South African products,” was arranged. In the same year, too, the Cape parliamentary election occurred, and the result was the return to power of a Bond ministry under Mr W.P. Schreiner. From this time, until June 1900, Mr Schreiner remained in office as head of the Cape government. During the negotiations (seeTransvaal) which preceded the war in 1899, feeling at the Cape ran very high, and Mr Schreiner’s attitude was very freely discussed. As head of a party, dependent for its position in power on the Bond’s support, his position was undoubtedly a trying one. At the same time, as prime minister of a British colony, it was strongly felt by loyal colonists that he should at least have refrained from openly interfering between the Transvaal and the imperial government during the course of most difficult negotiations. His public expressions of opinion were hostile in tone to the policy pursued by Mr Chamberlain and Sir Alfred Milner. The effect of them, it was believed, might conceivably be to encourage President Kruger in persisting in his rejection of the British terms. Mr Schreiner, it is true, used directly what influence he possessed to induce President Kruger to adopt a reasonable course. But however excellent his intentions, his publicly expressed disapproval of the Chamberlain-Milner policy probably did more harm than his private influence with Mr Kruger could possibly do good. On the 11th of June 1899, shortly after the Bloemfontein conference, from which Sir Alfred Milner had just returned, Mr Schreiner asked the highcommissioner to inform Mr Chamberlain that he and his colleagues agreed in regarding President Kruger’s Bloemfontein proposals as “practical, reasonable and a considerable step in the right direction.” Early in June, however, the Cape Dutch politicians began to realize that President Kruger’s attitude was not so reasonable as they had endeavoured to persuade themselves, and Mr Hofmeyr, accompanied by Mr Herholdt, the Cape minister of agriculture, visited Pretoria. On arrival, they found that the Transvaal Volksraad, in a spirit of defiance and even levity, had just passed a resolution offering four new seats in the Volksraad to the mining districts, and fifteen to exclusively burgher districts. Mr Hofmeyr, on meeting the executive, freely expressed indignation at these proceedings. Unfortunately, Mr Hofmeyr’s influence was more than counterbalanced by an emissary from the Free State, Mr Abraham Fischer, who, while purporting to be a peacemaker, practically encouraged the Boer executive to take extreme measures. Mr Hofmeyr’s established reputation as an astute diplomatist, and as the trusted leader for years of the Cape Dutch party, made him as powerful a delegate as it was possible to find. If any emissary could accomplish anything in the way of persuading Mr Kruger, it was assuredly Mr Hofmeyr. Much was looked for from his mission by moderate men of all parties, and by none more so, it is fair to believe, than by Mr Schreiner. But Mr Hofmeyr’s mission, like every other mission to Mr Kruger to induce him to take a reasonable and equitable course, proved entirely fruitless. He returned to Cape Town disappointed, but probably not altogether surprised at the failure of his mission. Meanwhile a new proposal was drafted by the Boer executive, which, before it was received in its entirety, or at least before it was clearly understood, elicited from Mr Schreiner a letter on the 7th of July to theSouth African News, in which, referring to his government, he said:—
“While anxious and continually active with good hope in the cause of securing reasonable modifications of the existing representative system of the South African Republic, this government is convinced that no ground whatever exists for active interference in the internal affairs of that republic.”
“While anxious and continually active with good hope in the cause of securing reasonable modifications of the existing representative system of the South African Republic, this government is convinced that no ground whatever exists for active interference in the internal affairs of that republic.”
This letter was precipitate and unfortunate. On the 11th of July, after seeing Mr Hofmeyr on his return, Mr Schreiner made a personal appeal to President Kruger to approach the imperial government in a friendly spirit. At this time an incident occurred which raised the feeling against Mr Schreiner to a very high pitch. On the 7th of July 500 rifles and 1,000,000 rounds of ammunition were landed at Port Elizabeth, consigned to the Free State government, and forwarded to Bloemfontein. Mr Schreiner’s attention was called to this consignment at the time, but he refused to stop it, alleging as his reason that, inasmuch as Great Britain was at peace with the Free State, he had no right to interdict the passage of arms through the Cape Colony. The British colonist is as capable of a grim jest as the Transvaal Boer, and this action of Mr Schreiner’s won for him the nickname “Ammunition Bill.” At a later date he was accused of delay in forwarding artillery and rifles for the defence of Kimberley, Mafeking and other towns of the colony. The reason he gave for delay was that he did not anticipate war; and that he did not wish to excite unwarrantable suspicions in the minds of the Free State. His conduct in both instances was perhaps technically correct, but it was much resented by loyal colonists.
On the 28th of July Mr Chamberlain sent a conciliatory despatch to President Kruger, suggesting a meeting of delegates to consider and report on his last franchise proposals, which were complex to a degree. Mr Schreiner, on the 3rd of August, telegraphed to Mr Fischer begging the Transvaal to welcome Mr Chamberlain’s proposal. At a later date, on receiving an inquiry from the Free State as to the movements of British troops, Mr Schreiner curtly refused any information, and referred the Free State to the high commissioner. On the 28th of August Sir Gordon Sprigg in the House of Assembly moved the adjournment of the debate, to discuss the removal of arms to the Free State. Mr Schreiner, in reply, used expressions which called down upon him the severest censure and indignation, both in the colony and in Great Britain. He stated that, should the storm burst, he would keep the colony aloof with regard both to its forces and its people. In the course of the speech he also read a telegram from President Steyn, in which the president repudiated all contemplated aggressive action on the part of the Free State as absurd. The speech created a great sensation in the British press. It was probably forgotten at the time (though Lord Kimberley afterwards publicly stated it) that one of the chief reasons why the Gladstone government had granted the retrocession of the Transvaal after Majuba, was the fear that the Cape Colonial Dutch would join their kinsmen if the war continued. What was a danger in 1881, Mr Schreiner knew to be a still greater danger in 1899. At the same time it is quite obvious, from a review of Mr Schreiner’s conduct through the latter half of 1899, that he took an entirely mistaken view of the Transvaal situation. He evinced, as premier of the Cape Colony, the same inability to understand the Uitlanders’ grievances, the same futile belief in the eventual fairness of President Kruger, as he had shown when giving evidence before the British South Africa Select Committee into the causes of the Jameson Raid. Actual experience taught him that President Kruger was beyond an appeal to reason, and that the protestations of President Steyn were insincere. War had no sooner commenced with the ultimatum of the Transvaal Republic on the 9th of October 1899, than Mr Schreiner found himself called upon to deal with the conduct of Cape rebels. The rebels joined the invading forces of President Steyn, whose false assurances Mr Schreiner had offered to an indignant House of Assembly only a few weeks before. The war on the part of the Republics was evidently not to be merely one of self-defence. It was one of aggression and aggrandisement. Mr Schreiner ultimately addressed, as prime minister, a sharp remonstrance to President Steyn for allowing his burghers to invade the colony. He also co-operated with Sir Alfred Milner, and used his influence to restrain the Bond.
The War of 1899-1902.7—The first shot actually fired in the war was at Kraipan, a small railway station within the colony, 40 m. south of Mafeking, a train being derailed, and ammunition intended for Colonel Baden-Powell seized. The effect of this was entirely to cut off Mafeking, the northernmost town in Cape Colony, and it remained in a state of siege for over seven months. On the 16th of October Kimberley was also isolated. Proclamations by the Transvaal and Free State annexing portions of Cape Colony were actually issued on the 18th of October, and included British Bechuanaland and Griqualand West, with the diamond fields. On the 28th of October Mr Schreiner signed a proclamation issued by Sir Alfred Milner as high commissioner, declaring the Boer annexations of territory within Cape Colony to be null and void.
Then came the British reverses at Magersfontein (on the 11th of December) and Stormberg (on the 10th of December). The effect of these engagements at the very outset of the war, occurring as they did within Cape Colony, was to offer every inducement to a number of the frontier colonial Boers to join their kinsmen of the republics. The Boers were prolific, and their families large. Many younger sons from the colony, with nothing to lose, left their homes with horse and rifle to join the republican forces.
Meanwhile the loyal Cape colonists were chafing at the tardy manner in which they were enrolled by the imperial authorities. It was not until after the arrival of Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener at Cape Town on the 10th of January 1900 that these invaluable, and many of them experienced, men were freely invited to come forward. So strongly did Lord Roberts feel on the subject, that he at once made Colonel Brabant, a well-known and respected colonial veteran and member of the House of Assembly, a brigadier-general, and started recruiting loyal colonists in earnest. On the 15th of February Kimberley was relieved by General French, and the Boer general, Cronje, evacuated Magersfontein, and retreated towards Bloemfontein. Cecil Rhodes was shut up in Kimberley during the whole of the siege, and his presence there undoubtedly offered an additionalincentive to the Boers to endeavour to capture the town, but his unique position and influence with the De Beers workmen enabled him to render yeoman service, and infused enthusiasm and courage into the inhabitants. The manufacture of a big gun, which was able to compete with the Boer “Long Tom,” at the De Beers workshops, under Rhodes’s orders, and by the ingenuity of an American, Mr. Labram, who was killed a few days after its completion, forms one of the most striking incidents of the period.
With the relief of Mafeking on the 17th of May, the Cape rebellion ended, and the colony was, at least for a time, delivered of the presence of hostile forces.
On the 20th of March Mr (afterwards Sir James) Rose-Innes, a prominent member of the House of Assembly, who for several years had held aloof from either party, and who also had defended Mr Schreiner’s action with regard to the passage of arms to the Free State, addressed his constituents at Claremont in support of the annexation of both republics; and in the course of an eloquent speech he stated that in Canada, in spite of rebellions, loyalty had been secured from the French Canadians by free institutions. In South Africa they might hope that a similar policy would attain a similar result with the Boers. In June, Mr Schreiner, whose recent support of Sir Alfred Milner had incensed many of his Bond followers, resigned in consequence of the refusal of some of his colleagues to support the disfranchisement bill which he was prepared, in accordance with the views of the home government, to introduce for the punishment of Cape rebels. The bill certainly did not err on the side of severity, but disfranchisement for their supporters in large numbers was more distasteful to the Bond extremists than any stringency towards individuals. Sir Gordon Sprigg, who after a political crisis of considerable delicacy, succeeded Mr Schreiner and for the fourth time became prime minister, was able to pass the Bill with the co-operation of Mr Schreiner and his section. Towards the end of the year 1900 the war entered on a new phase, and took the form of guerilla skirmishes with scattered forces of marauding Boers. In December some of these bands entered the Cape Colony and endeavoured to induce colonial Boers to join them. In this endeavour they met at first with little or no success; but as the year 1901 progressed and the Boers still managed to keep the various districts in a ferment, it was deemed necessary by the authorities to proclaim martial law over the whole colony, and this was done on the 9th of October 1901.
On the 4th of January 1901 Sir Alfred Milner was gazetted governor of the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, being shortly afterwards created a peer as Lord Milner, and Sir Walter Hely-Hutchinson, governor of Natal, was appointed his successor as governor of the Cape Colony. The office of high commissioner in South Africa was now separated from the governorship of the Cape and associated with that of the Transvaal—an indication of the changed conditions in South Africa. The division of the colonists into those who favoured the Boer states and those firmly attached to the British connexion was reflected, to the detriment of the public weal, in the parties in the Cape parliament. Proposals were made to suspend the constitution, but this drastic course was not adopted. The Progressive party, the name taken by those who sought a permanent settlement under the British flag, lost their leader, and South Africa its foremost statesman by the death, in May 1902, of Cecil Rhodes, a few weeks before the end of the war.
After the War.—The acknowledgment of defeat by the Boers in the field, and the surrender of some 10,000 rebels, did not weaken the endeavours of the Dutch to obtain political supremacy in the colony. Moreover, in the autumn of 1902 Sir Gordon Sprigg, the prime minister, nominally the leader of the Progressives, sought to maintain his position by securing the support of the Bond party in parliament. In the early part of 1903 Mr Chamberlain included Cape Town in his visit to South Africa, and had conferences with the political leaders of all parties. Reconciliation between the Bond and British elements in the colony was, however, still impossible, and the two parties concentrated their efforts in a struggle for victory at the coming election. Mr Hofmeyr, who had chosen to spend the greater part of the war period in Europe, returned to the Cape to reorganize the Bond. On the other side Dr Jameson came forward as the leader of the Progressives. Parliament was dissolved in September 1903. It had passed, since the war, two measures of importance—one (1902) restricting alien immigration, the other (1903) ratifying the first customs convention between all the South African colonies. This convention was notable for its grant of preferential treatment (in general, a rebate of 25% on the customs already levied) to imports from the United Kingdom.
The election turned on the issue of British or Bond supremacy. It was fought on a register purged of the rebel voters, many of whom, besides being disfranchised, were in prison. The issue was doubtful, and each side sought to secure the support of the native voters, who in several constituencies held the balance of power. The Bondsmen were more lavish than their opponents in their promises to the natives and even invited a Kaffir journalist (who declined) to stand for a seat in the Assembly. In view of the agitation then proceeding for the introduction of Chinese coolies to work the mines on the Rand, the Progressives declared their intention, if returned, to exclude them from the colony, and this declaration gained them some native votes. The polling (in January and February 1904) resulted in a Progressive majority of five in a house of 95 members. The rejected candidates included prominent Bond supporters like Mr Merriman and Mr Sauer, and also Sir Gordon Sprigg and Mr A. Douglass, another member of the cabinet. Mr W.P. Schreiner, the ex-premier, who stood as an Independent, was also rejected.
The Jameson Ministry.—On the 18th of February Sir Gordon Sprigg resigned and was succeeded by Dr L.S. Jameson, who formed a ministry wholly British in character. The first task of the new government was to introduce (on the 4th of March) an Additional Representation Bill, to rectify—in part—the disparity in electoral power of the rural and urban districts. Twelve new seats in the House of Assembly were divided among the larger towns, and three members were added to the legislative council. The town voter being mainly British, the bill met with the bitter opposition of the Bond members, who declared that its object was the extinction of their parliamentary power. In fact, the bill was called for by the glaring anomalies in the distribution of seats by which a minority of voters in the country districts returned a majority of members, and it left the towns still inadequately represented. The bill was supported by two or three Dutch members, who were the object of violent attack by the Bondsmen. It became law, and the elections for the additional seats were held in July, after the close of the session. They resulted in strengthening the Progressive majority both in the House of Assembly and in the legislative council—where the Progressives previously had a majority of one only.
At the outset of its career the Jameson ministry had to face a serious financial situation. During the war the supplying of the army in the field had caused an artificial inflation of trade, and the Sprigg ministry had pursued a policy of extravagant expenditure not warranted by the finances of the colony. The slow recovery of the gold-mining and other industries in the Transvaal after the war was reflected in a great decline in trade in Cape Colony during the last half of 1903, the distress being aggravated by severe drought. When Dr Jameson assumed office he found an empty treasury, and considerable temporary loans had to be raised. Throughout 1904, moreover, revenue continued to shrink—compared with 1903 receipts dropped from £11,701,000 to £9,913,000. The government, besides cutting down official salaries and exercising strict economy, contracted (July 1904) a loan for £3,000,000. It also passed a bill imposing a graduated tax (6d. to 1s. in the £) on all incomes over £1000. A substantial excise duty was placed on spirits and beer, measures of relief for the brandy-farmers being taken at the same time. The result was that while there was a deficit on the budget of 1904-1905 of £731,000, the budget of 1905-1906 showed a surplus of £5161. This small surplus was obtained notwithstanding a further shrinkage in revenue.
Dr Jameson’s programme was largely one of material development. In the words of the speech opening the 1905 session of parliament, “without a considerable development of our agricultural and pastoral resources our position as a self-sustaining colony cannot be assured.” This reliance on its own resources was the more necessary for the Cape because of the keen rivalry of Natal and Delagoa Bay for the carrying trade of the Transvaal. The opening up of backward districts by railways was vigorously pursued, and in other ways great efforts were made to assist agriculture. These efforts to help the country districts met with cordial recognition from the Dutch farmers, and the release, in May 1904, of all rebel prisoners was another step towards reconciliation. On the exclusion of Chinese from the colony the Bond party were also in agreement with the ministry. An education act passed in 1905 established school boards on a popular franchise and provided for the gradual introduction of compulsory education. The cultivation of friendly relations with the neighbouring colonies was also one of the leading objects of Dr Jameson’s policy. The Bond, on its side, sought to draw closer to Het Volk, the Boer organization in the Transvaal, and similar bodies, and at its 1906 congress, held in March that year at Ceres, a resolution with that aim was passed, the design being to unify, in accordance with the original conception of the Bond, Dutch sentiment and action throughout South Africa.
Native affairs proved a source of considerable anxiety. In January 1905 an inter-colonial native affairs commission reported on the native question as it affected South Africa as a whole, proposals being made for an alteration of the laws in Cape Colony respecting the franchise exercised by natives. In the opinion of the commission the possession of the franchise by the Cape natives under existing conditions was sure to create in time an intolerable situation, and was an unwise and dangerous thing. (The registration of 1905 showed that there were over 23,000 coloured voters in the colony.) The commission proposed separate voting by natives only for a fixed number of members of the legislature—the plan adopted in New Zealand with the Maori voters. The privileged position of the Cape native was seen to be an obstacle to the federation of South Africa. The discussion which followed, based partly on the reports that the ministry contemplated disfranchising the natives, led, however, to no immediate results.
Another disturbing factor in connexion with native affairs was the revolt of the Hottentots and Hereros in German South-West Africa (q.v.). In 1904 and the following years large numbers of refugees, including some of the most important chiefs, fled into British territory, and charges were made in Germany that sufficient control over these refugees was not exercised by the Cape government. This trouble, however, came to an end in September 1907. In that month Morenga, a chief who had been interned by the colonial authorities, but had escaped and recommenced hostilities against the Germans, was once more on the British side of the frontier and, refusing to surrender, was pursued by the Cape Mounted Police and killed after a smart action. The revolt in the German protectorate had been, nearly a year before the death of Morenga, the indirect occasion of a “Boer raid” into Cape Colony. In November 1906 a small party of Transvaal Boers, who had been employed by the Germans against the Hottentots, entered the colony under the leadership of a man named Ferreira, and began raiding farms and forcibly enrolling recruits. Within a week the filibusters were all captured. Ferreira and four companions were tried for murder and convicted, February 1907, the death sentences being commuted to terms of penal servitude.
As the result of an inter-colonial conference held in Pietermaritzburg in the early months of 1906, a new customs convention of a strongly protective character came into force on the 1st of June of that year. At the same time the rebate on goods from Great Britain and reciprocating colonies was increased. The session of parliament which sanctioned this change was notable for the attention devoted to irrigation and railway schemes. But one important measure of a political character was passed in 1906, namely an amnesty act. Under its provisions over 7000 ex-rebels, who would otherwise have had no vote at the ensuing general election, were readmitted to the franchise in 1907.
While the efforts made to develop the agricultural and mineral resources of the country proved successful, the towns continued to suffer from the inflation—over-buying, over-building and over-speculation—which marked the war period. As a consequence, imports further declined during 1906-1907, and receipts being largely dependent on customs the result was a considerably diminished revenue. The accounts for the year ending 30th of June 1907 showed a deficit of £640,455. The decline in revenue, £4,000,000 in four years, while not a true reflection of the economic condition of the country—yearly becoming more self-supporting by the increase in home produce—caused general disquietude and injuriously affected the position of the ministry. In the session of 1907 the Opposition in the legislative council brought on a crisis by refusing to grant supplies voted by the lower chamber. Dr Jameson contested the constitutional right of the council so to act, and on his advice the governor dissolved parliament in September. Before its dissolution parliament passed an act imposing a profit tax of 10% on diamond- and copper-mining companies earning over £50,000 per annum, and another act establishing an agricultural credit bank.
Mr Merriman, Premier.—The elections for the legislative council were held in January 1908 and resulted in a Bond victory. Its supporters, who called themselves the South African party, the Progressives being renamed Unionists, obtained 17 seats out of a total of 26. Dr Jameson thereupon resigned (31st of January), and a ministry was formed with Mr J.X. Merriman as premier and treasurer, and Mr J.W. Sauer as minister of public works. Neither of these politicians was a member of the Bond, and both had held office under Cecil Rhodes and W.P. Schreiner. They had, however, been the leading parliamentary exponents of Bond policy for a considerable time. The elections for the legislative assembly followed in April and, partly in consequence of the reinfranchisement of the ex-rebels, resulted in a decisive majority for the Merriman ministry. There were returned 69 members of the South African party, 33 Unionists and 5 Independents, among them the ex-premiers Sir Gordon Sprigg and Mr Schreiner. The change of ministry was not accompanied by any relief in the financial situation. While the country districts remained fairly prosperous (agricultural and pastoral products increasing), the transit trade and the urban industries continued to decline. The depression was accentuated by the financial crisis in America, which affected adversely the wool trade, and in a more marked degree the diamond trade, leading to the partial stoppage of the Kimberley mines. (The “slump” in the diamond trade is shown by a comparison of the value of diamonds exported from the Cape in the years 1907 and 1908; in 1907 they were valued at £8,973,148, in 1908 at £4,796,655.) This seriously diminished the revenue returns, and the public accounts for the year 1907-1908 showed a deficit of £996,000, and a prospective deficit for the ensuing year of an almost equal amount. To balance the budget, Mr Merriman proposed drastic remedies, including the suspension of the sinking fund, the reduction of salaries of all civil servants, and taxes on incomes of £50 per annum. Partly in consequence of the serious economic situation the renewed movement for the closer union of the various South African colonies, formally initiated by Dr Jameson in 1907, received the support of the Cape parliament. During 1907-1908 a national convention decided upon unification, and in 1910 the Union of South Africa was established (seeSouth Africa:History).
Leading Personalities.—The public life of Cape Colony has produced many men of singular ability and accomplishments. The careers of Cecil Rhodes, of Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr, and of Dr L.S. Jameson have been sufficiently indicated (see also their separate biographies). Sir Gordon Sprigg, four times premier, was associated with the Cape parliament from 1873 to 1904, and was once more elected to that assembly in 1908. In and out of office his zeal was unflagging, and if he lacked thosequalities which inspire enthusiasm and are requisite in a great leader, he was at least a model of industry. Among other prominent politicians were Sir James Rose-Innes, Mr J.X. Merriman and Mr W.P. Schreiner. The two last named both held the premiership; their attitude and views have been indicated in the historical sketch. Sir James Rose-Innes, a lawyer whose intellectual gifts and patriotism have never been impugned, was not a “party man,” and this made him, on more than one occasion, a somewhat difficult political ally. On the native question he held a consistently strong attitude, defending their rights, and uncompromisingly opposing the native liquor traffic. In 1901 he went to the Transvaal as chief justice of that colony. Sir Thomas Fuller, a Cape Town representative, though he remained outside office, gave staunch support to every enlightened liberal and progressive measure which was brought forward. A man of exceptional culture and eloquence, he made his influence felt, not only in politics, but in journalism and the best social life of the Cape peninsula. From 1902 to 1908 he held the office of agent-general of the colony in London.
In literature, the colony has produced at least two authors whose works have taken their place among those of the best English writers of their day. TheHistory of South Africa, by Mr G. McCall Theal, will remain a classic work of reference. The careful industry and the lucidity which characterize Mr Theal’s work stamp him as a historian of whom South Africa may well be proud. In fiction, Olive Schreiner (Mrs Cronwright-Schreiner) produced, while still in her teens, theStory of an African Farm, a work which gave great promise of original literary genius. Unfortunately, she, in common with the rest of South Africa, was subsequently swept into the seething vortex of contemporary politics and controversy. In music and painting there have been artists of talent in the Cape Colony, but the country is still too young, and the conditions of life too disturbed, to allow such a development as has already occurred in Australia.
Governors at the Cape Since Introduction of Responsible Government
Prime Ministers.
(A. P. H.; F. R. C.)
Bibliography.—The majority of the books concerning Cape Colony deal also with South Africa as a whole (seeSouth Africa:Bibliography). The following list gives books specially relating to the Cape. For ethnography see the works mentioned underBushmen,Hottentots,KaffirsandBechuana.(a) Descriptive accounts, geography, commerce and economics:—The best early accounts of the colony are found in de la Caille’sJournal historique du voyage fait au Cap de Bonne Espérance(Paris, 1763), theNouvelle Description du Cap de Bonne Espérance(Amsterdam, 1778); F. le Vaillant’sVoyage dans l’intérieur de l’Afrique(Paris, 1790), andSecond Voyage(Paris,anIII. [1794-1795]); C.P. Thunberg’s “Account of the Cape of Good Hope” in vol. xvi. of Pinkerton’sTravels(London, 1814); A. Sparman’sVoyage to the Cape of Good Hope ... 1772-1776(translated into English from the Swedish, London, 1785)—an excellent work; and W. Paterson’sA Narrative of Four Journeys ... 1777-1779(London, 1789). P. Kolbe or Kolben’sPresent State of the Cape of Good Hope(English translation from the German, London, 1731) is less trustworthy. Sir J. Barrow’sAccount of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in 1797-1798(2 vols., London, 1801-1804); H. Lichtenstein’sTravels in Southern Africa in 1803-1806(translated from the German, 2 vols., London, 1812-1815), and W.J. Burchell’sTravels in the Interior of Southern Africa(2 vols., London, 1822-1824) are standard works. Burchell’s book contains the best map of the Cape published up to that time. W.P. Greswell’sGeography of Africa south of the Zambesi(Oxford, 1892) deals specially with Cape Colony; theIllustrated Official Handbook of the Cape and South Africa(Cape Town, 1893) includes chapters on the zoology, flora, productions and resources of the colony. A.R.E. Burton,Cape Colony To-day(Cape Town, 1907), a useful guide to the country and its resources. AStatistical Registeris issued yearly by the Cape government. TheCensus of the Colony, 1904: General Report(Cape Town, 1905) and previous census reports contain much valuable matter.(b) Special subjects:—For detailed information on special subjects consultThe Natives of South Africa(London, 1901); R. Wallace,Farming Industries of Cape Colony(London, 1896); A.R.E. Burton,Cape Colony for the Settler(London, 1903);The Agricultural Journal of the Cape of Good Hope; Gardner F. Williams,The Diamond Mines of South Africa, revised ed. (New York, 1905), an authoritative work by a former manager of the De Beers mine; A.W. Rogers,An Introduction to the Geology of Cape Colony(London, 1905) and “The Campbell Rand and Griquatown Series in Hay,”Trans. Geol. Soc S. Africa, vol. ix. (1906);Reports, Geological Commission of the Cape of Good Hope (1896 et seq.);Science in South Africa(Cape Town, 1905); H.A. Bryden,Kloof and Karoo; sport, legend and natural history in Cape Colony (London, 1889);South African Education Yearbook(Cape Colony edition, Cape Town, 1906 et seq.). For books dealing with Roman-Dutch law, seeSouth Africa.(c) History:—H.C.V. Leibbrandt,Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope(15 vols., vols. v.-vii. contain van Riebeek’sJournal, Cape Town, 1896—1902);The Rebellion of 1815, generally known as Slachter’s Nek(Cape Town, 1902); G.M. Theal,Chronicles of Cape Commanders ... 1651-1691... (Cape Town, 1882), andRecords of the Cape Colony from February 1793 to April 1831, from MS. in the Record Office, London (36 vols., Cape Town, 1897-1905);History of South Africa under the Administration of the Dutch East India Company, 1652 to 1795(2 vols., London, 1897);History of South Africa from 1795 to 1834(London, 1891); E.B. Watermeyer,Three Lectures on the Cape ... under the ... Dutch East India Company(Cape Town, 1857); A. Wilmot and J.C. Chase,History of the ... Cape ... from its Discovery to ... 1868(Cape Town, 1869); Lady Anne Barnard,South Africa a Hundred Years Ago: Letters-written from the Cape, 1797-1801(London, 1901), a vivid picture of social life, &c.; Mrs A.F. Trotter,Old Cape Colony ... Her Men and Houses from 1652 to 1806(London, 1903); C.T. Campbell,British South Africa, 1795-1825(London, 1897), the story of the British settlers of 1820. Consult also J. Martineau’sLife of Sir Bartle Frere; theAutobiographyof Sir Harry Smith; P.A. Molteno’sLife and Times of Sir John Charles Molteno(first premier of Cape Colony) (2 vols., London, 1900); A. Wilmot’sLife of Sir Richard Southey(London, 1904), and G.C. Henderson’sSir George Grey(London, 1907). B. Worsfold’sLord Milner’s Work in South Africa, 1897-1902(London, 1906), is largely concerned with Cape politics. For Blue-books, &c., relating to the colony published by the British parliament, see theColonial Office List(London, yearly)
Bibliography.—The majority of the books concerning Cape Colony deal also with South Africa as a whole (seeSouth Africa:Bibliography). The following list gives books specially relating to the Cape. For ethnography see the works mentioned underBushmen,Hottentots,KaffirsandBechuana.
(a) Descriptive accounts, geography, commerce and economics:—The best early accounts of the colony are found in de la Caille’sJournal historique du voyage fait au Cap de Bonne Espérance(Paris, 1763), theNouvelle Description du Cap de Bonne Espérance(Amsterdam, 1778); F. le Vaillant’sVoyage dans l’intérieur de l’Afrique(Paris, 1790), andSecond Voyage(Paris,anIII. [1794-1795]); C.P. Thunberg’s “Account of the Cape of Good Hope” in vol. xvi. of Pinkerton’sTravels(London, 1814); A. Sparman’sVoyage to the Cape of Good Hope ... 1772-1776(translated into English from the Swedish, London, 1785)—an excellent work; and W. Paterson’sA Narrative of Four Journeys ... 1777-1779(London, 1789). P. Kolbe or Kolben’sPresent State of the Cape of Good Hope(English translation from the German, London, 1731) is less trustworthy. Sir J. Barrow’sAccount of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in 1797-1798(2 vols., London, 1801-1804); H. Lichtenstein’sTravels in Southern Africa in 1803-1806(translated from the German, 2 vols., London, 1812-1815), and W.J. Burchell’sTravels in the Interior of Southern Africa(2 vols., London, 1822-1824) are standard works. Burchell’s book contains the best map of the Cape published up to that time. W.P. Greswell’sGeography of Africa south of the Zambesi(Oxford, 1892) deals specially with Cape Colony; theIllustrated Official Handbook of the Cape and South Africa(Cape Town, 1893) includes chapters on the zoology, flora, productions and resources of the colony. A.R.E. Burton,Cape Colony To-day(Cape Town, 1907), a useful guide to the country and its resources. AStatistical Registeris issued yearly by the Cape government. TheCensus of the Colony, 1904: General Report(Cape Town, 1905) and previous census reports contain much valuable matter.
(b) Special subjects:—For detailed information on special subjects consultThe Natives of South Africa(London, 1901); R. Wallace,Farming Industries of Cape Colony(London, 1896); A.R.E. Burton,Cape Colony for the Settler(London, 1903);The Agricultural Journal of the Cape of Good Hope; Gardner F. Williams,The Diamond Mines of South Africa, revised ed. (New York, 1905), an authoritative work by a former manager of the De Beers mine; A.W. Rogers,An Introduction to the Geology of Cape Colony(London, 1905) and “The Campbell Rand and Griquatown Series in Hay,”Trans. Geol. Soc S. Africa, vol. ix. (1906);Reports, Geological Commission of the Cape of Good Hope (1896 et seq.);Science in South Africa(Cape Town, 1905); H.A. Bryden,Kloof and Karoo; sport, legend and natural history in Cape Colony (London, 1889);South African Education Yearbook(Cape Colony edition, Cape Town, 1906 et seq.). For books dealing with Roman-Dutch law, seeSouth Africa.
(c) History:—H.C.V. Leibbrandt,Précis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope(15 vols., vols. v.-vii. contain van Riebeek’sJournal, Cape Town, 1896—1902);The Rebellion of 1815, generally known as Slachter’s Nek(Cape Town, 1902); G.M. Theal,Chronicles of Cape Commanders ... 1651-1691... (Cape Town, 1882), andRecords of the Cape Colony from February 1793 to April 1831, from MS. in the Record Office, London (36 vols., Cape Town, 1897-1905);History of South Africa under the Administration of the Dutch East India Company, 1652 to 1795(2 vols., London, 1897);History of South Africa from 1795 to 1834(London, 1891); E.B. Watermeyer,Three Lectures on the Cape ... under the ... Dutch East India Company(Cape Town, 1857); A. Wilmot and J.C. Chase,History of the ... Cape ... from its Discovery to ... 1868(Cape Town, 1869); Lady Anne Barnard,South Africa a Hundred Years Ago: Letters-written from the Cape, 1797-1801(London, 1901), a vivid picture of social life, &c.; Mrs A.F. Trotter,Old Cape Colony ... Her Men and Houses from 1652 to 1806(London, 1903); C.T. Campbell,British South Africa, 1795-1825(London, 1897), the story of the British settlers of 1820. Consult also J. Martineau’sLife of Sir Bartle Frere; theAutobiographyof Sir Harry Smith; P.A. Molteno’sLife and Times of Sir John Charles Molteno(first premier of Cape Colony) (2 vols., London, 1900); A. Wilmot’sLife of Sir Richard Southey(London, 1904), and G.C. Henderson’sSir George Grey(London, 1907). B. Worsfold’sLord Milner’s Work in South Africa, 1897-1902(London, 1906), is largely concerned with Cape politics. For Blue-books, &c., relating to the colony published by the British parliament, see theColonial Office List(London, yearly)
(F. R. C.)
1The distances given after the names of rivers indicate the length of the river valleys, including those of the main upper branch. In nearly all instances the rivers, owing to their sinuous course, are much longer.2This is an overstatement. The director of the census estimated the true number of Hottentots at about 56,000.3It is stated that Colonel R.J. Gordon (the explorer of the Orange river), who commanded the Dutch forces at the Cape, chagrined by the occupation of the country by the British, committed suicide.4From 1737 to 1744 George Schmidt, “The apostle to the Hottentots,” had a mission at Genadendal—“The Vale of Grace.”5Masters were allowed to keep their ex-slaves as “apprentices” until the 1st of December 1838.6The act enjoined that “every male native residing in the district, exclusive of natives in possession of lands under ordinary quit-rent titles, or in freehold, who, in the judgment of the resident magistrate, is fit for and capable of labour, shall pay to the public revenue a tax of ten shillings per annum unless he can show to the satisfaction of the magistrate that he has been in service beyond the borders of the district for at least three months out of the previous twelve, when he will be exempt from the tax for that year, or unless he can show that he has been employed for a total period of three years, when he will be exempt altogether.”7See alsoTransvaal.
1The distances given after the names of rivers indicate the length of the river valleys, including those of the main upper branch. In nearly all instances the rivers, owing to their sinuous course, are much longer.
2This is an overstatement. The director of the census estimated the true number of Hottentots at about 56,000.
3It is stated that Colonel R.J. Gordon (the explorer of the Orange river), who commanded the Dutch forces at the Cape, chagrined by the occupation of the country by the British, committed suicide.
4From 1737 to 1744 George Schmidt, “The apostle to the Hottentots,” had a mission at Genadendal—“The Vale of Grace.”
5Masters were allowed to keep their ex-slaves as “apprentices” until the 1st of December 1838.
6The act enjoined that “every male native residing in the district, exclusive of natives in possession of lands under ordinary quit-rent titles, or in freehold, who, in the judgment of the resident magistrate, is fit for and capable of labour, shall pay to the public revenue a tax of ten shillings per annum unless he can show to the satisfaction of the magistrate that he has been in service beyond the borders of the district for at least three months out of the previous twelve, when he will be exempt from the tax for that year, or unless he can show that he has been employed for a total period of three years, when he will be exempt altogether.”
7See alsoTransvaal.