Chapter 11

JUBBULPORE,orJabalpur, a city, district, and division of British India in the Central Provinces. The city is 616 m. N.E. of Bombay by rail, and 220 m. S.W. of Allahabad. Pop. (1901), 90,316. The numerous gorges in the neighbouring rocks have been taken advantage of to surround the city with a series of lakes, which, shaded by fine trees and bordered by fantastic crags, add much beauty to the suburbs. The city itself is modern, and is laid out in wide and regular streets. A streamlet separates the civil station and cantonment from the native quarter; but, though the climate is mild, a swampy hollow beneath renders the site unhealthy for Europeans. Formerly the capital of the Saugor and Nerbudda territories, Jubbulpore is now the headquarters of a brigade in the 5th division of the southern army. It is also one of the most important railway centres in India, being the junction of the Great Indian Peninsula and the East Indian systems. It has a steam cotton-mill. The government college educates for the science course of the Allahabad University, and also contains law and engineering classes; there are three aided high schools, a law class, an engineering class and normal schools for male and female teachers. A native association, established in 1869, supports an orphanage, with help from government. A zenana mission manages 13 schools for girls. Waterworks were constructed in 1882.

TheDistrict of Jubbulporelies on the watershed between the Nerbudda and the Son, but mostly within the valley of the former river, which here runs through the famous gorge known as the Marble rocks, and falls 30 ft. over a rocky ledge (theDhuan dhar, or “misty shoot”). Area, 3912 sq. m. It consists of a long narrow plain running north-east and south-west, and shut in on all sides by highlands. This plain, which forms an offshoot from the great valley of the Nerbudda, is covered in its western and southern portions by a rich alluvial deposit of black cotton-soil. At Jubbulpore city the soil is sandy, and water plentiful near the surface. The north and east belong to the Ganges and Jumna basins, the south and west to the Nerbudda basin. In 1901 the population was 680,585, showing a decrease of 9% since 1891, due to the results of famine. The principal crops are wheat, rice, pulse and oil-seeds. A good deal of iron-smelting with charcoal is carried on in the forests, manganese ore is found, and limestone is extensively quarried. The district is traversed by the main railway from Bombay to Calcutta, and by new branches of two other lines which meet at Katni junction. Jubbulpore suffered severely in the famine of 1896-1897, the distress being aggravated by immigration from the adjoining native states. Fortunately the famine of 1900 was less severely felt.

The early history of Jubbulpore is unknown; but inscriptions record the existence during the 11th and 12th centuries of a local line of princes of that Haihai race which is closely connected with the history of Gondwana. In the 16th century the Gond raja of Garha Mandla extended his power over fifty-two districts, including the present Jubbulpore. During the minority of his grandson, Asaf Khan, the viceroy of Kara Manikpur, conquered the Garha principality and held it at first as an independent chief. Eventually he submitted to the emperor Akbar. The Delhi power, however, enjoyed little more than a nominal supremacy; and the princes of Garha Mandla maintained a practical independence until their subjugation by the Mahratta governors of Saugor in 1781. In 1798 the peshwa granted the Nerbudda valley to the Bhonsla princes of Nagpur, who continued to hold the district until the British occupied it in 1818.

TheDivision of Jubbulporelies mainly among the Vindhyan and Satpura hill systems. It comprises the five following districts: Jubbulpore, Saugor, Damoh, Seoni and Mandla. Area, 18,950 sq. m.; pop. (1901), 2,081,499.

JUBÉ,the French architectural term (taken from the imperative of Lat.jubere, to order) for the chancel or choir screen, which in England is known as the rood-screen (seeRood). Above the screen was a gallery or loft, from which the words “Jube Domine benedicere” were spoken by the deacon before the reading of the Gospel, and hence probably the name. One of the finestjubésin France is that of the church of the Madeleine at Troyes, in rich flamboyant Gothic. A later example, of the Renaissance period,c.1600, is in the church of St Étienne du Mont, Paris. In the Low Countries there are many fine examples in marble, of which one of the most perfect from Bois-le-Duc is now in the Victoria and Albert Museum.

JUBILEE(orJubile),YEAR OF,in the Bible, the name applied in the Holiness section of the Priestly Code of the Hexateuch (Lev. xxv.) to the observance of every 50th year, determined by the lapse of seven seven-year periods as a year of perfect rest, when there was to be no sowing, nor even gathering of the natural products of the field and the vine. At the beginning of the jubilee-year the liberation of all Israelitish slaves and the restoration of ancestral possessions was to be proclaimed. As regards the meaning of the name “jubilee” (Heb.yōbēl) modern scholars are agreed that it signifies “ram” or “ram’s horn.” “Year of jubilee” would then mean the year that is inaugurated by the blowing of the ram’s horn (Lev. xxv. 9).

According to Lev. xxv. 8-12, at the completion of seven sabbaths of years (i.e.7 × 7 = 49 years) the trumpet of the jubilee is to be sounded “throughout the land” on the 10th day of the seventh month (Tisri 10), the great Day of Atonement. The 50th year thus announced is to be “hallowed,”i.e.liberty1is to be proclaimed everywhere to everyone, and the people are to return “every man unto his possession and unto his family.” As in the sabbatical year, there is to be no sowing, nor reaping that which grows of itself, nor gathering of grapes.

As regardsreal property(Lev. xxv. 13-34) the law is that if any Hebrew under pressure of necessity shall alienate his property he is to get for it a sum of money reckoned according to the number of harvests to be reaped between the date of alienation and the first jubilee-year: should he or any relation desire to redeem the property before the jubilee this can always be done be repaying the value of the harvests between the redemption and the jubilee.

This legal enactment, though it is not found (nor anything like it) in the earlier collections of laws, is evidently based on (or modified from) an ancient custom which conferred on a near kinsman the right of pre-emption as well as of buying back (cf. Jer. xxxii. 6 sqq.). The tendency to impose checks upon the alienation of landed property was exceptionally strong in Israel. The fundamental principle is that the land is a sacred possession belonging to Yahweh. As such it is not to be alienated from Yahweh’s people, to whom it was originally assigned. In Ezekiel’s restoration programme “crown lands presented by the ‘prince’ to any of his officials revert to the crown in the year of liberty (? jubilee year)”; only to his sons may any portion of his inheritance be alienated in perpetuity (Ezek. xlvi. 16-18; cf. Code of Hammurabi, § 38 seq.).

The same rule applies to dwelling-houses of unwalled villages; the case is different, however, as regards dwelling-houses in walled cities. These may be redeemed within a year after transfer, but if not redeemed within that period they continue permanently in possession of the purchaser, and this may well be an echo of ancient practice. An exception to this last rule is made for the houses of the Levites in the Levitical cities.

As regardsproperty in slaves(Lev. xxv. 35-55) the Hebrew whom necessity has compelled to sell himself into the service of his brother Hebrew is to be treated as a hired servant and sojourner, and to be released absolutely at the jubilee; non-Hebrew bondmen, on the other hand, are to be bondmen for ever. But the Hebrew who has sold himself to a stranger or sojourner is entitled to freedom at the year of jubilee, and further is at any time redeemable by any of his kindred—the redemption price being regulated by the number of years to run between the redemption and the jubilee, according to the ordinary wage of hired servants. Such were the enactments of the Priestly Code—which, of course, represents the latest legislation of the Pentateuch (post-exilic). These enactments, in order to be understood rightly, must be viewed in relation to the earliersimilar provisions in connexion with the sabbatical (seventh) year. “The foundations of Lev. xxv. are laid in the ancient provisions of the Book of the Covenant (Exod. xxi. 2 seq.; xxiii. 10 seq.) and in Deuteronomy (xv.). The Book of the Covenant enjoined that the land should lie fallow and Hebrew slaves be liberated in the seventh year; Deuteronomy required in addition the remission of debts” (Benzinger). Deuteronomy, it will be noticed, in accordance with its humanitarian tendency, not only liberates the slave but remits the debt. It is evident that these enactments proved impracticable in real life (cf. Jer. xxxiv. 8 seq.), and so it became necessary in the later legislation of P, represented in the present form of Lev. xxv., to relegate them to the 50th year, the year of jubilee. The latter, however, was a purely theoretic development of the Sabbath idea, which could never have been reduced to practice (its actual observance would have necessitated that for two consecutive years—the 49th and 50th—absolutely nothing could be reaped, while in the 51st only summer fruits could be obtained, sowing being prohibited in the 50th year). That in practice the enactments for the jubilee-year were disregarded is evidenced by the fact that, according to the unanimous testimony of the Talmudists and Rabbins, although the jubilee-years were “reckoned” they were not observed.

The conjecture of Kuenen, supported by Wellhausen, that originally Lev. xxv. 8 seq. had reference to the seventh year is a highly probable one. This may be the case also with Ezek. xlvi. 16-18 (cf. Jer. xxxiv. 14). A later Rabbinical device for evading the provisions of the law was theprosbul(ascribed to Hillel)—i.e.a condition made in the presence of the judge securing to the creditor the right of demanding repayment at any time, irrespective of the year of remission. Further enactments regarding the jubilee are found in Lev. xxvii. 17-25 and Num. xxxvi. 4.

(W. R. S.; G. H. Bo.)

1Heb.dĕrōr. The same word (durāru) is used in the Code of Hammurabi in the similar enactment that wife, son or daughter sold into slavery for debt are to be restored tolibertyin the fourth year (§ 117).

JUBILEES, BOOK OF,an apocryphal work of the Old Testament. The Book of Jubilees is the most advanced pre-Christian representative of the Midrashic tendency, which had already been at work in the Old Testament Chronicles. As the chronicler had rewritten the history of Israel and Judah from the standpoint of the Priests’ Code, so our author re-edited from the Pharisaic standpoint of his time the history of the world from the creation to the publication of the Law on Sinai. His work constitutes the oldest commentary in the world on Genesis and part of Exodus, an enlarged Targum on these books, in which difficulties in the biblical narration are solved, gaps supplied, dogmatically offensive elements removed and the genuine spirit of later Judaism infused into the primitive history of the world.

Titles of the Book.—The book is variously entitled. First, it is known asτὰ Ἰωβηλαῖα, οἱ Ἰωβηλαῖοι, Heb.היובלים. This name is admirably adapted to our book, as it divides into jubilee periods of forty-nine years each the history of the world from the creation to the legislation on Sinai. Secondly, it is frequently designated “The Little Genesis,”ἡ λεπτὴ Γένεσιςorἡ Μικρογένεσις, Heb.בראשית זוטה. This title may have arisen from its dealing more fully with details and minutiae than the biblical work. For the other names by which it is referred to, such asThe Apocalypse of Moses,The Testament of Moses,The Book of Adam’s Daughtersand theLife of Adam, the reader may consult Charles’sThe Book of Jubilees, pp. xvii.-xx.

Object.—The object of our author was the defence and exposition of Judaism from the Pharisaic standpoint of the 2nd centuryB.C.against the disintegrating effects of Hellenism. In his elaborate defence of Judaism our author glorifies circumcision and the sabbath, the bulwarks of Judaism, as heavenly ordinances, the sphere of which was so far extended as to embrace Israel on earth. The Law, as a whole, was to our author the realization in time of what was in a sense timeless and eternal. Though revealed in time it was superior to time. Before it had been made known in sundry portions to the fathers, it had been kept in heaven by the angels, and to its observance there was no limit in time or in eternity. Our author next defends Judaism by his glorification of Israel. Whereas the various nations of the Gentiles were subject to angels, Israel was subject to God alone. Israel was God’s son, and not only did the nation stand in this relation to God, but also its individual members. Israel received circumcision as a sign that they were the Lord’s, and this privilege of circumcision they enjoyed in common with the two highest orders of angels. Hence Israel was to unite with God and these two orders in the observance of the sabbath. Finally the destinies of the world were bound up with Israel. The world was renewed in the creation of the true man Jacob, and its final renewal was to synchronize with the setting-up of God’s sanctuary in Zion and the establishment of the Messianic kingdom. In this kingdom the Gentiles had neither part nor lot.

Versions: Greek, Syriac, Ethiopic and Latin.—Numerous fragments of the Greek Version have come down to us in Justin Martyr, Origen, Diodorus of Antioch, Isidore of Alexandria, Epiphanius, John of Malala, Syncellus and others. This version was the parent of the Ethiopic and Latin. The Ethiopic Version is most accurate and trustworthy, and indeed, as a rule, slavishly literal. It has naturally suffered from the corruptions incident to transmission through MSS. Thus dittographies are frequent and lacunae of occasional occurrence, but the version is singularly free from the glosses and corrections of unscrupulous scribes. The Latin Version, of which about one-fourth has been preserved, is where it exists of almost equal value with the Ethiopic. It has, however, suffered more at the hands of correctors. Notwithstanding, it attests a long array of passages in which it preserves the true text over against corruptions or omissions in the Ethiopic Version. Finally, as regards the Syriac Version, the evidence for its existence is not conclusive. It is based on the fact that a British Museum MS. contains a Syriac fragment entitled “Names of the wives of the Patriarchs according to the Hebrew Book of Jubilees.”The Ethiopic and Latin Versions: Translations from the Greek.—The Ethiopic Version is translated from the Greek, for Greek words such asδρῦς, βάλανος, λίψ, &c., are transliterated in the Greek. Secondly, many passages must be retranslated into Greek before we can discover the source of the various corruptions. And finally, proper names are transliterated as they appear in Greek and not in Hebrew. That the Latin is also a translation from the Greek is no less obvious. Thus in xxxix. 12timoris=δειλίας, corrupt forδουλείας; in xxxviii. 13honorem=τιμήν, butτιμήνshould here have been rendered bytributum, as the Ethiopic and the context require; in xxxii. 26,celavit=ἔκρυψε, corrupt forἔγραψε(so Ethiopic).The Greek a Translation from the Hebrew.—The early date of our book—the 2nd centuryB.C.—and its place of composition speak for a Semitic original, and the evidence bearing on this subject is conclusive. But the question at once arises, was the original Aramaic or Hebrew? Certain proper names in the Latin Version ending in -inseem to bespeak an Aramaic original, as Cettin, Filistin, &c. But since in all these cases the Ethiopic transliterations end in -mand not in -n, it is not improbable that the Aramaism in the Latin Version is due to the translator, who, it has been concluded on other grounds, was a Palestinian Jew.1The grounds, on the other hand, for a Hebrew original are weighty and numerous. (1) A work which claims to be from the hand of Moses would naturally be in Hebrew, for Hebrew according to our author was the sacred and national language. (2) The revival of the national spirit of a nation is universally, so far as we know, accompanied by a revival of the national language. (3) The text must be retranslated into Hebrew in order to explain unintelligible expressions and restore the true text. One instance will sufficiently illustrate this statement. In xliii. 11 a certain Ethiopic expression =ἐν ἐμοί, which is a mistranslation ofבי; forביin this context, as we know from the parallel passage in Gen. xliv. 18, which our text reproduces almost verbally, =δέομαι. We might observe here that our text attests the presence of dittographies already existing in the Hebrew text. (4) Hebraisms survive in the Ethiopic and Latin Versions. In the former nûḫa in iv. 4, is a corrupt transliteration ofנע. In the Latin eligere in te in xxii. 10 is a reproduction ofבהר בandin qua ... in ipsain xix. 8 =אשר ... בה. This idiom could, of course, be explained on the hypothesis of an Aramaic original. (5) Many paronomasiae discover themselves on retranslation into Hebrew.Textual Affinities.—A minute study of the text shows that it attests an independent form of the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch. Thus it agrees at times with the Samaritan, or Septuagint, or Syriac, or Vulgate, or even with Onkelos against all the rest. To be more exact, our book represents some form of the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch midway between the forms presupposed by the Septuagint and the Syriac; for it agrees more frequently with the Septuagint, or with combinations into which the Septuagint enters, than withany other single authority, or with any combination excluding the Septuagint. Next to the Septuagint it agrees most often with the Syriac or with combinations into which the Syriac enters. On the other hand, its independence of the Septuagint is shown in a large number of passages, where it has the support of the Samaritan and Massoretic, or of these with various combinations of the Syriac Vulgate and Onkelos. From these and other considerations we may conclude that the textual evidence points to the composition of our book at some period between 250B.C.andA.D.100, and at a time nearer the earlier date than the later.

The Ethiopic and Latin Versions: Translations from the Greek.—The Ethiopic Version is translated from the Greek, for Greek words such asδρῦς, βάλανος, λίψ, &c., are transliterated in the Greek. Secondly, many passages must be retranslated into Greek before we can discover the source of the various corruptions. And finally, proper names are transliterated as they appear in Greek and not in Hebrew. That the Latin is also a translation from the Greek is no less obvious. Thus in xxxix. 12timoris=δειλίας, corrupt forδουλείας; in xxxviii. 13honorem=τιμήν, butτιμήνshould here have been rendered bytributum, as the Ethiopic and the context require; in xxxii. 26,celavit=ἔκρυψε, corrupt forἔγραψε(so Ethiopic).

The Greek a Translation from the Hebrew.—The early date of our book—the 2nd centuryB.C.—and its place of composition speak for a Semitic original, and the evidence bearing on this subject is conclusive. But the question at once arises, was the original Aramaic or Hebrew? Certain proper names in the Latin Version ending in -inseem to bespeak an Aramaic original, as Cettin, Filistin, &c. But since in all these cases the Ethiopic transliterations end in -mand not in -n, it is not improbable that the Aramaism in the Latin Version is due to the translator, who, it has been concluded on other grounds, was a Palestinian Jew.1The grounds, on the other hand, for a Hebrew original are weighty and numerous. (1) A work which claims to be from the hand of Moses would naturally be in Hebrew, for Hebrew according to our author was the sacred and national language. (2) The revival of the national spirit of a nation is universally, so far as we know, accompanied by a revival of the national language. (3) The text must be retranslated into Hebrew in order to explain unintelligible expressions and restore the true text. One instance will sufficiently illustrate this statement. In xliii. 11 a certain Ethiopic expression =ἐν ἐμοί, which is a mistranslation ofבי; forביin this context, as we know from the parallel passage in Gen. xliv. 18, which our text reproduces almost verbally, =δέομαι. We might observe here that our text attests the presence of dittographies already existing in the Hebrew text. (4) Hebraisms survive in the Ethiopic and Latin Versions. In the former nûḫa in iv. 4, is a corrupt transliteration ofנע. In the Latin eligere in te in xxii. 10 is a reproduction ofבהר בandin qua ... in ipsain xix. 8 =אשר ... בה. This idiom could, of course, be explained on the hypothesis of an Aramaic original. (5) Many paronomasiae discover themselves on retranslation into Hebrew.

Textual Affinities.—A minute study of the text shows that it attests an independent form of the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch. Thus it agrees at times with the Samaritan, or Septuagint, or Syriac, or Vulgate, or even with Onkelos against all the rest. To be more exact, our book represents some form of the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch midway between the forms presupposed by the Septuagint and the Syriac; for it agrees more frequently with the Septuagint, or with combinations into which the Septuagint enters, than withany other single authority, or with any combination excluding the Septuagint. Next to the Septuagint it agrees most often with the Syriac or with combinations into which the Syriac enters. On the other hand, its independence of the Septuagint is shown in a large number of passages, where it has the support of the Samaritan and Massoretic, or of these with various combinations of the Syriac Vulgate and Onkelos. From these and other considerations we may conclude that the textual evidence points to the composition of our book at some period between 250B.C.andA.D.100, and at a time nearer the earlier date than the later.

Date.—The book was written between 135B.C.and the year of Hyrcanus’s breach with the Pharisees. This conclusion is drawn from the following facts:—(1) The book was written during the pontificate of the Maccabean family, and not earlier than 135B.C.For in xxxii. 1 Levi is called a “priest of the Most High God.” Now the only high priests who bore this title were the Maccabean, who appear to have assumed it as reviving the order of Melchizedek when they displaced the Zadokite order of Aaron. Jewish tradition ascribes the assumption of this title to John Hyrcanus. It was retained by his successors down to Hyrcanus II. (2) It was written before 96B.C.or some years earlier in the reign of John Hyrcanus; for since our author is of the strictest sect a Pharisee and at the same time an upholder of the Maccabean pontificate, Jubilees cannot have been written after 96 when the Pharisees and Alexander Jannaeus came to open strife. Nay more, it cannot have been written after the open breach between Hyrcanus and the Pharisees, when the former joined the Sadducean party.

The above conclusions are confirmed by a large mass of other evidence postulating the same date. We may, however, observe that our book points to the period already past—of stress and persecution that preceded the recovery of national independence under the Maccabees, and presupposes as its historical background the most flourishing period of the Maccabean hegemony.

Author.—Our author was a Pharisee of the straitest sect. He maintained the everlasting validity of the law, he held the strictest views on circumcision, the sabbath, and the duty of shunning all intercourse with the Gentiles; he believed in angels and in a blessed immortality. In the next place he was an upholder of the Maccabean pontificate. He glorifies Levi’s successors as high-priests and civil rulers, and applies to them the title assumed by the Maccabean princes, though he does not, like the author of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, expect the Messiah to come forth from among them. He may have been a priest.

The Views of the Author on the Messianic Kingdom and the Future Life.—According to our author the Messianic kingdom was to be brought about gradually by the progressive spiritual development of man and a corresponding transformation of nature. Its members were to reach the limit of 1000 years in happiness and peace. During its continuance the powers of evil were to be restrained, and the last judgment was apparently to take place at its close. As regards the doctrine of a future life, our author adopts a position novel for a Palestinian writer. He abandons the hope of a resurrection of the body. The souls of the righteous are to enjoy a blessed immortality after death. This is the earliest attested instance of this expectation in the last two centuriesB.C.

Literature.—Ethiopic Text and Translations: This text was first edited by Dillmann from two MSS. in 1859, and in 1895 by R. H. Charles from four (The Ethiopic Version of the Hebrew Book of Jubilees ... with the Hebrew, Syriac, Greek and Latin fragments). In the latter edition, the Greek and Latin fragments are printed together with the Ethiopic. The book was translated into German by Dillmann from one MS. in Ewald’sJahrbücher, vols. ii. and iii. (1850, 1851), and by Littmann (in Kautzsch’sApok. und Pseud.ii. 39-119) from Charles’s Ethiopic text; into English by Schodde (Bibl. Sacr.1885) from Dillmann’s text, and by Charles (Jewish Quarterly Review, vols. v., vi., vii. (1893-1895) from the text afterwards published in 1895, and finally in his commentary,The Book of Jubilees(1902).Critical Inquiries: Dillmann, “Das Buch der Jubiläen” (Ewald’sJahrbücher d. bibl. Wissensch.(1851), iii. 72-96); “Pseudepig. des Alten Testaments,” Herzog’sRealencyk.2xii. 364-365; “Beiträge aus dem Buche der Jubiläen zur Kritik des Pentateuch Textes” (Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preussischen Akad., 1883); Beer,Das Buch der Jubiläen(1856); Rönsch,Das Buch der Jubiläen(1874); Singer,Das Buch der Jubiläen(1898); Bohn, “Die Bedeutung des Buches der Jubiläen” (Theol. Stud. und Kritiken(1900), pp. 167-184). A full bibliography will be found in Schürer or in R. H. Charles’s commentary,The Book of Jubilees or the Little Genesis(1902), which deals exhaustively with all the questions treated in this article.

(R. H. C.)

1In the Ethiopic Version in xxi. 12 it should be observed that in the list of the twelve trees suitable for burning on the altar several are transliterated Aramaic names of trees. But in a late Hebrew work (2nd centuryB.C.) the popular names of such objects would naturally be used. In certain cases the Hebrew may have been forgotten, or, where the tree was of late introduction, been non-existent.

JUBILEE YEAR,an institution in the Roman Catholic Church, observed every twenty-fifth year, from Christmas to Christmas. During its continuance plenary indulgence is obtainable by all the faithful, on condition of their penitently confessing their sins and visiting certain churches a stated number of times, or doing an equivalent amount of meritorious work. The institution dates from the time of Boniface VIII., whose bullAntiquorum habet fidemis dated the 22nd of February 1300. The circumstances in which it was promulgated are related by a contemporary authority, Jacobus Cajetanus, according to whose account (“Relatio de centesimo s. jubilaeo anno” in theBibliotheca Patrum) a rumour spread through Rome at the close of 1299 that every one visiting St Peter’s on the 1st of January 1300 would receive full absolution. The result was an enormous influx of pilgrims to Rome, which stirred the pope’s attention. Nothing was found in the archives, but an old peasant 107 years of age avowed that his father had been similarly benefited a century previously. The bull was then issued, and the pilgrims became even more numerous, to the profit of both clergy and citizens. Originally the churches of St Peter and St Paul in Rome were the only jubilee churches, but the privilege was afterwards extended to the Lateran Church and that of Sta Maria Maggiore, and it is now shared also for the year immediately following that of the Roman jubilee by a number of specified provincial churches. At the request of the Roman people, which was supported by St Bridget of Sweden and by Petrarch, Clement VI. in 1343 appointed, by the bullUnigenitus Dei filius, that the jubilee should recur every fifty years instead of every hundred years as had been originally contemplated in the constitution of Boniface; Urban VI., who was badly in need of money, by the bullSalvator nosterin 1389 reduced the interval still further to thirty-three years (the supposed duration of the earthly life of Christ); and Paul II. by the bullIneffabilis(April 19, 1470) finally fixed it at twenty-five years. Paul II. also permitted foreigners to substitute for the pilgrimage to Rome a visit to some specified church in their own country and a contribution towards the expenses of the Holy Wars. According to the special ritual prepared by Alexander VI. in 1500, the pope on the Christmas Eve with which the jubilee begins goes in solemn procession to a particular walled-up door (“Porta aurea”) of St Peter’s and knocks three times, using at the same time the words of Ps. cxviii. 19 (Aperite mihi portas justitiae). The doors are then opened and sprinkled with holy water, and the pope passes through. A similar ceremony is conducted by cardinals at the other jubilee churches of the city. At the close of the jubilee, the special doorway is again built up with appropriate solemnities.

The last ordinary jubilee was observed in 1900. “Extraordinary” jubilees are sometimes appointed on special occasions,e.g.the accession of a new pope, or that proclaimed by Pope Leo XIII. for the 12th of March 1881, “in order to obtain from the mercy of Almighty God help and succour in the weighty necessities of the Church, and comfort and strength in the battle against her numerous and mighty foes.” These are not so much jubilees in the ordinary sense as special grants of plenary indulgences for particular purposes (Indulgentiae plenariae in forma jubilaei).

JÚCAR,a river of eastern Spain. It rises in the north of the province of Cuenca, at the foot of the Cerro de San Felipe (5906 ft.), and flows south past Cuenca to the borders of Albacete; here it bends towards the east, and maintains this direction for the greater part of its remaining course. On the right it is connected with the city of Albacete by the Maria Cristina canal. After entering Valencia, it receives on the left its chief tributary the Cabriel, which also rises near the Cerro de San Felipe, in the Montes Universales. Near Alcira the Júcar turns south-eastward, and then sharply north, curving again to the south-east before it enters the Mediterranean Sea at Cullera, after a total course of 314 m. Its estuary forms the harbour of Cullera, and its lower waters are freely utilized for purposes of irrigation.

JUD, LEO(1482-1542), known to his contemporaries as Meister Leu, Swiss reformer, was born in Alsace and educatedat Basel, where after a course in medicine he turned to the study of theology. This change was due to the influence of Zwingli whose colleague at Zürich Jud became after serving for four years (1518-1522) as pastor of Einsiedeln. His chief activity was as a translator; he was the leading spirit in the translation of the Zürich Bible and also made a Latin version of the Old Testament. He died at Zürich on the 19th of June 1542.

SeeLifeby C. Pestalozzi (1860); art. in Herzog-Hauck’sRealencyklopädie, vol. ix. (1901).

JUDAEA,the name given to the southern part of Palestine as occupied by the Jewish community in post-exilic days under Persian, Greek and Roman overlordship. In Luke and Acts the term is sometimes used loosely to denote the whole of western Palestine. The limits of Judaea were never very precisely defined and—especially on the northern frontier—varied from time to time. After the death of Herod, Archelaus became ethnarch of Samaria, Idumea and Judaea, and when he was deposed Judaea was merged in Syria, being governed by a procurator whose headquarters were in Caesarea.

For a description of the natural features of the country seePalestine; for its history seeJewsandJudah. Cf. T. Mommsen,The Provinces of the Roman Empire, ch. xi.

JUDAH,a district of ancient Palestine, to the south of the kingdom of Israel, between the Dead Sea and the Philistine plain. It falls physically into three parts: the hill-country from Hebron northwards through Jerusalem; the lowland (Heb.Shĕphelah) on the west; and the steppes or “dry land” (Heb.Negeb) on the south. The district is one of striking contrasts, with a lofty and stony table-land in the centre (which reaches a height of 3300 ft. just north of Hebron), with a strategically important valley dividing the central mountains from the lowland, and with the most desolate of tracts to the east (by the Dead Sea) and south. Some parts, especially around Hebron, are extremely fertile, but the land as a whole has the characteristics of the southern wilderness—the so-called “desert” is not a sterile Sahara—and was more fitted for pastoral occupations; see further G. A. Smith,Hist. Geog. Holy Land, chs. x.-xv. Life in ancient Judah is frequently depicted in the Bible, but much of the Judaean history is obscure. In the days of the old Hebrew monarchy there were periods of conflict and rivalry between Judah and Israel—even times when the latter incorporated, or at least claimed supremacy over, the former. Later, from the 5th centuryB.C.there was a breach between the Jews (the name is derived from Judah) and the Samaritans (q.v.). The intervening years after the fall of Samaria (722B.C.), and after the destruction of Jerusalem (586B.C.), were probably marked by closer intercourse, similar to the period of union in the popular traditions relating to the pre-monarchical age. The course of Judaean history was conditioned, also, by the proximity of the Philistines in the west, Moab in the east, and by Edom and other southern peoples extending from North Arabia to the delta of the Nile. Judah’s stormy history, continued under Greek and Roman domination, reached its climax in the birth of Christianity, and ended with the fall of Jerusalem inA.D.70 (seeJews,Palestine).

In conformity with ancient methods of genealogy (q.v.), Judah is traced back to a son of Jacob or Israel by Leah and along with other “tribes” (Dan, Levi, Simeon, &c.) is included under the collective term Israel. Thus it shares the general traditions of the Israelites, although Judah appears as an individual in the story of his “brother” Joseph (on ch. xxxvii. seq., seeGenesis). Its boundaries in Joshua xv. are manifestly artificial or imaginary; they include the Philistines and number places which are elsewhere ascribed to Simeon or Dan. The origin of the name (Yĕhūdah) is quite uncertain; the interpretation “praised” is suggested in Gen. xxix. 35 (cf; xlix. 8 seq.), but some connexion with allied names, as Yehūd (Yahūdīya, E. of Jaffa), or Ēhūd (a Benjamite clan) seems more probable. That Judah, whatever its original connotation, underwent development through the incorporation of other clans appears from 1 Chron. ii., iv., where it is found to contain a large element of non-Israelite population whose names find analogies or parallels in Simeonite, Edomite and other southern lists.1Indeed, underlying the account of the Israelite exodus (q.v.) there are traces of a separate movement of certain clans—apart from the Israelite invasion of Palestine—who are ultimately found in the south of Judah; and the traditions in Chronicles themselves allow the view that the incorporation of these elements began under David, when Judah first occupies a prominent position in biblical history (cf. Cheyne,Ency. Bib., col. 2618 seq., and seeCaleb,Jerahmeel,Kenites). But such movements were not necessarily limited to one single period, and the evidence connecting (a) the non-Israelite clans of Judah with Levites, and (b) both with the south, is found in narratives referring to several different ages and might point to an unceasing relationship with the south. On the other hand, clans, which in the traditions of David’s time were in the south of Judah, about five hundred years later (in the exile) are found near Jerusalem (e.g.Caleb), so that either these survived the strenuous vicissitudes of half a millennium or all perspective of their early history has been lost. In Gen. xxxviii. a curious narrative points to the separation of Judah “from his brethren” and his marriage with Shua the Canaanite; two sons Er and Onan perish and the third Shelah survives. From Judah and Er’s widow Tamar are derived Perez and Zerah, and these with Shelah appear in post-exilic times as the three representative families of Judah (Neh. xi. 4-6; 1 Chron. ix. 4-6). This story, amid a number of other motives, appears to reflect the growth of the tribe of Judah and its fluctuations, but that the reference is to any very early period is unlikely, partly because the interest of the story is in post-exilic families, and partly because the scenes (Adullam, Chezib and Timnah) overlap with David’s own fights between Hebron and Jerusalem (2 Sam. xxi. xxiii.; seeDavid,ad fin.).2Even David’s conquest of Jerusalem (2 Sam. v.) conflicts both with the statement of its capture by Judah many years previously (Judges i. 8), and with the traditions of the Israelite heroes Joshua and Saul. Consequently, the few surviving data are too uncertain for any decisive conclusions regarding the origin of the tribe of Judah. Judah as a kingdom may have taken its name from a limited district, in which case its growth finds a parallel in the extension of the name Samaria from the city to the province. The location of Yehūd and Ēhūd in the light of 1 Kings iv. 8-19 (perhaps the subdivisions of the Israelite kingdom, seeSolomon), would necessitate the assumption of a violent separation from the north; this, however, is quite conceivable (seeJews, §§ 11-13). On the bearing of South Judah upon the historical criticism of the Old Testament, see especially N. Schmidt,Hibbert Journal(1908), pp. 322-342, “The Jerahmeel Theory and the Historic Importance of the Negeb, with some account of personal exploration of the country”; alsoJews, § 20.

(S. A. C.)

1See especially Wellhausen,De gentibus et familiis Judaeorum(Göttingen, 1869), the articles on the relative proper names in theEncy. Bib., and E. Meyer,Die Israeliten u. ihre Nachbarstämme, pp. 299-471 (much valuable matter).2For the principle of the Levirate illustrated in Gen. xxxviii., seeRuth. Lagarde (Orientalia, ii.) ingeniously conjectured that the chapter typified the suppression of Phoenician (viz. Tamar, the date-palm) and the old Canaanite elements (Zerah =indigena) by the younger Israelite invaders (Perez = “branch”). For other discussions, apart from commentaries on Genesis, see B. Luther in Meyer,op. cit., pp. 200 sqq.

2For the principle of the Levirate illustrated in Gen. xxxviii., seeRuth. Lagarde (Orientalia, ii.) ingeniously conjectured that the chapter typified the suppression of Phoenician (viz. Tamar, the date-palm) and the old Canaanite elements (Zerah =indigena) by the younger Israelite invaders (Perez = “branch”). For other discussions, apart from commentaries on Genesis, see B. Luther in Meyer,op. cit., pp. 200 sqq.

JUDAS ISCARIOT(Ἰούδας ἸσκαριώτηςorἸσκαριώθ), in the Bible, the son of Simon Iscariot (John vi. 71, xiii. 26), and one of the twelve apostles. He is always enumerated last with the special mention of the fact that he was the betrayer of Jesus. If the generally accepted explanation of his surname (“man of Kerioth”; see Josh. xv. 25) be correct, he was the only original member of the apostolic band who was not a Galilean. The circumstances which led to his admission into the apostolic circle are not stated; while the motives by which he was actuated in enabling the Jewish authorities to arrest Jesus without tumult have been variously analysed by scholars. According to some (as De Quincey in his famousEssay) the sole object of Judas was to place Jesus in a position in which He should be compelled to make what had seemed to His followers the too tardy display of His Messianic power: according to others (and this view seems more in harmony with the Gospel narratives) Judas was an avaricious and dishonest man, who had already abused the confidence placed in him (John xii. 6), and who was now concerned only with furthering his own ends.

As regards the effects of his subsequent remorse and the use to which his ill-gotten gains were put, the strikingly apparent discrepancies between the narratives of Matt. xxvii. 3, 10 and Acts i. 18, 19 have attracted the attention of biblical scholars, ever since Papias, in his fourth book, of which a fragment has been preserved, discussed the subject. The simplest explanation is that they represent different traditions, the Gospel narrative being composed with more special reference to prophetic fulfilments, and being probably nearer the truth than the short explanatory note inserted by the author of the Acts (see Bernard,Expositor, June 1904, p. 422 seq.). In ecclesiastical legend andin sacred art Judas Iscariot is generally treated as the very incarnation of treachery, ingratitude and impiety. The Middle Ages, after their fashion, supplied the lacunae in what they deemed his too meagre biography. According to the common form of their story, he belonged to the tribe of Reuben.1Before he was born his mother Cyborea had a dream that he was destined to murder his father, commit incest with his mother, and sell his God. The attempts made by her and her husband to avert this curse simply led to its accomplishment. At his birth Judas was enclosed in a chest and flung into the sea; picked up on a foreign shore, he was educated at the court until a murder committed in a moment of passion compelled his flight. Coming to Judaea, he entered the service of Pontius Pilate as page, and during this period committed the first two of the crimes which had been expressly foretold. Learning the secret of his birth, he, full of remorse, sought the prophet who, he had heard, had power on earth to forgive sins. He was accepted as a disciple and promoted to a position of trust, where avarice, the only vice in which he had hitherto been unpractised, gradually took possession of his soul, and led to the complete fulfilment of his evil destiny. This Judas legend, as given by Jacobus de Voragine, obtained no small popularity; and it is to be found in various shapes in every important literature of Europe.

For the history of its genesis and its diffusion the reader may consult D’Ancona,La leggenda di Vergogna e la leggenda di Giuda(1869), and papers by W. Creizenach in Paul and Braune’sBeitr. zur Gesch. der deutschen Sprache und Litteratur, vol. ii. (1875), and Victor Diederich inRussiche Revue(1880). Cholevius, in hisGeschichte der deutschen Poesie nach ihren antiken Elementen(1854), pointed out the connexion of the legend with the Oedipus story. According to Daub (Judas Ischariot, oder Betrachtungen über das Böse im Verhältniss zum Guten, 1816, 1818) Judas was “an incarnation of the devil,” to whom “mercy and blessedness are alike impossible.”The popular hatred of Judas has found strange symbolical expression in various parts of Christendom. In Corfu, for instance, the people at a given signal on Easter Eve throw vast quantities of crockery from their windows and roofs into the streets, and thus execute an imaginary stoning of Judas (see Kirkwall,Ionian Islands, ii. 47). At one time (according to Mustoxidi,Delle cose corciresi) the tradition prevailed that the traitor’s house and country villa existed in the island, and that his descendants were to be found among the local Jews.Details in regard to some Judas legends and superstitions are given inNotes and Queries, 2nd series, v., vi. and vii.; 3rd series, vii.; 4th series, i.; 5th series, vi. See also a paper by Professor Rendel Harris entitled “Did Judas really commit suicide?” in theAmerican Journal of Philology(July 1900). Matthew Arnold’s poem “St Brandan” gives fine expression to the old story that, on account of an act of charity done to a leper at Joppa, Judas was allowed an hour’s respite from hell once a year.

The popular hatred of Judas has found strange symbolical expression in various parts of Christendom. In Corfu, for instance, the people at a given signal on Easter Eve throw vast quantities of crockery from their windows and roofs into the streets, and thus execute an imaginary stoning of Judas (see Kirkwall,Ionian Islands, ii. 47). At one time (according to Mustoxidi,Delle cose corciresi) the tradition prevailed that the traitor’s house and country villa existed in the island, and that his descendants were to be found among the local Jews.

Details in regard to some Judas legends and superstitions are given inNotes and Queries, 2nd series, v., vi. and vii.; 3rd series, vii.; 4th series, i.; 5th series, vi. See also a paper by Professor Rendel Harris entitled “Did Judas really commit suicide?” in theAmerican Journal of Philology(July 1900). Matthew Arnold’s poem “St Brandan” gives fine expression to the old story that, on account of an act of charity done to a leper at Joppa, Judas was allowed an hour’s respite from hell once a year.

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