RESCUE WORK
The letter inviting me to take part in your deliberations proposed many important subjects for discussion, and, amongst others, the subject of venereal disease amongst the fallen. On this point I was asked more especially to give information. I esteem it a privilege to aid in any way your very important work. I will begin by stating certain propositions which are fundamental in rescue work, and which are susceptible of ample proof.
First. By prostitution is meant mercenary and promiscuous sexual intercourse, without affection and without mutual responsibility.
Second. Its object is on one side pecuniary gain, on the other side the exercise of physical lust. It is the conversion of men into brutes and of women into machines.
Third. So far from its being necessary to humanity, it is the destruction of humanity. It is the production of disease, of gross physical cruelty, of moral death.
Lastly. It should be checked by legislative enactment, and destroyed by social opinion.
Now, to amplify and enforce the foregoing propositions would require a longer space than it would be right for one person to claim in a general conference, and would prevent the special consideration of the subject of disease. I will, therefore, simply offer them for consideration as fundamental propositions. I will only beg you to observe the distinct statement in the above, that it is the sexual intercourse without affection and without responsibility that I have spoken of. I say nothing about the exercise of the sexual faculties in legitimate or illegitimate single unions, where affection and responsibility may enter as elements. However injurious, therefore, illegitimate but single unions may be to the welfare of society, I leave them entirely aside in these remarks, as not coming under the head of prostitution. I speak of the conversion of soulless lust into a business traffic—of the system of brothels, procurers, and so-called Contagious Diseases Acts—the system which provides for, not checks, vice. I solemnly declare that so far from this system being a necessary part of society, it is the greatest crime that can be committed against our common humanity.
Let me now lay bare to you the root of the whole evil system, because, as a physician acquainted with the physiological and pathological laws of the human frame, and as one who has lived through a generation of medical practice amongst all classes of the community, I can speak to you with a positive and practical knowledge rarely possessed by women. The central point of all this monstrous evil is an audaciousinsult to the nature of men, a slander upon their human constitution. It is the assertion that men are not capable of self-control, that they are so inevitably dominated by overwhelming physical instincts, that they can neither resist nor control the animal nature, and that they would destroy their mental or physical health by the practice of self-control. Now, it is extremely important that you should understand exactly the nature of this dangerous falsehood. It is that most dangerous of all kinds of falsehood—the perversion of truth. I think it was Swedenborg who said: ‘I saw a truth let down into hell, and forthwith it became a lie.’ I have often thought of this bold image when observing in the present day the audaciousliewhich is announced as truth, in relation to that grand and universal force of humanity, the sexual power.
When you see a poor drunkard reeling about the streets, when you recognise the crimes and misery produced by intemperance, you do not say that drunkenness is necessary to men, and that it is our duty to provide clean and attractive gin-shops and any amount of unadulterated alcohol to meet the craving appetites of old and young. On the contrary, you form a mighty crusade against intemperance. And how do you go to work? You recognise the absolute necessity which exists in human nature for amusement, social stimulus, refreshment, change, and cheerful hilarity; and so you provide bright entertainments, bands of hope and excursions for the young, attractive coffee palaces and clubs for theadults. In your entertainments you substitute wholesome drinks for ‘fire-water’; you repress the sale of alcohol by legislative enactments, you arrest drunken men and women, and you establish inebriate asylums for their voluntary cure. You recognise that drunkenness is a monstrous perversion of legitimate human necessities, and you set to work to reform public opinion and social customs. Whilst on the one hand you legislate, on the other hand you educate. You perceive that the distinctive feature of humanity is its power of intellectually guiding life, and you train boys and girls in the exercise of this specially human faculty, moral self-control.
Now, my friends, lust, unchecked, untransfigured by affection, is like fiery alcoholic poison to the human constitution. It constantly grows by indulgence; the more it is yielded to, the fiercer it becomes; an instinct which at first was governable, and susceptible of elevation and enlightened direction and control, becomes through constant indulgence a vicious domination, ungovernable and unrestrainable. When unsubdued it injures the health, produces disease, and grows into an irresistible tyrannical possession, which converts human beings into selfish, cruel, and inhuman devils. This is what the great universal force of sexual passion becomes when we resolutely ignore it in childhood and youth, refuse to guide it, but subject it to accumulated vicious influences in manhood; and when even our churches and religious organizations are afraid or ashamed to deal with this most powerful force of our God-createdhuman nature, we suffer lust to grow into a rampant evil, a real drunkenness, and then we have the audacity to say in this nineteenth century, ‘This is the nature of men; they have not the human power of intelligent self-control; women must recognise this fact, and unbridled lust must be accepted and provided for.’
Now, I say deliberately, speaking as a Christian woman, that such a statement and such a belief is blasphemy. It is blasphemy on our Creator who has brought our human nature into being, and it is the most deadly insult that has ever been offered to men. Do not accept this falsehood. I state to you as a physician, that there is no fact in physiology more clearly known than the constantly increasing power which the mind can exercise over the body either for good or evil. If you let corrupt servants injure your little children, if you allow your boys and youths to practise self-abuse and fornication at school and college, if you establish one law of divorce for a man and another for a woman, if you refuse to protect the chastity of minors, if you establish brothels, prostitutes, and procurers, you are using the power of the mind over the body for evil. You are, indeed, educating the sexual faculty, but educating it in evil. Our youth thus grows up under the powerful influence of direct education of the sexual instincts in vice; but so far, even in our so-called Christian civilization, we are ashamed to attempt direct education of those faculties for good.
I have made the above remarks as bearing directlyon the subject of disease, as well as to call your attention to the proper place which ‘rescue work’ must occupy in humanitarian work. As prostitution is the direct result of unbridled licentiousness, you may as well attempt to ‘mop up the ocean’ as attempt to check prostitution, unless at the same time the root of the evil—viz., licentiousness—is being attacked. Let it be distinctly understood, however, that I would encourage, not discourage, rescue work. I honour the self-denial and beneficence even of those who cannot see the source of the evil they are trying to mitigate; but I would much more strongly encourage those who, being engaged in this work, do at the same time clearly recognise that the warfare against licentiousness is the more fundamental work, and who, whilst themselves engaged in rescue work, bid God-speed and give substantial encouragement to all others who are directly engaged in the great struggle against every form of licentiousness—against every custom, institution, or law that promotes sexual vice. Such earnest rescue workers are not simply mopping up the ocean, they are also helping by their encouragement of other fundamental work to build up a strong dyke which will resist the ravages of destructive evil forces. Thus, any efforts that can be made to teach personal modesty to the little boys and girls in our Board schools all over the country form a powerful influence to prevent prostitution. Attention to sexual morality in educational establishments everywhere, in public and private schools and colleges, amongst young men and young women, isof fundamental importance. Also efforts to secure decency in the streets, in literature, in public amusements, form another series of efforts which make a direct attack upon licentiousness, and cut away another cause of prostitution. Again, the abolition of unjust laws and the establishment ofmorallegislation form another series of effort, and a vital attack upon the roots of prostitution. Always remember that the laws of a country possess a really terrible responsibility through the way in which they influence the rising generation. Inequality between the sexes in the law of divorce, tolerance of seduction of minors, the attempt to check sexual disease by the inspection of vicious women, whilst equally vicious men are untouched—all these striking examples of the unjust and immoral attitude of legislation will serve to show how law may become a powerful agent in producing prostitution through its direct attitude towards licentiousness. Now, every encouragement afforded by those engaged in rescue work to fundamental efforts to check licentiousness, either through subscription of money, through expressed sympathy, or through active work, is also aid to rescue work, because such fundamental efforts attack the causes of prostitution. Having thus stated distinctly the aspect under which rescue work must always be regarded—as a precious outgrowth of Christian charity, but not as a fundamental reform—I will speak more fully on those points upon which my opinion has been particularly asked for—viz., the question of venereal disease as affecting individualsand posterity, and the effect of late legislation on prostitution.
This subject of venereal disease is a very painful one to the non-professional mind, and I would not bring it before an ordinary audience. But this is an assembly of experienced women dealing directly with the vicious classes of society. I think such persons are bound to inform themselves on this subject. It is needed to their effective work, and I consider it an honourable duty to furnish what necessary medical knowledge I can.
Venereal diseases, syphilis, gonorrhœa, are all names distinctively used for the diseases of vice, which exist in various forms. All forms of these diseases are injurious to the health of the diseased individuals. All forms also are injurious to the health of the partner in sexual intercourse. But only one form of such disease is transmissible to offspring. I shall not enter upon the question of the extent to which these diseases endanger the health of the community. My long public and private medical observation leads me entirely to concur in the opinion of Sir John Simon (formerly Medical Officer of the Privy Council), as to the exaggerated statements that have been made respecting the extent of these diseases. I fully recognise, however, the very grave character of venereal disease, and as a hygienist I consider thatanydanger from such a cause should be checked.
These diseases are called the diseases of vice because they spring directly from the promiscuousintercourse of men and women. Syphilis never arises from the single union of a healthy man and woman. We do not know the exact conditions under which promiscuity produces these diseases. Dirt and excess of all kinds favour their production; but we also know that, however apparently healthy the individuals may be who give themselves up to indiscriminate debauch, yet these diseases will speedily arise amongst them. Now, I wish to point out with emphasis (to you who are engaged with the criminal classes) this chief originating cause of disease—viz., promiscuity. It is a cardinal fact to notice in studying this subject, for it furnishes a solid basis of observation from which you may judge legislation and all proposed remedial measures. If you will bear in mind that unchecked licentiousness or promiscuity contains in itself the faculty oforiginatingvenereal disease, you will possess a test by which you may judge of the good or evil effects of any proposed measure. Ask yourself whether any particular legislative Act tends to check licentiousness in both men and women; if not, it is either useless or injurious to the nation, because it does not check that source of constantly increasing danger—viz., promiscuity. The effect of brothels and Contagious Diseases Acts, of establishments and laws which do not tend to check promiscuous intercourse, is to facilitate, not stop, such vice, and cannot eradicate the diseases of vice which spring from such intercourse. The futility of any system which leaves the causes of disease unchecked, and only tries to palliateits effects, is evident. The futility of such a false method would remain, even if it compelled the inspection of vicious men as well as women. But when a system attempts only to establish an examination of women, leaving men uninspected, and allowing free scope to the licentiousness of all, it becomes a direct encouragement to vice. It tends to facilitate that brutal custom of promiscuous intercourse without affection and without responsibilities which is the disgrace of humanity—the direct source of physical disease as well as of measureless moral evil.
But I do not advocate letting disease and vice alone. There is a right way as well as a wrong way of dealing with venereal disease. I consider that legislation is needed on this subject. It is unwise to propose to do nothing because legislation has unhappily done wrong. It is out of the question to suppose that in this age, when we justly boast of the progress of hygiene or preventive medicine, so great an evil as the unchecked spread of venereal disease should be allowed to continue. It was the necessity of providing some check to the spread of disease which operated a few years ago, when the unjust and immoral Contagious Diseases Acts were so unhappily introduced into England by those who certainly could not have realized their injustice and immorality. All legislation upon the diseases of vice which can be durable—i.e., which will approve itself to the conscience of a Christian people—must be based upon two fundamental principles—the principles,viz., of equal justice and respect for individual rights. These principles are both overturned in the Contagious Diseases Acts—Acts which are, therefore, sure to be abolished in a country which, however many blunders it makes, is equally distinguished for its love of justice and its love of liberty. Respect for individual rights will not allow compulsory medical examination and treatment. The right of an adult over his or her own body is a natural fundamental right. We should uproot our whole national life, and destroy the characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon race, if we gave up this natural right of sovereignty over our own bodies.
Society, however, has undoubtedly the right to prevent any individual from injuring his neighbour. Interference to prevent such injury is just. The same sacredness which attaches to individual right over one’s own person exists for one’s neighbour over his or her own person. Therefore, no individual suffering from venereal disease has a right to hold sexual intercourse with any other person. In doing so he goes outside his individual right and injures his neighbour. The wise principle on which legislation should act in dealing with venereal disease is therefore perfectly clear. Society has a right to stop any person who is spreading venereal disease; but it has no right to compel such a person to submit to medical treatment. It is of vital importance to recognise the broad distinction between these two fundamental points—viz., the just protection which society mustexercise over its members, and the inherent right of self-possessionineach of its members.
Accepting, therefore, one essential legislative principle so strongly emphasized by the Contagious Diseases Acts—viz., that the State has a right to interfere with sexual intercourse when its vicious action injures society—what we must strive for is an enlightenment of public opinion which will insist upon ajust, practical law upon this subject. The contagious diseases legislation indicates that the time has arrived when the intervention of law is needed to place greater restraint upon the brutal lust which tramples on the plainest social obligations. A law wisely enforced, making the communication of venereal disease by man or woman a legal offence, would place a necessary check on brutal appetite. Such a law would not be the introduction of a new principle into legislation. The principle of considering sexual intercourse for the good of society has always been recognised, and must necessarily be developed with the growth of society. It was reaffirmed, but in an injurious manner, a few years ago.
It is the just and moral application of this principle that must be insisted on, instead of an unjust, immoral, and tyrannical perversion of the principle. The necessary safeguards in the working of such a law, the special inquiry, the protection of innocence, the avoidance of public scandal, etc., must be sought for with care. But the people have a right to require that legislators shall seek for and find theright method of enforcing any law which is just in principle and necessary for the welfare of society. It is not only a duty, it is the greatest privilege of enlightened statesmen to embody the broad common-sense and righteous instinct of a Christian people in the institutions of a nation.
A law which makes it a legal offence for an individual suffering from venereal disease to hold sexual intercourse with another person, and a ground for separation, is positively required in order to establish a true principle of legislation, a principle of just equality and responsibility which will educate the moral sense of the rising generation and protect the innocent. Any temporary inconveniences which might arise before the wisest methods of administering the law had been established by experience, would be as nothing compared with the elevating national influence of substituting a right method of dealing with the diseases of vice for the present unjust and evil method. The first direct means, therefore, for checking venereal disease is to make the spreading of this disease a legal offence.
Secondly, a necessary regulation to be established in combating the spread of this disease is its free treatment in all general dispensaries and hospitals supported by public or charitable funds. Such institutions have hitherto refused to receive persons suffering from disgraceful diseases, or have made quite insufficient provision for them. This refusal or neglect has left venereal diseases more uncared for than ordinary diseases. It was a perception of thisneglect which induced the establishment of special institutions for the cure of such disease. But no general hospitals, supported by charitable funds given to cure the sick, have a right to refuse to make adequate provision for any class of curable suffering which is not infectious—i.e., dangerous to the health of the other inmates. The rigid exclusion in the past of venereal diseases from our general medical charities, on the ground of their disgraceful nature, has done great mischief by producing concealment or neglect of disease. This mischief cannot be repaired in the present day by establishing special or so-called Lock hospitals. A strong social stigma will always rest on the inmates of special venereal hospitals, a stigma we ought not to insist upon inflicting, but no such stigma rests on the inmates of a general hospital. These hospitals are established for the purpose of relieving human suffering, and such suffering constitutes a rightful claim to admission not to be set aside.
While thus advocating the careful framing of a law to make communication of venereal disease by man or woman a recognised legal offence, and whilst insisting upon the claim of this form of physical suffering to free treatment in all general medical charities, I would most earnestly caution you against the dangerous sophism of attempting to treat women as prostitutes. Never do so. Never fit women for a wicked and dangerous trade—a trade which is utterly demoralizing to both men and women and an insult to every class of women. The time is coming whenChristian men and women will see clearly that this hideous traffic in female bodies, this frightful danger of promiscuous intercourse, must be stopped. Men themselves will see that they are bound to put a check upon lust, and forbid the exercise of physical sex to the injury of another individual. Serious consideration will then be given to the ways in which sexual power may be rightfully exercised, and preserve its distinctly human features of affection and mutual responsibility. Whilst social sentiment is growing towards such recognition, it is our duty as women unflinchingly to oppose prostitution—i.e., mercenary indiscriminate sexual intercourse—and to refuse utterly to countenance it. The tenderest compassion may be shown to the poor creature whoceasesto be a prostitute; the most beneficent efforts may be exerted, and sympathy for the individual human soul shown in the merciful endeavour to help every woman to leave this vile traffic, but never fit her for it.
Let no one countenance this human trade in any way by assisting to make vice itself attractive and triumphant over our human nature. I therefore earnestly counsel all those engaged in rescue work to keep this rule clearly in mind. Plead earnestly and affectionately with the female prostitute to leave her vile trade. Offer her remunerative occupation—every rescue worker should be able to do this.[12]If shehas children whom society may justly remove from her deadly influence, work upon her maternal feeling to induce her to become worthy of the care of the innocent and regain her children; but do nothing to raise the condition of prostitutes as such, any more than you would try to improve the condition of thieves as thieves.
There is, however, another suggestion which I will present to you, because it bears directly upon your way of dealing with the vicious and enforcing law, and I believe that its acceptance is only a question of time. I refer to the introduction of a certain number of superior women into the police organization, to act, amongst other duties, as heads of stations where women offenders are brought. I know the scenes which station-houses witness. I know that policemen themselves often dread more to arrest a half-drunken woman than a man, and that it requires more than one man to overpower the maniac who, with tooth and nail and the fury of drink, fights more like a demon than a human being. I know that such wretched outcasts rage in their cells like wild beasts, filling the air with shrieks and blasphemy that make the blood run cold. Nevertheless, wherever a wretched woman must be brought, there a true woman’s influence should also be brought. When the drink is gone, and only the bruised, disfigured womanhood remains, then the higher influence may exert itself by its respect for the womanhood which still is there.
There are many special advantages to be derivedfrom the introduction of a few superior women into the police-force. I think that the services of a lady like the late Miss Merryweather, for instance, would be invaluable, both for the actual service such a woman would render in the management of female offenders, and also for the higher tone that such appointments would infuse into the police force itself. It is only the appointment of a few superior women that I should recommend, and these must be solely responsible to the highest head of the organization. The introduction of ordinary women corresponding to the common policeman, or in any way subordinate to lower officials, would be out of the question and extremely mischievous. But to secure the insight and influence of superior and proved women in dealing with female offenders, by placing them in positions of authority and responsibility, would be a great step made towards the solution of some of the most difficult problems of society. The problems which grow out of the relations of the sexes have hitherto proved insoluble, the despair of legislation. With the most conscientious endeavour to act wisely, even our ablest statesmen do not know how to deal with them. It is impossible that men alone can solve these sexual problems, because there are two human elements to be considered in such questions, which need the mutual enlightenment which can only result from the intelligent comparison of those two elements. The necessary contribution of wise practical suggestion which is needed from the intelligence of women, can only come through the enlarging experiencegained by upright women. The reform now suggested is one of the steps by which this necessary experience may be reached—viz., the placing of some superior women in very responsible positions in the police organization—positions where their actual practical acquaintance with great social difficulties may enlighten as well as stimulate their intelligent devotion in the search for remedies.[13]
Let me, in conclusion, heartily bid God-speed to the noble efforts of your rescue societies, and to all those engaged in reinstating our fallen womanhood. I hail with deep satisfaction the meeting of this Conference. It is a brave and sincere action on the part of Christian women to meet together and hold serious counsel upon the wisest methods of overcoming the deep practical heathenism of our society—the heathenism of tolerating and protecting mercenary promiscuous sexual intercourse.
FOOTNOTES:[12]The power of being able to offer fair remunerative occupation is becoming more and more evidently a necessary condition of rescue work. The pitiful response, ‘It is my bread,’ is now often addressed to those many noble-hearted young men who, instead of yielding to, remonstrate with, the street-walkers.[13]I cannot now enter upon a subject most difficult and important, a most prolific source of prostitution—viz., a standing army. I will only state to you for a special reason that my observations on the Continent of Europe have convinced me that the prevalence there of the system of universal military conscription—i.e., the compulsory enrolment of the entire male youth of the nation in the military service of a great standing army, where purity of life is not encouraged—is the greatest barrier that can exist to the gradual humanizing of sexual life. Let us, therefore, most gratefully recognise that in our own country we have not the gigantic evil of military conscription to overthrow, and let us ever hold in honour the memory of our ancestors, who have preserved us from that measureless curse.
[12]The power of being able to offer fair remunerative occupation is becoming more and more evidently a necessary condition of rescue work. The pitiful response, ‘It is my bread,’ is now often addressed to those many noble-hearted young men who, instead of yielding to, remonstrate with, the street-walkers.
[12]The power of being able to offer fair remunerative occupation is becoming more and more evidently a necessary condition of rescue work. The pitiful response, ‘It is my bread,’ is now often addressed to those many noble-hearted young men who, instead of yielding to, remonstrate with, the street-walkers.
[13]I cannot now enter upon a subject most difficult and important, a most prolific source of prostitution—viz., a standing army. I will only state to you for a special reason that my observations on the Continent of Europe have convinced me that the prevalence there of the system of universal military conscription—i.e., the compulsory enrolment of the entire male youth of the nation in the military service of a great standing army, where purity of life is not encouraged—is the greatest barrier that can exist to the gradual humanizing of sexual life. Let us, therefore, most gratefully recognise that in our own country we have not the gigantic evil of military conscription to overthrow, and let us ever hold in honour the memory of our ancestors, who have preserved us from that measureless curse.
[13]I cannot now enter upon a subject most difficult and important, a most prolific source of prostitution—viz., a standing army. I will only state to you for a special reason that my observations on the Continent of Europe have convinced me that the prevalence there of the system of universal military conscription—i.e., the compulsory enrolment of the entire male youth of the nation in the military service of a great standing army, where purity of life is not encouraged—is the greatest barrier that can exist to the gradual humanizing of sexual life. Let us, therefore, most gratefully recognise that in our own country we have not the gigantic evil of military conscription to overthrow, and let us ever hold in honour the memory of our ancestors, who have preserved us from that measureless curse.