Saturday, 8th July, 1820.Sir,I wish you, if you see Mr. Elliott of the Patent-office, to desire him to come and dine on Monday. If you can visit me early, I will shew you the neighbourhood, and in conversation you may obtain whatever opinions I have formed from experience respecting this country. It is most desirable that correct information should be given to those who are necessitated to seek an asylum here.An European ought not to travel far into the interior, as he must sacrifice every comfort during life. Want of society, want of hands, want of a market, want of medical aid; in short, almost every want is experienced for many years; discontent soon destroys the harmony of associates, and former attachments to those left behind have double power to excite regrets.The Americans are a migrating race, and quit their farms to seek rich back lands; but more of this when I have the pleasure to see you.Yours most obediently,T. Law.
Saturday, 8th July, 1820.
Sir,
I wish you, if you see Mr. Elliott of the Patent-office, to desire him to come and dine on Monday. If you can visit me early, I will shew you the neighbourhood, and in conversation you may obtain whatever opinions I have formed from experience respecting this country. It is most desirable that correct information should be given to those who are necessitated to seek an asylum here.
An European ought not to travel far into the interior, as he must sacrifice every comfort during life. Want of society, want of hands, want of a market, want of medical aid; in short, almost every want is experienced for many years; discontent soon destroys the harmony of associates, and former attachments to those left behind have double power to excite regrets.
The Americans are a migrating race, and quit their farms to seek rich back lands; but more of this when I have the pleasure to see you.
Yours most obediently,T. Law.
Sunday, 9th.—By appointment, I breakfasted with Major Young, 45 years from Ireland, and [450] from the first an enthusiast in the cause of America, throughout the revolution up to this time, having been the companion in arms of General Washington, and appointed to the honour of delivering Lord Cornwallis his discharge from his parole of honour. His lordship graciously received it from the Major at his house in London, much pleased that he was not compelled to return to America to discharge his parole, having been exchanged for Mr. Laurens in the Tower. "Major," said his lordship, "I feel obliged to you and others, and will hold myself under obligation to serve you at any time." The Major gave him an opportunity, and was served. Mr. Laurens, while in the tower, was consulted by a friend of Lord Hillsborough, the minister, on this question: "What, Mr. Laurens, would you, as a friend to America, advise England to do at the present juncture." "Why, Sir, the experience of ages proves that an ounce of honey is worth a ton of vinegar." His lordship on hearing this, in great rage rejoined, "America has had too much honey; she shall have more vinegar."
Mr. John Law, during the attack on Washington, served in the United States' army as a sergeant; but after the British got possession, he laid aside his uniform, and telling the British officers that he was the nephew of Lord Ellenborough, invited them to his house, where they spent a joyful evening together.
[451]10th.—By Mr. Elliott, I was introduced to Major Roberts, at the public department of engineers.153I wasaccompanied by Mr. John and Mr. Edmund Law, two natives of Asia, to the seat of their father to dinner, where we met Mr. Carter, Mr. Elliott, Colonel Heb, and his friend, a Cantab. Our dinner consisted of lamb, ham and chicken, and blackberry pie, with claret, brandy, and whiskey, the latter 15 years old. Here was all ease and no ceremony. Every guest seemed as free as if at home, and eat, drank, and talked as he pleased. As this dinner was on my account, Mr. Law placed me on his right hand as his guest. The two Asiatic sons of Mr. Law seem generous, kind-hearted, and most intelligent young gentlemen, free from all aristocratic pride.
Mr. John Law, during our ride to dinner, observed that his father's objection to slavery was rooted in mere prejudice, because, though he might buy slaves, he could emancipate them when he pleased. I told Mr. Law, their father, what they said of this prejudice. "Aye," said he, "call it what they please, I am acting from a good and proper motive. Wherever there are blacks, the white population is seen to decrease. The blacks will free themselves in the south; their resistance and insurrection will be horrid and irresistible; the free states will never stir an inch to oppose the blacks or to assist the planters, who have no feelings in common with the farmers and [452] people of free states. The former oppose domestic manufactures, because they think England can give them more for produce than their countrymen, and therefore they are willing that their countrymen should be drained of money for the support of British manufactures."
Free blacks, in all the above states, are an especialnuisance, because they are deemed the cause of insurrection amongst slaves, and act as brokers to them, or receivers of whatever the slaves steal.
Birkbeck and Flower became the theme of the evening. Mr. Law, and all present, regretted that they did not settle in this, or some populous neighbourhood, where they might have lived as the most distinguished citizens, and at a much less cost than now. They might have visited and been visited by the President, and all the heads of departments; had a town and country house, plenty of land, increasing in value, and good markets; plenty of comforts of all kinds; farms, houses, orchards, gardens, and every convenience formed to their hands, at less than the cost of improvements, so that the land is a gift into the bargain. What madness to go into the wilderness! Their land is not advanced in value by their mere residence on it. They might have invested money, on land, in the best western neighbourhoods, and, without sacrificing themselves, their posterity would have reaped the benefit, which must be slow, but which is sure to come with population and population only. [453] They thought that land must increase in value in the west, forgetting that there was an infinite supply at the same price; and, besides, how could they be sure that settlers would follow and give an advance. It was madness so to spend this short life. They ought to have known that working Yankee families, who do all the labour themselves, are the only proper pioneers. Gentlemen-farmers should not remove into the west, until they can live and do better there than here. At any rate it is time enough to go when they can be the third or fourth buyers of farms; when they can have the improvements at less than the cost, and the land nearly into the bargain. Society and visiting, so indispensable to such intelligent Englishmen, they might here have cheaply. "I entertained (continued Mr. Law) the President and heads of departments, and 100 friends besides, to dinner, at this house, on such a dinner, as we have had to-day, and a little light wine, and the cost of all was only 40 dollars. My good neighbours, it is true, sent me hams and rounds of beef, ready cooked, because they thought I should find it difficult to cook for so many. If I were in England, I must have my Lord ——, and others of the same rank; all must be splendid, costly, and pompous; but all this is not the hospitality which I like and find here. Here we go and come, as, and when we please; no previous notice is necessary; [454] we give and take freely of such things as we have, and no one is inconvenienced. In England a house is alarmed by the arrival of an unexpected visitor. As neighbours and visitors we are all equal, and share good things in common."
We walked through the large garden, where Mr. Law boasted that he should have 2,000 celery plants for market at 12½ cents each. All farmers send their garden produce three times a week to market. "What I send (says Mr. Law) pays the expense of the gardener, and puts 100 dollars into my pocket, exclusive of my butter, which furnishes me with butcher's meat, &c. My farm, at present, does not, but it will, more than support my establishment."
He has two women, one white, one black, two or three negro children, and five or six labourers hired at from eight dollars to twelve dollars per month, most of whom are to leave in winter.
At eight o'clock the company departed, except myself. Mr. Law pressed me to stay and spend a day or two longer, so that we might visit Colonel Heb next day, and see the neighbourhood.
We were seated together alone, on the lawn, in the cool of the evening, until ten o'clock, when Mr. Law, with a light in his hand, kindly conducted me to my bed-room. During these two hours we talked freely; first, on the state of England, which, he says, must fall in a few years. "With [455] such a debt, and so many drones, and having all the world rivalling and excluding British manufactures, and with such a superabundant population, it is impossible that she can long exist in her present condition. A famine must certainly sweep away superfluous millions. It will be brought about, first, by a scarce year, and secondly, by the want of specie to pay for foreign grain; for specie only will do, when manufactures shall not be wanted in exchange for grain. Then the British people, instead of lying down and dying willingly like the Hindoos, a scene which I witnessed, will rise with an irresistible fury, sweeping all authorities before them." "After such a storm, will they dispense with monarchy, &c.?" "No, Sir, I think not. King, lords, and commons, seem acceptable to the people. The church and the debt only will be annihilated. My friends and others in the funds see that this catastrophe is coming. They are therefore unhappy. I see they are eaten up by anxiety; I am happier than any of them. Many of the rich, and several of my friends and family, live on the European continent, to spend their money in ease and peace. They are all unhappy in their prospects. It is true that I have been unsuccessful in my speculations here, but my wants are few. I was advised by General Washington to invest my money in and about this city, which every one then deemed a good speculation, and it would have been so but for the stupidity and blundering [456] ignorance of this government, which by diminishing the currency, has reduced ourestates 50 or 60 per cent. and rendered all unsaleable. There is no money for use. It is impossible that a people can flourish without a circulating medium; a floating capital, which creates a fixed capital. This government, however, will see the need of it and resort to it; for, if the capital once in circulation had remained so, the public lands would have doubled their present value, and the industrious have flourished instead of sinking into ruin. The poor and industrious are the only proper objects of the care and protection of government." "You knew Paley. What think you of his philosophy, &c.?" "I knew him well; he was a good man, but his philosophy is false. Utility is made its basis; but impulse and feeling furnish the best moral guide. Every feeling in man points him to goodness." "But, Sir," said I, "is not his philosophy in accordance with Christianity?" "Perhaps it is." I rejoined that I could not help revering it, and that after reading it I thought myself both wiser and better. "That may be." "You knew and esteemed Sir Wm. Jones in India. Was he not a Christian?" "Why sir, Lord Teignmouth has endeavoured to make him appear so; but he was a free thinker, and unusually vain. Instead of studying his duties and introducing good laws, he was ambitious of learning all languages, and of being a finished antiquarian and poet. He fell a victim to his intense [457] application. He would never travel, except by night; the sun must not see him. He once travelled through my district by night, and I accompanied him. At sunset he would inquire: 'Is my enemy down?' If answered, 'Yes,' he would then start."
"Did you see M. Volney,154during his tour in this country?" "I did; he came, introduced to me by General Washington, and spent some days with me; he spoke our language well, and was a very wise man."
11th.—Mr. Law and myself rose about sunrise. I walked, while he was engaged in writing some materials or arguments for my journal. He writes with great velocity.
After breakfast we rode to the pleasant farm of Colonel Heb to dine, where, with his lady and family, we met a young Cantab, and his lady, who sweetly sung and played for Mr. Law on the piano, with which he seemed enraptured.
We then viewed the Colonel's estate, consisting of 600 acres, of hill and dale, 90 of which are meadow irrigated, and which produces 2,000 dollars in hay annually, while the tobacco155crop is [458] commonly worth from 100 to 150 dollars an acre. Here is a marl bank, by which the Colonel has improved the estate, which, including its first cost, employs 20,000 dollars, and nets, from 12 to 15 per cent. It is cultivated by from 12 to 20 negroes, who seem happy and well treated, singing and working merrily. The Colonel thinks slaves are better off than free-men. All slave-holders think so, especially those idle men who keep them merely for hiring out, that they may live entirely by the labour and breeding of blacks. Free blacks, in a slave state, are most of them unhappy.
Mr. Law thinks that Colonel Heb saves little or nothing from this estate, after deducting the expenses of hospitality, education, and other out-goings. Part of ourdessert, at dinner, was strawberries, which, during the summer, bear fruit continually, each month yielding a fresh supply. We quitted this hospitable abode at seven, p. m., and, on reaching home, resumed our conversation till bedtime.
Mr. Law said, that when last in England, he visited his brother, the now Bishop of Chester, then living on a small benefice, at Kelshall, near Royston, where all the neighbourhood seemed dissenters. "My brother did all he could to please them, but they would not come to church. My brother did not like it, and feared that his congregation would be reduced to the clerk and his own family. Indeed it seldom was more. [459] What a nest," said Mr. Law, "is the church for hypocrites. All churches are evils, especially when they condemn a difference of opinion, and compel the dissenters therefrom to support the church. Religion is matter of opinion; all have a right to think freely thereon. I wonder how my brother got preferment, when I know he was refractory, and could not submit to the pride and domination of Lord Ellenborough."
"The convulsion in England," says Mr. Law, "will not last long, but it will be horrid; it will sweep away the drones. I saw my friends spending their days ingloriously, and descending to the grave, sick of themselves, and without doing any good to the world.
"My good brother, the Irish Bishop, the most learned of our family, came from Ireland, purposely to see me. He is now dead. There is no independence about bishops. They only seek preferment."
Mr. Law repeated to me some satirical lines which he wrote against the * * * * * * "These lines his lordship feared should be shown. He made peacewith me and gave up to me. His lordship said, 'I must give up to Tom, or he will expose me to my brother lawyers, and I shall become their butt.'" These lines represented the * * * * * * as the perfection of pride, and seeking to be Chancellor, being already one in insolence.
[460] "You have not, I suppose, at any time, directly or indirectly, formed a part of this government?" "No, Sir, I would see them at the d—l first." "Is Mr. President Monroe a man of business?" "Yes, Sir. The Presidents are all slaves to their duties, scarcely able to breathe abroad or take air." On passing by the Capitol, I said, "Does this sumptuous Capitol accord with the plainness of republicanism?" "No, Sir, but laying stones one upon another rarely injures any nation; and besides, republics are vain, and public buildings gratify their vanity, and attach them to the country. Inasmuch (said Mr. Law) as this government has left unprotected the manufacturers of the country, and withdrawn the circulating medium from the people generally, it has done all which an enemy to this or any country could do, or wish to see done." I asked Mr. Law if it was worth while to visit Mount Vernon. He said, "Mount Vernon is inviting, but Judge W. knows nothing."
12th.—In our ride to the city this morning, with a negro behind us, two gentlemen, Mr. Law's neighbours, overtook us, but being anxious to get on before us, apologized for leaving us. "Oh! gentlemen!" said Mr. L., "we do not want you to wait for us. Go, I pray you, to the devil if you will!"
At parting with Mr. Law this morning, he promised to send me letters of introduction to his [461] Right Rev. Brother, the Bishop of Chester, and his distinguishedcousin, J. C. Curwen, Esq. M. P. which letters, together with the following curious observations, purposely written by him for the use of this journal, were soon after transmitted to me.
Observations by Mr. Law.—"I have lately perused an address to the public from the delegation of the United Agricultural Society of Virginia. If, after repeated perusals, I had been convinced that the exclusion of such foreign manufactures as we can make ourselves, by legislative measures, such as high duties or prohibitions, would be injurious to agriculturists, I should immediately acknowledge my acquiescence in their reasoning. To oppose the opinions and arguments of such able men, and of such united members, exposes any one to the imputation of vanity, and to inevitable ridicule, should his reasoning prove inconclusive. I have always been an advocate for permitting men to pursue their interests unobstructed by governmental interference, according to the suggestions of their reason, and to seek future salvation according to the dictates of their conscience; and I have always been convinced that men will employ their capitals and industry in that business which produces most profit. This is, indeed, an incontrovertible axiom in political economy; and the only question to determine, is whether the exclusion of foreign manufactures be [462] not a salutary exception to the rule. The delegation above mentioned, accuses the petitioning manufacturers of soliciting a monopoly. A monopoly, according to my definition of the term, means an exclusive privilege in favour of an individual, or a certain class of men, in preference to all others, who are injured thereby. Now to me it appears that the duties or prohibitions solicited, are solely for the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and forthe discouragement of foreign ones; nay, in my opinion, it seems a request in the name of all Americans, to be shielded from foreign monopoly. This observation will at first surprise you, but after my explanation it will, I trust, have more verisimilitude in it than you can now imagine. Suppose a sovereign to say that in a certain county, or department, he would make a donation of capital for building machinery, &c. to those who would establish a certain manufacture. Should any other of his subjects attempt rivalship, with his, or their own funds, could not those, who had their capitals gratis, undersell the competitor or competitors? Say that the buildings and machinery cost 100,000 dollars, and that 50,000 dollars, current capital, were required to pay workmen, and buy materials. The former aided by the sovereign, if they made ten per cent. on their current capital, would receive 5,000 dollars per annum, but the latter, if he obtained only a [463] profit of 5,000 dollars on his 150,000 dollars laid out, would only receive three and a third per cent. Now the foreign manufacturer has a capital from his father, which is useless to him, if not employed. Say his buildings, machinery, and 50,000 dollars current capital, produce him 15,000 dollars. If he finds foreigners, who heretofore purchased from him, attempting to set up for themselves, will it not be good policy in him to reduce his profits two thirds, to ruin his incipient rivals? Mr. Brougham, in the House of Commons, used the following language, when speaking of the loss to merchants by an excessive exportation of manufactures:—it was worth while to incur a loss, in order, by the glut, to stifle in the cradle those rising manufactures in the United States, which the war had forced into existence, contrary to the natural course of things.
"Would it not have been humane and judicious in Congress, to have prevented this ruinous glut, which contributed, with the order to resume specie payments, to crush our manufactures, merchants, and storekeepers, and to injure our farmers, &c.? How have foreigners obtained above 30,000,000 of our stocks, but by manufactures? The importation of manufactures is now much diminished, and manufactures are rising, and the price of labour falling. Will, however, any prudent man commence manufacturing till shielded [464] from a glut? Our manufactures, till then, cannot prosper, and we must remain dependent on foreigners. If all men relied upon handicraft, as formerly, then the general rule, before alluded to, would apply, and we might be supplied by home-spun. Were all patriots, the nation would prefer home-spun, if even a little dearer than foreign articles of a similar kind; but, as many will prefer their own to the general interest, the general government must, in respect to foreign commerce, interfere. The farmer in England obtains from 8s.to 10s. a bushel for his wheat; our farmers obtain 4s.6d.; the manufactures in England amount to about 100,000,000l.sterling; ours, to less than that amount in dollars.
"The distress occasioned by the sudden reduction of our circulating medium from 100,000,000 dollars, to 45,000,000 dollars, has reduced all property far below its intrinsic value; the banks are prosecuting to recover sums loaned, mortgages are foreclosed, and landholders in debt are compelled to sell. When an European purchases land in the western countries, he has to clear and fence, and to build house and barn and stable, at a great expense. In the old states, as they are termed, the land is sold at so much per acre, and the house, barn, &c. are thrown into the bargain. Land, from four to eight milesfrom this city, may be averaged at twenty dollars an acre, ready to [465] be occupied. Navigation is near; the market is near; the newspapers, as essential almost to an Englishman as his breakfast, may be received three times a-week by market-carts. Society is good; the expense of a long journey, and a thousand inconveniences experienced by new settlers, are avoided. Horses and oxen, I believe, can be bought cheaper in this neighbourhood. If a man wants to remove his family and to sell, he can find purchasers more readily than in the western wilds. Sickness almost always occurs on the first exposure of new land to the sun. State taxes and county levies fall heavily on settlers in a new country, requiring public buildings, roads, bridges, &c.; labour is dear, and not always attainable. A New England man succeeds in a new country, because he is a jack-of-all-trades; he can make his own log-house, mend his cart, &c. There is an old adage, that "fools build, and wise men purchase." Suppose 150 acres, purchased in this neighbourhood, at twenty dollars an acre, making 3,000 dollars, the fencing, and building, and clearing, would cost at least that sum. When three or four Englishmen wish to purchase together, they ought to keep it a secret, and to employ some American, not in high life, who can be confided in, to sound persons wanting to sell; for if a stranger offers to buy, it is immediately reported over all the neighbourhood, and prices are raised, and it exaggerates the value. Americans are remarkably shrewd. [466] Englishmen, in general, are credulous and sanguine. All bargains ought to be legally formal, under signature and seal.
"Question. Is great Britain capable of sustaining its national debt for any length of time?
"There are operating against the possibility of this,
1st.—The rivalship of manufactures of other nations, knowledge and skill not being an exclusive advantage.
2nd.—The encrease of poor-rates, by a superabundant population, and reduction of wages.
3rd.—The augmentation of payments abroad to British residents, who avoid taxation by removing to foreign countries.
4th.—The transfer of sums by the timid and enterprizing, who, foreseeing embarrassments at home, make purchases abroad of stock and lands. The British funds yield less than five per cent.; the French and American yield six.
"These four causes, combining against British prosperity, almost preclude the hope of supporting the immense load of taxes. The army cannot, with safety, be much diminished, for as discontent increases with the addition of burthens, the power of the government must be increased. It is surprising that the "tight little island" prospers as it does; there cannot be a stronger proof of a good internal management.
"The industrious classes cannot support, in [467] any community, more than a certain proportion of drones. The important question is whether the army, navy, state creditors, hierarchy, servants, residents abroad, tax-gatherers, &c. can be supported by the industrious. The rapid increase of poor rates, evinces that a nation has arrived at its acme.
"The arrival of monied men in this country, to purchase lands and to avoid an apprehended convulsion, is ominous of the approaching crisis. It is painful to forebode misfortune, and an unwelcome task to predict evil. Could I anticipate improvements similar to those of Arkwright, &c. to be long exclusively enjoyed, and were there landsstill to be cultivated, to support augmenting population, I could indulge the hope of liquidating the debt. At present I behold an inverted pyramid, propped by machinery, which is giving way. Your own journey, your own inquiries, must make a forcible impression, that present profits are precarious, and that happiness is alloyed with apprehensions for the future."
13th.—During a conversation this day with Dr. Thornton, of the post-office,156he observed that this city, like that of ancient Rome, was first peopled with thieves and assassins, and that, during his residence in it, he had found more villains than he had seen in any other part of the world. When he was a magistrate, such instances of unblushing villainy and want of principle amongst the people [468] had come to his view, as he could not suppose existed any where. "There are, however," said the doctor, "many good men now in it." There is a disposition generally amongst the citizens to live above their income. Persons who live as independent gentlemen, often run into debt with their butchers, &c., to the amount of several hundred dollars, and delay a year and a half before they attempt to pay, suffering themselves to be dunned continually, always promising payment, but never being punctual in performance, and ultimately paying by instalments of five, ten, or fifteen dollars; a mode of payment from which the meanest man in England would shrink.
15th.—I received a farewell visit from Mr. Thompson, late of Boston, who states that he finds the inducements toemigrate much fewer and smaller than he expected. Society, as it at present exists, shews great want of organization, great want of religion, honour, and virtue, and the country generally seems destitute of English comforts and advantages. Yet he is now about to make a commercial attempt, by way of experiment, which, if not successful, he will return into his former sphere, well content to remain in it, without again wandering five miles from it. He believes that none of the tables in America afford the comforts of an English table. He thinks that the government in its neglect of seminaries entails imperfection on the people. A bitter sectarian [469] spirit prevails, and is more vicious than in England, and there is a miserable, petty feeling of aristocracy. It seems to him that republicanism is suited only for an infant people.
This evening I took my farewell of the claret club, the focus of liberal principles and of friendly feelings.
Sunday, 16th.—Accompanied by Mr. Elliot and the Rev. J. Wright, I drove to Mount Eagle, the hired seat of Ferdinand Fairfax, Esq., on our way to Mount Vernon. This gentleman, an English lord, gave us an introductory letter, penned on the top of a post, to the supreme Judge, Washington, who received us coldly and reluctantly before he read the letter, and said, "I do not like to see people on this day, but you may walk round." He then turned away while Mr. Elliot muttered, "We consider it no act of impiety to visit the tomb of General Washington, and thus to come on pilgrimage to the shrine of your illustrious ancestor." On reading the letter his severity relaxed, and he sent two of his servants to conduct us to the tomb, through the house and gardens, and to point out whatever was curious. The road, through the estate, leading to the mansion, is rough and worn into gullies.Every thing bespeaks the neglect and apathy of the present owner. The land is poor; the estate is separated on all sides by a rail fence, that is, rails split and mortised into posts; and the gardens are surrounded [470] with evergreen cedar fences, all of which are the work of the late General, for whom every thing here seems to mourn. The house contains nothing curious save the huge old iron key of the French Bastile, kept in a glass case, and the recollection of its being once the abode of General Washington. Instead of carpets, you see Indian matting on the floors. The furniture is mean and common, and was brought here by Judge Washington.
The exterior of the house is of wood, sanded over, in imitation of stone. It suffers for want of paint, while bricks seem falling from the chimneys without being replaced. Here are no pictures of any value. The only likeness of the late General is cut from a Chinese pitcher! The grass upon the lawn and garden, in front and rear of the house, is rotting and seeding down; it is never mown.
The tomb containing the General, and his lady, and brother, and others of this renowned family, might be mistaken for a dog-kennel, or a mound, much resembling a potatoe grave in England. It is situated at the extremity of the garden, and on the brow of a hill. No monument marks it. Evergreen cedars of Lebanon grow thick upon it, a branch of which is often stolen as a sacred relique. I bore away one for the king of England. In like manner did the Russian minister carry one to his Imperial master, Alexander. No pilgrim is forbidden [471] thus to pilfer. The tomb is formed by excavating the earth, and then arching it over with bricks; three feet of earth is then cast on to the arch, which completely hides every thing but the entrance at one end, through a door, formed of half inchfir board, now rotting away. Such a door would disgrace an English pig-stye. Were pigs to range here, they would soon enter the tomb, which was built by the brother of the late General, the latter of whom is to sleep here until a national grave is made by lottery. Graves and cathedrals are raised, in this country, by means of lotteries!
While seated on this monumental hill, I exclaimed with Gray. "The paths of glory lead but to the grave." Mr. Elliot replied. "Why, Sir, I look on my grave,already made, with pleasure, and in the same manner as a weary traveller does to a down bed at the end of a long journey. I anticipate, with joy, the rest which there awaits me." "Such a feeling," said I, "is desirable, but how few the number of those who so feel!"
We were next taken to the green-houses, which in winter, are filled with all species of choice exotics, from all quarters of the earth, gifts to the late General. They now stand out in front of the green-house, with myrtles, oranges, and lemons, ripe, and in great abundance. There are aloes too of enormous size; plantains, mace, and coffee trees. [472] I gathered ripe coffee, which is contained in a kind of rich fruit or berry, of delicious flavor. The pine-apple also bears in the green-house, but it seemed in a withering state.
The approach to the house is marked by negro huts, and negroes of all ages, male and female. In the General's time, all was well managed, particularly the farm and gardens. He, the Cincinnatus of his time, was up early, and always vigilant. Now all is ruin, and ruin personified mourns for him.
The Judge is cold and reserved in his manners, and more than commonly plain in his dress. He seems to be between fifty and sixty years of age, of small stature, and leanhabit of body. His features possess but little expression, and he is, indeed, as unlike the late General, as any man in the United States.
After having seen all we wished, we re-entered the house to thank the Judge, but he appeared no more, simply sending a message that we were "welcome, and he hoped pleased." He is, we were informed, an amiable, good man, but of limited knowledge. We appeared, in his esteem, as sabbath-breakers. On this account he excused his inhospitality to us; and, besides, the saying of the late General, "I would not trust any man an inch beyond my nose, who would set an open example of sabbath-breaking," might rise in his recollection much to our prejudice. I felt the [473] Judge's answer to us as a reproof, because I hold it essential to the good of society that Christian sabbaths should be respected.
The scenery in the neighbourhood of the house and estate is very interesting. The umbrageous mount, on which the house stands, is a mile high from the shores of the great Potowmac, which is here two or three miles broad.
The British, and all the foreign diplomatic personages, visited this spot by water, and with the marine band saluted it with solemn dirges. Our guide told us that none butgreat gentlemenwere permitted to see the house and gardens on Sunday. I asked if the Judge preached or kept a parson? He himself reads prayers, morning and evening, and therefore keeps no parson.
From an attentive perusal of the American history, and a close examination of the character of Washington, says Mr. ——, it appears to me that the principal faculty of his mind was judgment, which always led him to avoid the dangers of precipitancy, and the errors which sometimes result from a more vivid and brilliant imagination. The dictates of that judgment constituted the line of his conduct, which was of course marked with the most consummate prudence. This virtue seems never to have deserted him, either as a statesman or a warrior, in a public or private capacity. His prudence and caution were particularly observable in his military career, and, like Pericles, he never [474] willingly came to an engagement, when the danger was considerable, and the success very uncertain; nor did he envy the glory of those Generals, who are admired and applauded, because their rash enterprizes have been attended with success. He had many difficulties to encounter, but these difficulties were readily surmounted. Patriotism animated him, and prudence conducted him to triumph. With a limited education and little patronage, he paved his way to greatness, and by his virtues, cast a blaze of glory around his character, which time can only increase, and which posterity must contemplate with enthusiasm and rapture. There is no parallel for such a man in the annals of the world; so singular a combination of virtues with so few vices. Such disinterested patriotism and such unimpeachable integrity, with so many temptations to swerve and so many inducements to betray, were never before united. Immoveable in the hour of danger, no difficulties could shake, no terrors appal him. He was always the same, in the glare of prosperity, and in the gloom of adversity. Like Fabricius, he could not be moved from the paths of virtue and honor, and like Epaminondas, he made every thing bend to the interests of his country. His country was his idol, and patriotism the predominant feeling of his mind. Personal aggrandizement and individual resentment and interest, were alike sacrificed to this overwhelming passion, which no difficulty could [475] weaken and no neglect destroy. Washington was reserved, without being haughty; religious, without being bigotted; great in all stations, and sublime in all his actions, whether he moved in the sphere of domestic obscurity, or employed his energies in wielding the destinies of his country. Antiquity would have made him a god. Posterity will make him more. Every nation can boast of its heroes, its statesmen, and its bards, but there are few that have produced their Washingtons. He stands alone in the history of the world, and will be venerated while virtue and patriotism have an influence on human action.
"You will, (says the same eulogist,) no doubt, be astonished to understand, that the remains of this great and excellent man still repose in a humble sepulchre on the estate at which he resided, and from which, like Cincinnatus, he was several times called by his country. The Americans are certainly not ungrateful, but they seem to have an aversion to perpetuate a man's name by "monumental brass," or to express their gratitude by splendid tombs, or ponderous and magnificent mausolea. Your long acquaintance with Westminster Abbey, where the high and the low, the great and the obscure, the good man and the villain, are alike honoured by their country or their friends, may, perhaps, draw from you a burst of indignation, at the imaginary apathy and indifference of this great republic, to the memory [476] and past services of its illustrious dead, but I question whether it be not correct policy. To begin would be to have no end, and the erection of a monument to Washington might terminate, as in Russia, with a monument to a dog. Since the invention of writing, and the present extent of knowledge, the "storied urn and animated bust," have become almostuseless. History will record with fidelity the illustrious actions of him who has deserved well of his country, and his name will be as perpetual as if Pelion had been piled on Ossa, to preserve his memory. It was doubtless owing to the want of this art, that the humble tumuli of the Celts, and the massy pyramids of the Egyptians, were formed; they had no other mode of expressing their gratitude, or of perpetuating the memory of their dead. After all, perhaps, the best monument is "to read their history in a nation's eyes.
"It is but justice, however, to state, that though the American government have refused to erect a monument to the memory of their illustrious hero, his countrymen have not been quite so fastidious; and the citizens of Baltimore, with that enthusiasm and public spirit which have done them so much credit, are now engaged in building a monument that will, at once, evince their gratitude, their patriotism, and their taste. It may be safely asserted, that the Americans pay less attention to the depositories of their dead, than almost any other nation. [477] They seem to be no sooner laid in the earth, than they are forgotten; and the tear of sorrow, and the hand of affection, neither bedews nor decorates the sward, under which the friend, the parent, or the relative reposes. Among the ancients, you will recollect, this was a part of their religion, and we owe to the tenderness and affection of a Corinthian nurse for her deceased charge, the rich and splendid capital which beautifies the Corinthian shaft. It is in vain to look into the burial grounds of this country, for the pensive cypress, or the melancholy willow, the virgin weeping over the urn of her departed lover, or the mother hanging over the grave of her darling child. No flower blooms, bedewed with the tear of affection. All iswaste and dreary, and dead as the sunken grave over which you pass; and a few stones, on which are engraved the name and age of the deceased, are all that remain to manifest the affection of the living, to those who have passed away and are no more.
"Bushrod Washington, the present proprietor of Mount Vernon, is the nephew of the General. He seems to be about 60 years of age, is below the middle size, and apparently nervous and feeble; his complexion is pale and cadaverous, but his countenance has the lineaments of benevolence and good nature. He has long been one of the judges of the supreme court of the United States, and has, during that period, discovered no deficiency [478] in his acquaintance with the law. His decisions are, I believe, generally correct, though not very remarkable. I know not whether he ever was distinguished for his eloquence at the bar; but little seems to be known of his powers as an advocate or a lawyer, and that little does not tend to place him much beyond the grade of mediocrity. Satisfied with the reputation which the fame of his uncle, the situation he holds, and the wealth he possesses, cast around him, he feels no motive to exertion, and no desire to render himself illustrious by his own efforts. He appears to be one of those men to whom the pleasures of the domestic circle are more seducing than the fitful, though captivating splendour which surrounds the temples of the statesman or the warrior, and he prefers what the world would term the inglorious repose of domestic felicity, to the feverish agitation and sickly turmoil of public life.
"Mount Vernon has become, like Jerusalem and Mecca, the resort of travellers of all nations, who come within its vicinity. Veneration and respect for the memory of thegreat and illustrious chief, whose body it contains, lead all who have heard his name, to make a pilgrimage to the shrine of patriotism and public worth, and to stroll over the ground which has been consecrated by the repose, and hallowed by the ashes, of heroism and virtue. A twig, a flower, or even a stone, becomes interesting, when taken from the spot [479] where Washington lived and died, and no man quits it without bearing with him some memento to exhibit to his family and friends."
17th.—I was revisited yesterday and to-day by Mr. Law, who, in speaking of my new acquaintance Mr. Fairfax, says, "he is an amiable, good, and learned man, but like Charles II. 'he never said a foolish thing, nor ever did a wise one.' He is ever unprepared to protect himself from cheats. This gentleman is the great great grandson of the famous Sir Thomas Fairfax, Cromwell's favourite general; he was once the richest man in America, but exchanged 100,000 acres of Virginia land for the same quantity in the west country, which he was told abounded in iron, silver, and other mines; he thus parted with a substance for a shadow."157"He still," says Mr. Elliott, "possesses 100,000 acres, and one of the warmest and truest hearts in the world. He was brought up at Mount Vernon, a favourite of General Washington's, who predicted great things of him." But, says Mr. Law, he has long been living in prison bounds. His lady lamented to us on Sunday her want of a carriage, and the hot walks she had to make to town. This gentleman's brother, Thomas Fairfax, Esq., commonly known as Lord Fairfax, who, in his own right is a British peer, possesses large unproductive estates, and lives frequently in disgrace, but both, though lords in England, would feel themselves[480] highly insulted were they so to be addressed here. Both are staunch republicans.
I yesterday added to my acquaintance a lord-chancellor, a lord, and two princes of the Ossage nation of Indians, who with two other chiefs, last week, went in state (naked) to the Secretary of war, and stamped, and said, in great anger, they came not here to be cheated out of their lands. They are fine dignified fellows, speaking only their own wild language.
Mr. Law, during conversation this day, observed that if this government would, and he believed they would, adopt his financial system, the people here would soon flourish again, and every wild spot become a garden. "Mr. Crawford, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, although he has recommended a contrary measure, is exactly of my opinion. We are both as much alike on this subject as pea to pea."
I said, "Mr. Law, would not a visit to England be agreeable? Would it not tend to lengthen your life?" "O, Sir, it would, but I could not now live in England; I must be active, and doing that which I deem for the good of mankind. My opinions would run counter to the powers which be." "But, Sir," rejoined I, "is it not our duty to be prudent and to seek the peace of the land we live in? Because in its peace we shall have peace."
"Certainly! such is the duty of every good man. [481] Why should he sacrifice himself and family? Mr. A——, your envoy here, seems suspicious of you on account of your acquaintance with Mr. ——. I am sorry Mr. —— should have given such toasts at the dinner on the 4th of July, in favour of the radicals. What have the radicals to do with America? These toasts will be sent home by A——. Envoys have nothing to do but to watch the conduct of British subjects and give reports. I am sorrythat Mr. ——, who is a good, kind-hearted, polite man, should thus expose himself, and you, and other friends, to suspicion and misrepresentation."
19th.—I received the following letter from Mr. Law, addressed to me at Mr. ——'s.