The emperor drew himself up to his full height.
"I thank you, Count Rivero," he said coldly, "for so plainly expressing your opinion. My resolution is made, and irrevocable! I can change nothing. I hope the way I am now taking may enable me to be useful to the Church, and to serve it as my heart desires."
The inspired excitement vanished from the count's face. His features resumed their accustomed calmness, and his eyes their still, clear look.
He waited for a few moments; and as the emperor was silent, he said, without the least trace of emotion in his voice,--
"Has your majesty any further commands?"
The emperor replied graciously:
"Farewell, count; be assured of the uprightness of my intentions, and hope with me for the future,--what you desire God may bring to pass in days to come."
"My hope never fails," replied the count calmly, "for the future belongs to the Ruler of the Universe!"
And with a deep bow he left the cabinet.
The emperor looked after him thoughtfully.
"They want to renew the days of Canossa!" he said to himself; "they deceive themselves. I will not be a servant to the Church; I will struggle and fight for the power to be her protector. And now, to work!"
He rang, the groom of the chambers appeared.
"Let States-Chancellor Klindworth be sent for without delay!"
"At your majesty's command!"
The emperor seated himself at his writing-table, and looked through various papers. But this occupation was merely mechanical. His thoughts often wandered, and the paper in his hand sank slowly down, while his eyes gazed thoughtfully into space.
Klindworth entered. His face, with its downcast eyes, was as unmoved and impenetrable as ever. His hands were folded on his breast, he bowed deeply, and remained standing near the door.
The emperor looked up as he entered, and returned his respectful greeting by a slight inclination of the head.
"Do you know what I have decided to do, my dear Klindworth?" he asked, with a piercing glance at the old man's face.
"I do know it, your imperial majesty!"
"And what do you say to it?"
"I rejoice at your majesty's decision."
The emperor appeared surprised.
"You applaud me," he asked, "for sacrificing Italy?"
"To keep Germany--yes," replied Klindworth; "your majesty can reconquer Italy by Germany--never Germany by Italy."
"But you were against my giving up Italy before the commencement of the war," said the emperor.
"Certainly, your imperial majesty," replied Klindworth, "because I learnt from the great Metternich 'that you should never give up anything that you can possibly keep; but should you be compelled by necessity to sacrifice something, always sacrifice that which you can most easily regain.'"
"But," said the emperor, looking up with a quick piercing glance, "Rome will take this very ill, perhaps become my enemy."
"Take it ill--yes, your majesty," replied the states-chancellor: "become your enemy, that will not much matter, for Rome will always need Austria. The Church and her influence is a mighty power in political life, and we must use political powers, but we must not permit them to rule us--that was one of Metternich's first principles."
The emperor was thoughtfully silent.
"If I give up Italy, I must win the price of this sacrifice. Do you believe I shall gain an alliance with France?"
"I hope so," said Klindworth, a piercing glance appearing for a moment beneath his half-closed eyelids, "if the diplomatists do their duty."
"If they do their duty," said the emperor pondering. "My dear Klindworth," he continued, "you must go at once to Paris and use all your talents to induce Napoleon to undertake active measures."
"I will set off with the next courier, your majesty," said Klindworth, without the least change in his expression.
"You know the situation well, and will do the best you can with it?" asked the emperor.
"Your majesty may rely upon me," said Klindworth.
The emperor was silent for some time, and passed his fingers lightly over the table.
"What do they say in Vienna?" he asked at last, in a tone of indifference.
"I trouble myself very little about what they say," replied the states-chancellor, with a quiet, searching glance at the emperor; "but I have heard enough to know that public opinion is courageous, and expects much from the Archduke Albert and the army of Italy."
"Do they speak of my brother Maximilian?" asked the emperor, in a slightly constrained voice.
Again a quick glance shot from Klindworth's eyes.
"I have heard nothing; what should they say about him?"
"There are people," returned the emperor, in a low tone, "who pronounce my brother's name in conjunction with this unhappy catastrophe." And again he was silent, a dark cloud gathering on his brow.
"The best means for making Vienna pronounce one name," said Klindworth, "is for your majesty to show yourself."
"How? Would you have me drive in the Prater?" asked the emperor, with the same gloomy look.
"Your majesty," said Klindworth, "a number of Austrian and Saxon officers, who have been wounded, have just arrived, and have come to the Golden Lamb in the Leopoldstadt. May I humbly suggest that your majesty should visit these wounded soldiers? It would make an excellent impression."
"Immediately," cried the emperor; "and not to make an impression. My heart urges me at once to welcome these brave men, and to thank them."
He rose.
"Does your imperial majesty," said Klindworth, in a humble voice, "wish that the money for my journey should be paid by the government?"
"No," said the emperor. He opened a small casket standing upon the table, and took out two rouleaux, which he gave to Klindworth.
"Is it enough?" he asked.
"Quite," he replied, whilst his eyes sparkled for a moment. He seized the rouleaux, and they vanished in the pocket of his brown great-coat.
"Now," said the emperor, "start at once, and come back soon. If it is needful, send me information in the way you know. Above all, obtain--what is possible."
He slightly bent his head. Klindworth bowed, and quickly vanished, without opening the door wider than was absolutely necessary, and without making the least sound.
The emperor rang, and ordered his carriage and his equerries.
Then he drove to the Golden Lamb, and visited the wounded officers.
The Viennese, who saw him drive through the streets in his open carriage, looking proud and cheerful, said, "Things cannot be so bad after all, for the emperor is well and happy."
When he left the hotel, a dense crowd had collected before the house, and the emperor was greeted with loud, enthusiastic cheers.
Far and near, loud cries resounded of "Eljen! Eljen!"
The emperor listened with mingled feelings, and sank again into deep thought, whilst the carriage slowly parted the thick crowd, and then at a quick trot bore him back to the Hofburg.
Napoleon III. sat in his cabinet in the Tuileries. The heavy curtains were drawn back from the windows, and the bright rays of morning entered the room.
The emperor wore a light morning dress; his hair and his long moustache were carefully arranged, and his aged, wearied, and anxious face had the look of freshness which a night's rest and a carefully-arranged toilette give even to an invalid.
Beside him, on a small table, stood a lighted wax taper, and the simple service of silver and Sevres china in which he prepared his own tea. He was smoking a large dark-brown Havannah, and a blue cloud of fine smoke filled the cabinet, and mingling with the aroma of the tea, and the eau de lavande with which the room had been prepared before the emperor's entrance, and the fresh air, shed an agreeable fragrance through the apartment.
The emperor held some papers and telegrams in his hand, and his face wore a cheerful and satisfied expression.
Before him stood his confidential secretary, Piétri.
"Everything falls to those who know how to wait," said the emperor, with a smile. "I was urged to interfere in this German war--to rash and hasty action--and now? I think I have gained more and done better than if I--quite against my conviction and inclinations--had interfered with the natural course of events.
"The emperor of Austria," he continued, "yields me Venetia, and calls for my mediation to stay the advance of the victorious foe. Thus I have Italy in my hand to oppose to the situation. The defeated Italians will have to thank me for the restoration of their last province, and my promise, 'Free to the Adriatic,' will be kept!" He gave a sigh of relief. "Then I have won much influence and prestige," he added, laughing, "and prestige avails me more than power or influence. The king of Prussia accepts my mediation to begin with, only for a suspension of arms, but the rest will follow, and I am thus the arbitrator of Germany! Could I have gained more?" he asked, with a long breath at his cigar, whilst he contentedly regarded the white ashes, and slowly puffed away the blue smoke in small clouds; "could I have done more if the armies of France had taken the field?"
"Certainly not," returned Piétri; "and I admire your majesty's quick-sightedness. I must own I was not without anxiety at France being withheld from taking any part in these great events. Nevertheless, may I call your majesty's attention to the fact that the situation is much clearer on the side of Italy even if there is a slight disinclination on the part of the king to receive Venice as a gift, than it is with regard to the German powers. Accepting your mediation as a principle--"
"Will lead to further negotiations and to practical results," interrupted the emperor. "I know well that both sides have their own plans in the background. Well," he said, smiling, "I have mine."
"It is certainly a great thing," he continued, after a short pause, "that the cannon should be silenced by my first word of reconciliation, and that the gentle and friendly voice of France should force both mighty foes to lower their arms, at least for a moment, whilst they listen respectfully to my words. Such is my position as mediator in Germany. And thus it must be represented to public opinion," he added; "it is very important that this should not interfere with my calm and prudent action."
"This has been done, sire," said Piétri. "The 'Moniteur' has represented your majesty's mediation quite in this spirit, and all the leading newspapers have thus described the situation."
"Good, good," said the emperor. "And how does the sovereign public opinion of my good Paris regard the affair?"
"Excellently," replied Piétri; "all the organs of the press describe the position of France in this conflict as highly flattering to the national dignity."
The emperor nodded his head with an air of satisfaction.
"I cannot, however, conceal from your majesty," continued Piétri, "that I have observed a strong Prussian tendency in the journals; the Prussian Consul Bamberg, who as your majesty knows takes charge of these affairs at the embassy, has for some time been strongly and cleverly supported by 'le Temps,' 'le Siècle,' and other newspapers."
The emperor was thoughtfully silent.
"The question is," continued Piétri, "whether this agitation shall be counteracted?"
"No," said the emperor decidedly, "it would be far from my wish for public opinion strongly to take up the side of Austria; it would be inconvenient. I must tell you honestly," he proceeded after thinking deeply for a moment, "that I have very little confidence in Austria, she seems to me to be in the process of dissolution and near her fall. The great emperor had this same thought," he added half speaking to himself, "they did not understand him in Berlin, and were punished for it at Jena--Count Bismarck is no Haugwitz, and--but," he said, suddenly interrupting himself, "does Austria make no effort to work on public opinion here?"
Piétri shrugged his shoulders.
"Prince Metternich," he said, "is too much a grand seigneur to trouble himself to descend from the heights of Olympus into the dark and murky atmosphere of journalism, for which in Austria they maintain a most sovereign contempt."
"Yes, yes," said the emperor, "these legitimate diplomatists breathe and move upon their Olympian heights without regarding what takes place on earthly dust, and yet it comes from below that public opinion, that Proteus-like power who weaves the threads upon the loom of eternal Fate, that mysterious power, before whose sentence the proud gods of Olympus and of Tartarus tremble."
"Something," said Piétri, laughing, "has been done by Austria to influence public opinion--in very long, correct, and diplomatic articles the 'Mémorial diplomatique' explains--"
"Debraux de Saldapenda?" asked the emperor, smiling.
"Your majesty is right!"
"Certainly," said Napoleon, as he brushed the ashes of his cigar from his trousers, "a small counter influence can do no harm. Let an article appear here and there, calling attention to the necessity of not allowing Austria's position in Europe to be too much weakened. You understand, in Europe, not a word about Germany, and the articles must bear the stamp of official Austrian origin, the journalists themselves must believe they come from thence. You will know how to arrange this?"
"Perfectly, sire," replied Piétri.
"Laguerronière told me," continued the emperor, "of a very clever little journalist--Escudier--he has relations in Austria; make use of him, we must certainly strengthen our newspaper contingent," he proceeded, "our cadres are very small, and we must make a campaign. Think over this."
Piétri bowed.
The groom of the chambers announced: "His Excellency Monsieur Drouyn de Lhuys."
The emperor bent his head, took a last whiff from his cigar, and said to his secretary, "Stay near me, I may need you."
Piétri withdrew through the large and heavy portière, which concealed the steps leading to his own room.
Scarcely had the folds of the curtain closed behind him, when Drouyn de Lhuys entered the emperor's cabinet. He looked as calm and grave as ever, and had his portfolio under his arm.
"Good morning, my dear minister," cried Napoleon, rising slowly and holding out his hand, "well, are you satisfied with the course of events, and the position which the policy of waiting has procured for us?"
"Not entirely, sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys gravely and quietly. A cloud passed over the emperor's brow. Then he said in a friendly voice,--
"You are an incorrigible pessimist, my dear minister; what could you require more? Are we not at this moment the umpire of Europe?"
"An umpire, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys inexorably, "who does not yet know whether the contending parties will accept his award. The best umpire is he who throws his sword into the balance, of which Brennus the ancestor of the Gauls has given us an example."
"I might be listening to the most fiery of my marshals, and not to my Secretary of State and of Foreign Affairs," said the emperor, laughing, "but to speak gravely, why are you not satisfied? I know that we have before us many involved and difficult negotiations, but," he added courteously, "can that alarm you, the experienced statesman, so capable of finding Ariadne's clue in all such labyrinths? I believe that we have won the game if we can only bring matters upon the field of long negotiations. Sudden events are what I most fear. They exclude logic, combination, and the weapons of the mind."
Drouyn de Lhuys was silent for a moment, and his eyes rested on the emperor's face, so much more animated than usual.
"I know," he then said, "that your majesty loves to tie Gordian knots, but you forget that we have to do with a man who is apt to hew through such works of art with his sword, and who has a very sharp sword in his hand!"
"But, my dear minister," said the emperor, "you would not have me at this moment, when my mediation is accepted, step between the two combatants with my weapon in my hand?"
"Not in your hand, your majesty," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "but with a sharp sword by your side. Sire, the moment is grave, the French mediation cannot be Platonic; your majesty must clearly perceive what may arise through your intervention."
"In the first place, that this unpleasant din of cannon in Germany will cease,--it makes all calm and skilful diplomacy impossible!Cedant arma togæ!And, then--but what is your opinion of the situation, and what do you think we ought to do?" he said, interrupting himself, whilst his half-closed eyes opened and a full glance from his brilliant phosphorescent pupils fell upon his minister.
He seated himself, pointing with his hand to an easy-chair for Drouyn de Lhuys to occupy.
"Sire," said the latter, as he sat down, "your majesty must be clear as to the influence you wish to exercise upon the events that have already taken place in Germany. Two courses are possible, and with your permission I will analyze them before your majesty. After the information we have received from Benedetti, after what Goltz has imparted to us, it is impossible to imagine that Prussia will entirely give up the advantages she has procured by the amazing success of her arms--upon which we must remember the monarchy of Hohenzollern had staked--perhaps its existence."
The emperor nodded acquiescence.
"According to my information, and my conception of Count Bismarck's character, he will require not only the exclusion of Austria from German affairs, not only the leadership of Germany at least to the Main, for Prussia, he will also require an increase of territory, the annexation of Hanover, Hesse, and Saxony."
The emperor raised his head.
"Hesse," he said, "that touches me not. Hanover, I have a great esteem for King George and sympathise with him, since I knew him at Baden-Baden; but Hanover is England's affair. Saxony," he said, slightly twirling the point of his moustache, "that is different; that touches the traditions of my house. But," he interrupted himself, "go on."
"Austria," said Drouyn de Lhuys, calmly continuing the subject, "will be forced to yield to these demands, for it is in no condition to continue the war. The army of the south will not return in time, and upon Hungary, so my agents assure me, there is no reliance to be placed; it will therefore depend upon the influence of France whether Prussia obtains what she demands."
The emperor was silent.
"Two paths are possible to your majesty in this position of affairs."
The emperor listened with the greatest interest.
"One course," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "is for your majesty to say: 'The German Confederation, as guaranteed by Europe, is dissolved, and all the German princes have simply become European sovereigns, who are allies of France. France refuses that the balance of power in Germany and in Europe should be disturbed, by any change in their possessions or their sovereign rights.' Your majesty can divide the German Confederation into a North German and a South German group, the first to be under the leadership of Prussia, the second under Austria, and you can forbid all other change. This is the course," added the minister, "that I should advise your majesty to pursue."
The emperor bent himself down thoughtfully.
"And if Prussia rejects this proposal, or rather this award?" he asked.
"Then your majesty must march to the Rhine and follow the example of Brennus," said Drouyn de Lhuys.
"What should I gain?" asked Napoleon. "Would not divided Germany be as ready to unite against France, perhaps more strongly organized in two parts, as was ever the old German Confederation? And the other course?" he then asked.
"If your majesty will not follow the path I have pointed out," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "then, in my opinion, France must act towards Germany as she acted towards Italy. She must allow events to take their natural course, she must consent to an entire or partial national union beneath Prussia, and to the territorial acquisitions of Prussia,--and she must demand on her part compensation."
The eyes of the emperor lighted up.
"And what compensation would you demand?" he asked.
"Benedetti maintains," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "that in Berlin they are much inclined to give us possession of Belgium."
The emperor nodded approval.
"I do not," added the minister, "approve this policy; we shall gain little as far as military position is concerned, and we shall be burdened with great complications towards England."
The emperor shrugged his shoulders slightly.
"But Belgium is French," he said.
"Sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "by the same right Alsace is German."
"Ah! bah!" exclaimed the emperor, involuntarily. "But," said he, "where would you seek compensation?"
"Sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "if the military and political unity of Germany is consolidated under the leadership of Prussia its new power will be very dangerous to France, dangerous to our influence, yes, even to our safety. We must therefore on our side demand guarantees against an aggressive policy from newly constituted Germany. In the next place," he added, as the emperor remained silent, "we must demand, as is only right and moderate, the extension of the French boundaries as established by the Congress of 1814."
The emperor bowed his head with animation.
"Then, sire," continued Drouyn de Lhuys, as he fixed his keen eyes upon the emperor, "we must demand Luxembourg and Mayence."
"That is much," said the emperor, without looking up.
"But not too much!" returned Drouyn de Lhuys. "Luxembourg too is only a question between us and Holland, and only the silent consent of Prussia will be needed. Mayence--well, they may demur about that, but it is better to ask more than you positively intend to take. That is my idea of compensation," he added after a short pause.
"And it is mine," said the emperor, rising; and with his slow halting gait he took several turns about the room.
He stood still before Drouyn do Lhuys, who had also risen, and said,--
"I regret, my dear minister, that I cannot decide upon following the first course you pointed out; since you consider it the right one."
"I pointed out the second as the best alternative," said Drouyn de Lhuys; "and although I should have preferred the former, I fully approve of the second."
"Give me the second," said the emperor, "let Herr von Bismarck unite Germany as well as he can, and let us strengthen the power of France as much as possible. Write to Benedetti at once, order him to go to head-quarters and to negotiate at first a simple suspension of arms; let us first quiet those cannon and make room for calm diplomacy. Let him then raise the question of compensation in a confidential conversation with Herr von Bismarck, and suggest Luxembourg and Mayence."
Drouyn de Lhuys bowed.
"But without engaging himself too much, without stating any ultimatum. I will keep my hand free," said the emperor with animation.
"Our interests can only be preserved, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "if our attitude is decided, and our speech firm."
"They shall be so," cried the emperor; "but we must not begin with the ultimatum. Let Benedetti sound, and skilfully discover how his proposals are received."
"And what will your majesty say to Austria?" asked Drouyn de Lhuys.
"That we are taking the greatest pains to make the peace as favourable as possible, and to preserve the territorial possessions and the European position of Austria. We must," he added, "advise Vienna to be ready to continue the war in case we are unsuccessful, for who knows what turn affairs may take, and, besides, a firm attitude on the part of Austria, and an increase of the difficulties Prussia finds on that side, can only be favourable to us."
"I am quite of your majesty's opinion, and I shall write in this spirit to the Duke de Gramont immediately. I must now mention to your majesty that Herr von Beust has arrived and requests an audience."
"Beust, the Saxon minister?" asked the emperor with surprise.
"He arrived in Paris this morning, and was with me before I came here," said Drouyn de Lhuys.
"And what does he want?" enquired Napoleon.
"To call upon your majesty to protect Saxony."
"I will see him," said Napoleon after a short pause; "but without ceremonial."
"That is also the wish of Herr von Beust, your majesty."
"Beg him to announce himself through Colonel Favé, who is on duty. I will instruct the colonel to bring him without exciting observation."
"Very well, sire. To-day or to-morrow I expect Prince Reuss, who is sent by the King of Prussia with letters to your majesty from head-quarters at Pardubitz."
"From where?" asked the emperor.
"Pardubitz, sire," repeated Drouyn de Lhuys, pronouncing the word very distinctly.
"What a name!" cried Napoleon. "And do you know what he brings?"
"The conditions of peace," said Drouyn de Lhuys; "without their previous acceptance the King of Prussia will conclude no armistice. So says Count Goltz, who informed me of the prince's coming by a telegram."
"And were these conditions known to Count Goltz?" asked the emperor further.
"From his previous and general instructions I take it they were the same as I have already imparted to your majesty,--Austria's exclusion from Germany, the leadership of Prussia, and the annexation of the territory lying between the separate portions of Prussia," returned Drouyn de Lhuys.
"Then his arrival will alter nothing in our policy," said the emperor. "We will await him."
"Permit me once more to draw your majesty's attention to the fact," said Drouyn de Lhuys, in an impressive tone, as he fixed his penetrating eyes upon the emperor, "that whatever policy France may adopt, our interests cannot be preserved unless our language is very firm, and our attitude decided."
"It shall be so," said the emperor, "in the groundwork of the plan; the form of negotiation must nevertheless be circumspect. Impress this upon Benedetti."
"We have the greater reason to be firm," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "because a new difficulty is arising for Prussia, which will make the court at Berlin all the more anxious to arrange affairs with us. An article from the official journal of St. Petersburg has been sent to me, in which it is stated that the suspension of arms would lead to a definite reconciliation, if there was not someone in Germany who thought himself strong enough to compel Europe to consent to his German conquests, forgetting that there still existed sovereigns in Europe whose united forces could prevent the balance of power from being an idle word."
And Drouyn de Lhuys drew a newspaper from his portfolio, and handed it to the emperor.
He took it, glanced through it hastily, and laid it on the table.
"That is plain," he said, laughing; "and the address of the warning cannot be doubtful."
"Baron Talleyrand maintains this article is the expression of the opinion of the court party," said Drouyn de Lhuys; "and that, although the emperor and Prince Gortschakoff are reserved, they regard the catastrophe now taking place in Germany with the greatest interest."
"Excellent, excellent!" cried the emperor. "Instruct Talleyrand to foster this feeling as much as possible. He must," said he, after a thoughtful pause, "point out especially that the interests of Russia and France are identical in preventing Germany from concentrating her military power in the hand of Prussia."
"I have prepared an instruction to that effect, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "since I thought I foresaw such an intention on the part of your majesty."
"And," said the emperor, as if seized by a sudden thought; but he broke off quickly, and said, laughingly,--
"You see, my dear minister, how everything unites in placing the threads of the European situation again in our hands: we have all the advantages of a victorious battle, without a shot having been fired, or one Frenchman having been sent out of the world."
"I shall be glad if all comes to a favourable end," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, as he closed his portfolio.
"And do not forget," said the emperor, in a gracious tone, repeating his minister's words, "that our language must be firm, and our attitude decided."
He held out his hand to his minister.
"I may then send Herr von Beust here immediately?" said Drouyn de Lhuys, preparing to go.
"Do so," said the emperor; "and as soon as anything fresh arises, I expect you."
With an engaging smile, he made one step towards the door, through which, with a low bow, Drouyn de Lhuys withdrew.
The emperor walked thoughtfully several times up and down his cabinet. Then he went to the portière, which concealed the private stairs, and called,--
"Piétri."
He appeared immediately.
"Have you seen this article from the 'Journal de St.-Pétersbourg'?" asked the emperor, handing his secretary the paper he had received from Drouyn de Lhuys.
"I have," replied Piétri, after glancing at it hastily; "I had it ready to present to your majesty."
"All goes on excellently," said the emperor, rubbing his hands. "We must increase this difficulty arising for the victor of Königgrätz in the East as much as possible. I have ordered Talleyrand to dwell upon the identity of the French and Russian interests."
Piétri bowed.
The emperor slightly turned the points of his moustache.
"You might write to him quite confidentially," he proceeded, "saying that there is no intention of allowing the idea to transpire hastily; but that since 1854 and 1856, the European situation has much changed, and that now an understanding between France and Russia upon the Eastern question would, perhaps, be possible and desirable. Should a common policy facilitate the arrangement of the German difficulty, a revision of the Treaty of Paris would probably not be refused here. But this must be quite private," he said, with emphasis, "engaging us to nothing, and in the strictest confidence."
"Very good, it shall be done at once," said Piétri.
"Sire," he said, after waiting for a moment, during which the emperor was silent, "Herr Klindworth is here, and wishes to see your majesty."
"Klindworth?" cried the emperor, laughing, "that old stormy petrel could not keep out of a crisis which has raised such a tempest in European policy. What does he want?"
"He comes from Vienna, and wants to impart to your majesty much that is interesting."
"He is always interesting, and he often has clever ideas," cried the emperor. "Bring him here at once."
Piétri ran down the steps, and returned in a few moments with States-Chancellor Klindworth, who appeared from behind the dark, heavy portière, which the private secretary closed again after his entrance.
The emperor and Klindworth were alone. The latter stood in the same attitude, the same brown coat, and the same white cravat as in the cabinet of Francis Joseph. With downcast eyes he waited, after a low bow, for the emperor to speak.
"Welcome, dear Herr Klindworth," said Napoleon, in his peculiarly winning and fascinating way, "come and sit near me, that we may talk of these wonderful and stormy events which have so disturbed the peace of the whole world."
He sank again into his arm-chair, and Klindworth, taking in the expression of the emperor's countenance with a hasty glance, seated himself opposite.
Napoleon opened a small étui, twirled up a large cigarette of Turkish tobacco with great dexterity, and lighted it at the wax taper on the table beside him.
"I am glad," said Klindworth, "to see your majesty looking so well and cheerful, in the midst of these great catastrophes. His majesty Francis Joseph will be much rejoiced when I tell him of your majesty's excellent health.''
"You come from the Emperor Francis Joseph?" said Napoleon, with aroused attention.
"You know, sire," said Klindworth, folding his hands over his breast, "I am no ambassador; I represent nothing. I am only old Klindworth, who has the good fortune to be honoured by the confidence of those in the very highest positions, and who uses his healthy old wits in the diplomatic world, endeavouring to set straight what inexperienced folly has set crooked."
The emperor laughed, whilst he blew a thick cloud from his cigarette.
"And do you come to correct a little of the folly that goes on in the Tuileries?" he then asked.
"If your majesty speaks of the Tuileries I must be silent," said Klindworth, "but if you speak of the Quai d'Orsay, I shall not say no; there they can always do with a little good advice."
The emperor laughed still more. "Well," he said, "what advice would you give to the Quai d'Orsay? Perhaps I can support it."
A rapid glance shot from the eyes of the states-chancellor. He lightly tapped the fingers of the right hand upon the back of the left, and said,--
"I would recall to your majesty's ministers and diplomatists the old formula: Videant consoles ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica!"
The emperor immediately grew grave; his quick, brilliant eyes were suddenly raised from beneath their drooping lids, and fixed with a burning expression upon Klindworth, who sat before him without moving a muscle. Then he leant back in his arm-chair, blew from him a thick cloud of smoke, and asked in a quiet tone,--
"Do you think, then, that things are so bad? Now that the emperor has determined to evacuate Venetia all his forces will be free, and the fortune of war may change."
"I do not believe it will change, sire," said Klindworth, calmly, "and according to my opinion, your majesty must take heed lest your defeat should bring upon you still worse consequences."
"My defeat?" inquired Napoleon, drawing himself up proudly, whilst his moustache glided through his fingers.
"Sire, Königgrätz was as great a defeat to France as to Austria."
The emperor was silent.
"Does your majesty think," continued Klindworth, "it added to the prestige of France--and to imperial France prestige is needful--that without her concurrence all European affairs should be turned upside down, that a great Prusso-German military monarchy should arise, without France's interference? The cabinets of Europe will thus learn to arrange their own matters without heeding France, and your majesty can conceive better than I, what effect this will produce upon the French nation."
The emperor considered. Then he said, calmly and gravely: "What does the Emperor Francis Joseph intend to do, and what does he expect of me?"
Klindworth showed not the least surprise at this suddenly direct question, and at the different tone it gave to the conversation.
"The emperor," said he, "is determined to fight to the last. He hopes, by the withdrawal of the southern army, to gain the necessary strength to resume action; he hopes Hungary----"
The emperor slightly shook his head.
"He hopes," continued Klindworth, "that the armistice will give him time to reassemble his forces, and that the Prussian demands will be so exorbitant as to render peace impossible. He expects that your majesty will march to the Rhine, that Austria will be freed from her difficulties, and Prussia hurled from the height upon which the victory of Königgrätz has placed her."
The emperor was silent for a moment.
"Will there not be difficulties," he then said, without looking up, "in the fulfilment of these numerous hopes?"
"If your majesty sees them," returned Klindworth, "they are certainly there."
"And do you not see them?" asked the emperor.
"Sire," replied Klindworth, "I received orders to urge your majesty to hasty action with an armed hand. That is my commission; if your majesty will give me an answer, I will, if you command me, tell you my opinion."
"You define sharply," said the emperor, laughing. "Well," he proceeded slowly, turning his cigarette between his fingers, "I will speak without reserve. The emperor may rest assured that I regard a strong Austria absolutely necessary to peace and the balance of power in Europe, and that I will prevent Austria's displacement from her European position with the whole force of France, if needful. I do not, however, believe that this supreme moment has yet come, and I might do more harm than good by an armed interference, for at this moment there is no reason for pushing the German question into a European crisis."
Klindworth listened attentively, accompanying with an inclination of the head each word, as it was slowly uttered by the emperor.
"Your majesty wishes to wait," he then said, "and to keep your hand free as long as possible, but you will prevent any alienation of territory from Austria itself."
The emperor slightly bent his head.
"But one circumstance must by no means be excluded from our arrangements," he said; "every effort must be made in Vienna to alter the military position in Austria's favour."
"I understand perfectly, sire," said the states-chancellor.
"Well, now, my dear Herr Klindworth," said the emperor, throwing away the remains of his cigarette into a small china vase, and preparing a fresh one with the greatest care and attention, "you will tell me your opinion, since you have heard my intentions."
And he bent his head slightly to one side, and looked at Klindworth attentively.
"My opinion, sire, is that you are perfectly right."
Surprise was seen on the emperor's countenance.
"Your majesty is perfectly right," repeated Klindworth, looking up with a quick, watchful glance, "for in the first place," he continued, in a matter-of-fact tone, "waiting gives you a chance of demanding compensation for France."
The emperor's eyelids were almost entirely closed; he had completed his cigarette, and blew a thick cloud into the air before him.
"And besides," continued Klindworth, quitting his former remark completely, and somewhat raising his voice, "your majesty has a double reason for avoiding a brusque interference, you would benefit France as well as Austria very little."
The emperor listened with interest.
"If your majesty now interferes with an armed hand in the affairs of Germany," said Klindworth, drumming with his fingers, "two courses are possible. Prussia may yield, in which case things will remain as they are. Prussia will only be regarded as the President of the Confederation, and obtain some small territorial accession; in material matters she will remain as she was, but an immense moral weapon will have been placed in her hand. The German people will be told that the union of Germany has been prevented by France, that Austria has called in the national enemy, and as in Germany they may now write, read, and sing what they please, and as the newspapers and books and songs are made in Berlin, Austria's position amongst the German people would be morally annihilated, and on some future occasion--perhaps when France was engaged in some contrary direction--the perfectly ripened fruit would fall into the hands of the Hohenzollerns."
The emperor turned his moustache, and nodded approval.
"But," continued Klindworth, "and the character of her leaders renders this supposition the most probable, Prussia may not yield, but may undertake the war notwithstanding its enormous proportions. I fear then, Herr von Bismarck would succeed in inflaming a national war, and would lead united Germany against France."
"Would this be possible with the present feeling of Germany?" asked the emperor.
"Sire," said Klindworth, "if moving water will not freeze in winter an iron bar is thrown in, and the ice-rind forms at once. The sword of France thrown into the German movement would act like that iron bar, the waves would be still, and would form into a solid mass."
"But the South Germans?" asked the emperor--"both the people and the governments?"
"They have now lost all hope in Austria," said Klindworth; "they feel themselves in the power of Prussia; with a few promises, a few kind words, and a few threats it will not be difficult to gain them over to her side, for of this I am certain, they only want some reasonable and honourable excuse to join her."
The emperor was silent.
"If, however," said Klindworth with animation, "Prussia at once obtains what she desires, namely immediate and important accessions of territory, the complete annexation of Hanover, Hesse, &c.,--if only sufficient pressure is applied as to enable South Germany to retain its sovereign independence--the result will not be the union of Germany, that popular idea of all poets, singers, and beer-drinkers; on the contrary, it will be its separation, and all the blood that has been shed will only have been for the aggrandizement of Prussia. Domestic nationality, that feeling so dear to the German, will be directed against Prussia, and the national sympathy will turn towards Austria."
"Will this be possible?" asked the emperor.
"Certain," replied Klindworth; "if Austria, penetrated by another spirit, uses with prudent policy those powers which are now once more so active and potent--alas! that it should be so; but we must work with what will effect most."
"That is?" asked the emperor.
"Sire," said Klindworth, "if Prussia is increased in size by these annexations, and obtains the leadership in North Germany, she will be compelled to adopt a strict, unbending government, for the German races do not easily assimilate. One iron hand will be laid on North Germany, and the other constantly raised to menace South Germany. Then Austria must arise with fresh strength, as the shield of individual government, of independence, and of Liberty."
Napoleon smiled.
"Of liberty?"
"Why not?" cried Klindworth; "severe sicknesses are healed by means of dangerous poisons."
"But where is the skilful physician?" asked the emperor, laughing, "who can administer to sick Austria the proper dose of this poison? Count Mensdorff or Metternich?"
"I think I have found this physician," said Klindworth, gravely, without appearing perplexed.
The groom of the chambers entered.
"Colonel Favé is in the ante-room, sire."
The emperor rose.
"In one moment," he said.
Klindworth stood up and came nearer to the emperor.
"This physician," he said, in a low voice, "is von Beust."
Puzzled and amazed, the emperor gazed at him.
"Beust!" he cried, "the Protestant! Do you believe that the emperor----"
"I do believe it," said Klindworth; "but at all events, Herr von Beust is here; your majesty can sound him for yourself, and see whether my opinion is well founded."
He fixed his sharp eyes longer and more firmly than before upon the emperor, with a penetrating glance.
Napoleon smiled.
"He who plays with you," he said, "must lay his cards upon the table. Wait with Piétri; I will see you again after I have spoken with your physician upon the future of Austria."
A smile of contentment played round the states-chancellor's thick lips, as with a low bow he withdrew through the portière.
The emperor rang.
"Colonel Favé!"
The colonel, a thin man of middle height, with short black hair, and a small moustache, dressed in a black overcoat, half soldier, half courtier in manner, appeared at the door. He held it open for the minister of Saxony to enter, and he then withdrew.
Herr von Beust wore a grey overcoat, of some light summer material, thrown back from over his black coat, upon which sparkled the white star of the Legion of Honour. His slightly grey hair was carefully curled and arranged; his wide black trousers almost concealed the small foot in its well-fitting boot. His fine intellectual countenance, with its almost transparent complexion, eloquent mouth, and lively bright eyes, was paler than usual, and the amiable, winning smile was entirely gone. A melancholy expression was seen on his lips, and his whole face showed nervous anxiety.
He approached the emperor with the grace of a distinguished courtier, and bowed in silence.
Napoleon went to meet him with his fascinating smile, and held out his hand to him.
"However sorrowful may be the occasion," he said in a gentle voice, "I rejoice to see the most reliable and talented statesman in Germany."
"The most unhappy, sire," said von Beust sadly.
"They only are unhappy who have lost hope," replied the emperor, seating himself, and pointing out a chair to Herr von Beust, with a movement full of graceful courtesy.
"Sire, I have come to hear from your majesty's lips if I may still hope, and bid my sovereign do the same?"
The emperor's fingers glided over the points of his moustache.
"Tell me," he then said, "your views on events in Germany. I am anxious to have them pictured by your mouth, the mouth of a master of narrative and description," he added, with a gracious smile and a slight inclination of the head.
Beust's pale face grew animated.
"Sire," he said, "I have lost my game! I hoped to have created a new federal form of national life in Germany; to have repressed within definite boundaries the ambition of Prussia, and to have established the German Confederation in renewed power and authority, by enabling it to carry out freely the developments required by the present times. I deceived myself; I reckoned without considering the divisions in Germany, the weakness of Austria. The game is lost," he repeated, sighing; "but at least Saxony did all in her power to win."
"And is no lucky change in the game possible?" asked the emperor.
"I believe not," said von Beust; "in Vienna they still hope much from the southern army--from resuming the offensive. I do not believe in all that. A state does not easily recover from such a blow as Königgrätz, even if its inner life has not the stagnation, and has not fallen into the indolence, of Austria. Prussia is the victor in Germany, and will seize a victor's rights with an iron hand, if not restrained by a powerful veto."
His keen eyes were raised inquiringly to the emperor.
"And you think that I ought to pronounce this veto--that I can?" asked Napoleon.
"Sire," replied von Beust, "I speak to your majesty as minister of Saxony, as servant to my unhappy monarch, who is threatened with the loss of the inheritance of his ancestors, as far as it still remains to him."
"Do you think," interrupted the emperor, "that in Prussian head-quarters they mean seriously to disinherit the German princes?"
"The incorporation of Hanover, Hesse, and Saxony is determined upon, sire," said Herr von Beust with decision; "and," he continued, slightly shrugging his shoulders, "they laid high stakes upon the game in Berlin--it is perhaps natural that they should not be satisfied with the stakes alone, but make use of the advantage with regard to the future. But," he added after a moment's pause, "Hanover and Hesse divide the Prussian dominions, Saxony, on the contrary, separates Prussia from Austria and prevents continual friction; above all, Hanover and Hesse pursued a path of their own; with regard to the real interests of Germany they remained coldly passive; even when war was unavoidable they concluded no alliance with Austria--if fate overtakes them, they must in great measure ascribe it to themselves. To uphold Saxony, however, is a question of honour for Austria, and," he proceeded, looking full at the emperor, "perhaps for France also, for imperial France, for the heir to Napoleon the First's power and glory."
The emperor bent his head and slowly stroked his moustache.
"Sire," continued von Beust, whilst a tinge of red flushed his pale face, and with his eyes still fixed upon the emperor, "when the power of your great-uncle was shattered by the hand of fate at Leipsic--when so many whom he had raised up and made great forsook him, the King of Saxony stood beside him, a true friend, an ally in misfortune. And heavy penance he had to do for his truth, with half his lands he paid for his allegiance to his imperial friend. The emperor never forgot it, and even in St. Helena he remembered his noble confederate with emotion and grief."
The emperor bent his head lower and lower. Herr von Beust continued in a louder voice:--
"Now, sire, the heir of that prince who was true to your great predecessor in his misfortunes[2]is in danger of losing those possessions of his house that he still retains; King John, who has always been your majesty's sincere friend, is in danger of being driven from the inheritance of his forefathers: and not he, sire, I, his servant--who need not like himself regard royal delicacy of feeling--I ask your majesty, will the heir of the power, the glory, and the name of that great Titan, silently suffer the descendant of his last and truest friend, his friend in need and danger, to be dethroned and banished?"
Herr von Beust ceased and gazed in breathless anxiety at the emperor.
Napoleon raised his head. His eyes were open. His pupils shone large and clear in dazzling brightness, a peculiar expression of pride and dignity was on his brow, a soft melancholy smile upon his lips.
"Sir," he said, in a low, metallic voice, "the friends of my uncle are my friends, to the third and fourth generation, and no prince shall repent having stood by the emperor's side in misfortune whilst I grasp the sword of France! You have saved Saxony," he added, with his gracious smile. "Tell the king your master that he shall return to his dwelling and his kingdom. I give you my word as an emperor."
With a movement in which the dignity of the sovereign was combined with the graceful courtesy of the man of the world, he held out his hand to Herr von Beust.
He seized it with veneration, whilst he rose quickly and exclaimed,--
"If the spirit of the great emperor can look down upon earth, sire, at this moment he must smile, well pleased, upon your majesty. You prove that his friendship still weighs heavily in the scale of the fate of Europe."
A short pause ensued. The emperor was thoughtful. Beust had again seated himself, and waited.
"You believe, then," said the emperor at last, "that success is impossible for Austria?"
"I have urged them strongly in Vienna," said von Beust, sighing, "to do all that they can--to make the utmost exertions, but I fear it will be in vain. The state machinery of Austria has grown rusty, and it would be hard even for a master spirit to set it in motion. The master spirit is not there, and," he added sadly, "is no longer to be found in the home of Kaunitz and Metternich."
"Then he must be imported," said the emperor.
The eyes of the Saxon minister, full of surprise and admiration, were fixed enquiringly upon the emperor's face, which had resumed its usual calm and reserved expression.
"Do you believe," said Napoleon, "that it would be impossible to regenerate Austria if the master spirit who is wanted were found?"
"Impossible!" cried von Beust; "certainly not. Austria has immense interior power, only the nerve is wanting to move it."
"You have during your political life thought out so much, and with such great success," said the emperor kindly, with a slight inclination of the head, "that you must have considered how best this slumbering power might be aroused--inspired with life?"
A sudden brilliancy shone in the eyes of Herr von Beust.
"Sire," he said with animation, "the first and deepest cause of Austria's weakness lies in this--her own strength binds her, one half of the monarchy watches the other half, and holds it in check. Hungary, with her great military power, with her rich, inexhaustible productiveness, lies dead; and instead of inspiring her with life, Vienna carefully excludes all political life from that country. In this crisis, for example, Hungary alone could save all that is lost; but they will not speak the inspiring word, for this word is, 'Freedom and National Independence;' and at this word all the dusty old acts in the state repositories tremble, and the dusty men tremble still more! And in the interior of the monarchy, in Austria itself, a stiff bureaucracy represses every sign of life amongst the people; and where the people do not feel, do not think, do not co-operate in public life, they are incapable of making great sacrifices and heroic efforts to uphold and to save the state. Oh!" he went on, with still greater animation, "if Austria could arise in renewed life, if her rich powers could be developed and strengthened by natural movement, then all would be won back for Austria and for Germany. If Austria would maintain her moral place in Germany, if she would undertake the sphere of intellectual progress, and through this progress allow her material power to arise afresh, then--and not too late--the day would come when this defeat would be brilliantly avenged. The formulary to obtain this is simple, it is this: freedom and independence for Hungary; freedom and public life for the whole monarchy, the reform of the government, and the reform of the army! But to adopt and carry out this formulary," he added, with a melancholy smile, and a slight bend of the head, "a genius and a will is needed, such as your majesty possesses."
"You flatter," said the emperor, smiling, and slightly raising his finger. "At this moment I learn----After the completion of these events, you will perhaps not continue minister of Saxony?" he then said.
"I shall remain at my king's side during the present crisis," said Herr von Beust. "But then, I think an unsuccessful statesman had better vanish from the stage."
"Or," said the emperor, "try his powers in a wider sphere than that whose narrow boundaries have denied him success."
He rose.
Beust stood up, and seized his hat.
"I hope," said the emperor, "that your views on the regeneration of Austria may some day be brought to life. In any case, I beg you will remember that you have a friend here, and that the interests of France and Austria are one in encouraging the free development of the German nation, and guaranteeing its national life. Greet your king from me, and ask him to trust to my word."
With great emotion, Herr von Beust seized the emperor's proffered hand.
"Thanks, sire, my warmest thanks," he cried. "Whatever the future may bring forth, I shall never forget this hour."
And bowing deeply, he left the cabinet.
The emperor called Piétri.
"Is Klindworth there?" he asked.
"At your command, sire."
"I beg him to come to me."
The states-chancellor appeared.
The emperor advanced towards him with a smile.
"You are right," he said; "the physician is found who can heal the sickness of Austria."
Klindworth bowed.
"I knew," he said, "that your majesty would agree with me."
"Try to have the treatment of the case confided to him. You may rely upon my entire support."
He thought deeply.
"And tell the emperor," he then said, "that I will do all in my power to assist him, as energetically as circumstances permit. Material help, however, Austria must gain from herself and from the regeneration of her resources."
"I understand perfectly, sire," said Klindworth.
"Keep meau faitas to Herr von Beust."
Klindworth bowed.
"May I return?" he asked.
"You must set to work at once," said the emperor, "for your task is not an easy one.Au revoir:" and he made a friendly movement with his hand.
Klindworth vanished behind the portière.
"The cards are shuffled more and more," said the emperor, as he sank back comfortably into his arm-chair; "and it is only needful to hold them with a strong hand, and to look firmly at them, to rule the game. It will do," he added, supporting his head on his hand, "and at the same time a wide perspective is opened for the future. If Austria can truly arise in renewed life--Italy enclosed on both sides--the alliance is given--Hungary--Poland holds Russia in check----"
His eyes shone.
"Well," he said, with a slight smile, "we will wait, in waiting lies my strength. But a little help prepared beforehand may be useful. Above all things, I must not forget Saxony."
He stood up, and called Piétri.
"Drive to Drouyn de Lhuys," he said, "and desire him, in the instructions to Benedetti, to give him distinct orders to forbid the annexation of Saxony in the most decided manner--in the most decided manner," he repeated with emphasis.
"At your command, sire."
"And," asked the emperor, "do you know where General Türr is at this moment?"
"With the army in Italy," replied Piétri; "but I can ascertain precisely immediately."
"Write to him," said the emperor. "No," interrupting himself, "send a confidential person. I want to beg him to come here at once."
Piétri bowed.
"Through him," said the emperor, speaking half to himself, "I shall keep my hand a little in Turin and Pesth; that may be important."
"Has your majesty any other commands?" asked Piétri.
"No, I thank you," said the emperor; and his private secretary withdrew. Napoleon leant back comfortably in his arm-chair, and carefully rolling a fresh cigarette, smoked thick clouds, lost in deep thought.