FOOTNOTES:

BISHOP WILBERFORCE.G. W. Daniell, M.A.JOHN KEBLE.W. Lock, M.A.CHARLES SIMEON.H. C. G. Moule, M.A.F. D. MAURICE.Colonel F. Maurice, R.E.THOMAS CHALMERS.Mrs. Oliphant.CARDINAL MANNING.A. W. Hutton, M.A.

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G. HOWELL, M.P., Author of "The Conflicts of Capital andLabour." [Ready.

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FOOTNOTES:[1]Drake was envoy of the British Government at Munich; he and Spencer Smith, Chargé d'Affaires at Würtemberg, were accused by Napoleon of being at the bottom of a counter revolution, and an attempt to obtain his assassination. It was true that Drake and Smith were in correspondence with parties in France with the object of securing Hagenau and Strassburgo and throwing discord among the troops of the Republic, but they never for a moment thought of obtaining the assassination of the First Consul, as far as we can judge from their correspondence that fell into the hands of the French police.[2]Unfortunately the British Museum file is imperfect, and does not contain the Number for August 20th.[3]A. de Beauchamp, Vie de Louis XVIII. Paris, 1824.[4]Antonius Bonfinius: Rer. Hungaricarum Dec., v. 1., 3, givesfourreasons. Thomas Cantipratensis, Lib. II., c. 29, gives another and preposterous one, not to be quoted even in Latin.[5]Fleury, Hist. Eccl., vi. p. 110.[6]Le Jubilé d'un faux Miracle (extrait de la Revue de Belgique), Bruxelles 1870.[7]"Cuncti fere cum publicis uxoribus ... ducebant vitam." "Et ipsi, ut cernitur, sicut laici, palam uxores ducunt."—Andr. Strum. "Vit. Arialdi.""Quis clericorum non esset uxoratus vel concubinarius?"—Andr. Strum. "Vit. S. Joan. Gualberti."[8]"Cœperunt ipsi presbyteri et diacones laicorum more uxores ducere suscepsosque filios hæredes relinquere. Nonnulli etiam episcoporum verecund â omni contemptâ, cum uxoribus domo simul in unâ habitare."—Victor Papa "in Dialog."[9]"Qui unius mulieris, aut uxoris, aut concubinæ (ut ei placuerit) sit conjunctione contentus."—1st Conc. of Toledo, can. 17. "Hæ quippe, licet nec uxoribus, nec Reginarum decore et privilegiis gaudebant, erant tamen veræ uxores," say the Bollandist Fathers, and add, that it is a vulgar error "Concubinæ appellationem solis iis tribuere, quæ corporis sui usum uni viro commodant, nullo interim legitimo nexu devinctæ."—Acta SS., Jun. T. L. p. 178.[10]It is the same with St. Gregory, Nyssen, Baronius, Alban, Butler, and other modern Hagiographers make this assertion boldly, but there is not a shadow of evidence, in any ancient authorities for his life, that this was the case.[11]"Hic Archiepiscopus habuit uxorem nobilem mulierem; quæ donavit dotem suam monasterii S. Dionysii, quæ usque hodie Uxoria dicitur."—Calvaneus Fiamma, sub ann. 1040.[12]"Nec vos terreat," writes St. Peter Damiani to the wives of the clergy "quod forte, non dicam fidei, sed perfidiæ vos annulus subarrhavit; quod rata et monimenta dotalia notarius quasi matrimonii jure conscripserit: quod juramentum ad confirmandam quodammodo conjugii copulam utrinque processit. Ignorantes quia pro uniuscujusque fugaci voluptate concubitus mlle annorum negotiantur incendium."[13]Landulf Sen. ii. c. 27.[14]For authorities we have Andrew of Vallombrosa,d.A.D.1170, a disciple of Ariald. He was a native of Parma. He afterwards went to Florence, where he was mixed up with the riots occasioned by St. John Gualberto in 1063. He joined the Order of Vallombrosa, and became Abbot of Strumi. At least, I judge, and so do the Bollandists, that Andrew of Vallombrosa and Andrew of Strumi are the same.[15]"Plebs fere universa sic est accensa."[16]"Hæc cum Guido placide dixisset; eo finem orationis dixerit, ut sacerdotibus fas esset dicere uxores ducere."—Alicatus, "Vit. Arialdi."[17]Arnulf., Gesta Archiepisc. Mediol. ap. Pertz, x. p. 17.[18]"Sic ab eodem populo sunt persecuta et deleta (clericorum connubia) ut nullus existeret quin aut cogeretur tantum nefas dimittere, vel ad altare non accedere."—Andr. Strum.[19]Arnulf.,Gesta Ep. Mediol.ap. Pertz, x. p. 18. It is necessary not to confound Landulf Cotta, the demagogue, with Landulf the elder, the historian, and Landulf the younger, the disciple and biographer of Ariald.[20]Ap. Pertz, l.c., pp. 19, 20.[21]We have a full account of this embassy in a letter of St. Peter Damiani to the Archdeacon Hildebrand (Petri Dam.Opp.iii;Opusc.v. p. 37), besides the accounts by Bonizo, Arnulf, and Landulf the elder.[22]Pertz, x. p. 21.[23]"Nulla misericordia habenda est."[24]Bonizo. It is deserving of remark that Bonizo, an ardent supporter of Hildebrand and the reforming party, calls that Papal party by the name ofPatari, thus showing that it was really made up of the Manichean heretics.[25]Opp.t. iii.;Opusc.xiii. p. 188.[26]"Cui Florentini clam insidiantes tentando dicere cœperunt," &c.... "ille utpote simplicissimus homo cœpit jurejurando dicere," &c.—Andrew of Genoa, c. 62.[27]"Alacres et avidi rem scisitari."[28]For the account of what follows, in addition to the biography by Andrew of Strumi, we have theDialoguesof Desiderius of Monte Cassino, lib. iii.[29]"Martyrii flagrans amore."—Andr. Strum.[30]"Quis clericorum propriis et paternis rebus solummodo non studebat? Qui potius inveniretur, proh dolor! qui non esset uxoratus vel concubinarius? De simoniâ quid dicam? Omnes pene ecclesiasticos ordines hæc mortifera bellua devoraverat, ut, qui ejus morsum evaserit, rarus inveniretur."—Andr. Strum.[31]"Exemplo vero ipsius et admonitionibus delicati clerici, spretis connubiis, cœperunt simul in ecclesiis stare, et communem ducere vitam."—Atto Pistor.,Vit. S. Joan. Gualb.[32]For what follows, in addition to the above-quoted authorities, we have Berthold'sChroniclefrom 1054 to 1100; Pertz,Mon. Sacr.v. pp. 264-326.[33]"Securiores de corona, quam jam gustaverant, martyrii."—Andr. Strum.[34]"Favebat enim maxima pars Episcoporum parti Petri, et omnes pene erant monachis adversi."—Andr. Strum.[35]"Maxime feminarum."[36]"Et nos, viri fratres, civitatem hanc incendamus atque cum parvulis et uxoribus nostris, quocumque Christus ierit, secum camus. Si Christiani sumus, Christum sequamur."—Andr. Strum.[37]It is not mentioned in the epistle of the Florentines to the Pope, narrating the ordeal and supposed miracle, which is given by Andrew of Strumi and Atto of Pistoja.[38]Hæc ut nobilis Herembaldus ceterique Fideles audiere, sumptis armis, in audacem plebem et temerariam irruere; quos protinus exterminavere omnes, quasi essent vilissimæ pecudes,"—Andr. Strum.[39]Ariald was murdered on June 27, 1065. Andrew of Strumi says 1066; but he followed the Florentine computation—he had been a priest of Florence—which made the year begin on March 25.[40]"Gloriosus hac vice delusus," says Arnulf.[41]"Audivimus quod quidam Episcoporum apud vos commorantium, aut sacerdotes, et diaconi, et subdiaconi, mulieribus commisceantur aut consentiant aut negligant. His præcipimus vos nullo modo obedire, vel illorum præceptis consentire, sicut ipsi apostolicæ sedis præceptis non obediunt neque auctoritati sanctorum patrum consentiunt." "Quapropter ad omnes de quorum fide et devotione confidimus nunc convertimur, rogantes vos et apostolicâ auctoritate admonentes ut quidquid Episcopi dehinc loquantur aut taceant, vos officium eorum quos aut simoniace promotos et ordinatos aut in crimine fornicationis jacentes cognoveritis, nullatenus recipiatis."—Letter to the Franconians (Baluze,Misc.vii. p. 125).[42]Pertz, viii. p. 362.[43]The life of Liprand was written by Landulf the younger, his sister's son, in hisHist. Mediolan.1095-1137.[44]"Proposuisti quod ego sum simoniacus per munus a manu. Modo die: cui dedi; Tunc presbyter super populum oculos aperuit, et digitum ad eos, qui stabunt in pulpito, extendit, dicens, Videte tres grandissimos diabolos, qui per ingenium et pecuniam suam putant me confundere."[45]It is very evident from this discussion that Grossulani was innocent of true simony; the whole charge against him was due to his having quashed the election of Landulf, and thus of having deposed, after a fashion, "an archbishop from his archbishopric."[46]It is evident from the account of Landulf the younger himself, that the Archbishop did not force the priest to enter on the ordeal.[47]Kerssenbroeck, p. 114.[48]Ibid.p. 115.[49]Kerssenbroeck, p. 116.[50]Ibid.p. 117.[51]Ibid.p. 120.[52]Kerssenbroeck, p. 126.[53]Kerssenbroeck, p. 128.[54]Ibid.[55]Ibid.p. 138.[56]Kerssenbroeck, p. 143.[57]Ibid.148; Latin edition, p. 1517-9; Dorpius, f. 391 a.[58]Kerssenbroeck, p. 152.[59]Kerssenbroeck, p. 152.[60]Kerssenbroeck, p. 165et seq.; Latin edition, Mencken, p. 1520-8: Sleidan, French tr., p. 406.[61]Kerssenbroeck, p. 185; Bullinger, "Adversus Anabaptist." lib. ii. c. 8.[62]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 189-90.[63]Ibid.p. 203.[64]Stürc, "Gerchichte v. Osnabrück." Osnab. 1826, pt. iii. p. 25.[65]Vehse, "Geschichte der Deutschen Höfe." Hamburg, 1859, vol. xlvii. p. 4-6. Bessen, "Geschichte v. Paderborn"; Paderb. 1820, vol. ii. p. 33.[66]Kerssenbroeck, p. 207; Dorpius, f. 391 b. 392.[67]Ibid.p. 208.[68]Kerssenbroeck, p. 209.[69]Ibid.pp. 210, 211.[70]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 213-23.[71]Ibid.p. 272.[72]Ibid.pp. 228-34.[73]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 228, 229.[74]Ibid.p. 230.[75]Ibid.p. 248et seq.[76]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 268-9.[77]Ibid.p. 279et seq.[78]Ibid.p. 283et seq.[79]Ibid.pp. 284, 285.[80]Kerssenbroeck, p. 330.[81]Kerssenbroeck, p. 332.[82]Ibid.pp. 335-7.[83]Ibid.p. 338.[84]Ibid.p. 340et seq.[85]Kerssenbroeck, p. 347.[86]Ibid.p. 348.[87]Ibid.p. 349.[88]Kerssenbroeck, p. 351.[89]Ibid.p. 351.[90]Ibid.p. 353.[91]Ibid.p. 354et seq.Sleidan, French tr. p. 407.[92]Kerssenbroeck, p. 358et seq.Sleidan, French tr. p. 408. Sleidan also gives the number as 900; Dorpius, f. 392 b.[93]Kerssenbroeck, p. 368.[94]Ibid.p. 392et seq.[95]Kerssenbroeck, p. 398et seq.[96]Ibid.p. 402.[97]Ibid.p. 403.[98]Ibid.p. 404.[99]Kerssenbroeck, p. 404.[100]Ibid.p. 405.[101]Ibid.p. 406.[102]Kerssenbroeck, p. 407et seq.[103]Ibid.p. 413.[104]Ibid.p. 413.[105]Kerssenbroeck, p. 415.[106]Ibid.p. 416.[107]Kerssenbroeck 417.[108]Kerssenbroeck, p. 429et seq.; Sleidan, French tr. p. 409; Bullinger, "Adv. Anabapt.," 116, ii. c. 8.[109]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 431, 432; Dorp., f. 322-3.[110]Kerssenbroeck, p. 434.[111]Ibid.p. 436.[112]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 437-9.[113]Ibid.p. 441.[114]Kerssenbroeck, p. 443; Sleidan, p. 410; Dorpius, f. 393 b.[115]Kerssenbroeck, p. 443.[116]Ibid.p. 444.[117]Kerssenbroeck, p. 444et seq.[118]Ibid.p. 457et seq.[119]Dorpius, f. 394.[120]Kerssenbroeck, p. 448.[121]Ibid.p. 449.[122]Kerssenbroeck, p. 450et seq.[123]Kerssenbroeck, p. 453et seq.[124]This is corroborated by the Acta, Handlungen, &c., fol. 385. "The Preachers: Do you believe that Christ received His flesh off the flesh of Mary, by the operation of the Holy Ghost?John of Leyden: No; such is not the teaching of Scripture." And he explained that if the flesh had been taken from Mary, it must have been sinful, for she was not immaculate.[125]Kerssenbroeck, p. 456; Sleidan, p. 411.[126]Ibid.p. 456.[127]Kerssenbroeck, p. 461.[128]Ibid.p. 461.[129]Kerssenbroeck, p. 163; Dorpius, f. 394 a.[130]Kerssenbroeck, p. 464.[131]Ibid.pp. 466, 467.[132]Kerssenbroeck, p. 468.[133]Ibid.p. 472.[134]Kerssenbroeck, p. 473.[135]Ibid.p. 476.[136]Kerssenbroeck, p. 476.[137]Kerssenbroeck, part ii. p. 51et seq.; Heresbach, p. 31; Hast, p. 324.[138]Kerssenbroeck, part i. p. 477et seq.[139]Kerssenbroeck, p. 479.[140]Hast, p. 329et seq.[141]Kerssenbroeck, p. 479.[142]Dorpius, p. 394.[143]Kerssenbroeck, p. 483.[144]Ibid.p. 479.[145]Kerssenbroeck, p. 484.[146]Dorpius, f. 394.[147]Kerssenbroeck, p. 405et seq.Montfort., "Tumult. Anabap.," p. 15et seq.; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 8.[148]Same authorities; Sleidan, p. 411.[149]Kerssenbroeck, p. 495et seq.[150]Kerssenbroeck, p. 496.[151]Kerssenbroeck; Dorpius, ff. 394-5.[152]Ibid., p. 502; Mencken, p. 1545.[153]Kerssenbroeck, p. 503.[154]Ibid.p. 505.[155]Kerssenbroeck, p. 509.[156]Kerssenbroeck, p. 510; Sleidan, p. 411; Dorpius, f. 395.[157]Kerssenbroeck, p. 513et seq.Sleidan, lib. x. pp. 412-3; Heresbach, p. 36.[158]Kerssenbroeck, p. 516.[159]Ibid.p. 517; Sleidan, p. 412.[160]Kerssenbroeck, p. 5222.[161]Kerssenbroeck, p. 520; Dorpius, f. 395.[162]Kerssenbroeck, p. 523.[163]Kerssenbroeck, p. 531et seq.; Hast, p. 344.[164]Kerssenbroeck; Dorpius, f. 395.[165]Ibid.p. 585.[166]Kerssenbroeck, p. 535et seq.; Monfortius, p. 19; Sleidan and Dorpius call the man Truteling; Sleidan, p. 412; Dorpius, f. 395 b.[167]Monfortius, p. 19.[168]Kerssenbroeck, p. 538.[169]Kerssenbroeck, p. 539.[170]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 541, 542; Bullinger, ii. c. 10.[171]Ibid.p. 542.[172]Ibid., 542; Hast, p. 348.[173]Kerssenbroeck, 542; Sleidan, p. 413; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 9; Heresbach, p. 138; Buissierre, p. 310.[174]Kerssenbroeck, p. 543; Montfort., p. 24.[175]Bullinger, ii. c. 8; Sleidan, p. 271; Dorpius, f. 396.[176]Kerssenbroeck, p. 545; Heresbach, p. 139; Sleidan, p. 413; Dorpius, f. 396.[177]Kerssenbroeck, p. 596; Monfort, pp. 25, 26; Heresbach, p. 99et seq.[178]Dorpius, f. 396 b.[179]Kerssenbroeck, pt. ii. pp. 1-9; Monfortius, pp. 26, 27; Hast, p, 352et seq.[180]Kerssenbroeck, pt. ii. p. 9.[181]Ibid.pp. 11, 12.[182]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 15, 16; Sleidan, p. 413.[183]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 15, 16.[184]Ibid.p. 21.[185]Hast, p. 357; Sleidan, p. 413.[186]Kerssenbroeck, p. 26et seq.[187]Kerssenbroeck, p. 36.[188]Ibid.p. 38; H. Montfort., p. 28.[189]Sleidan, p. 414; Dorp. f 396.[190]Kerssenbroeck, p. 38.[191]Kerssenbroeck, p. 39et seq.; Heresbach, pp. 41, 42; H. Montfort., pp. 29, 30; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 9, p. 56.[192]Kerssenbroeck, p. 40.[193]Ibid.p. 41; Dorpius, f. 536 b.[194]H. Montfort., p. 29; C. Heresbach, p. 42.[195]Kerssenbroeck, p. 42. Dorpius confirms the horrible account given by Kerssenbroeck from what he saw himself, f. 498.[196]Kerssenbroeck, p. 43et seq.[197]Ibid.p. 47; Sleidan, p. 419; Bullinger, lib. ii. p. 56; Montfort., p. 31; Heresbach, pp. 136-7, "Historia von d. Münsterischen Widerteuffer," f. 328 b; Dorpius, f. 397.[198]Kerssenbroeck, p. 43et seq.[199]Kerssenbroeck, p. 47; and the authors before quoted.[200]Kerssenbroeck, p. 49.[201]Ibid.p. 55 Montfort., pp. 31-3; Sleidan, p. 418; Bullinger, p. 57; Heresbach, pp. 137-8.[202]Kerssenbroeck, p. 55et seq.; and the authors above cited. Kerssenbroeck gives long details of the dress, ornaments, and manner of life of the king; also "Historia von d. Münsterischen Widerteuffer," f. 329.[203]Kerssenbroeck gives the names of all the wives except one, which he conceals charitably, as the poor child—she was very young—fell ill, but recovered, and was living respectably after the siege with her relatives in the city.[204]Kerssenbroeck, p. 59.[205]Kerssenbroeck, p. 62; H. Montfort., p. 33; Hast, p. 363et seq.; Sleidan, p. 415; "Historia von de Münsterischen Widerteuffer," f. 328 b.[206]Kerssenbroeck. Sleidan says, "Almost every case and complaint brought before him concerned married people and divorces. For nothing was more frequent, so that persons who had lived together for many long years now separated for the first time."—p. 415-6.[207]Kerssenbroeck, p. 65et seq.; Montfort., pp. 27, 28.[208]Kerssenbroeck, p. 21.[209]Kerssenbroeck, p. 68.[210]Ibid.p. 70.[211]Kerssenbroeck, p. 75et seq.; Heresbach, p. 132.[212]Ibid.p. 75; Bussierre, p. 372; Hast, p. 366.[213]Kerssenbroeck, p. 75; Bussierre, p. 372.[214]Kerssenbroeck, p. 81et seq.; Sleidan, p. 416.[215]Kerssenbroeck, Hast p. 366.[216]Persist secure in Faith. God takes care of the Flesh. John of Leyden. The Power of God is my strength.[217]Kerssenbroeck, p. 86; Montfort., p. 34; Dorpius, f. 397 b; Heresbach, p. 139,et seq.; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Sleidan, p. 417; this author sets the number of communicants at 5,000, the "Newe Zeitung" at 4,000, f. 329. This authority adds that the communicants distributed the sacrament they had received amongst themselves saying, "Brother and sister, take and eat thereof. As Christ gave Himself for me, so will I give myself for thee. And as the corn-wheat is baked into one, and the grape branches are pressed into one, so we being many are one." Also, "Letter of the Bishop to the Electors of Cologne,"ibid.p. 390.[218]The expression used was somewhat broad—Hurenhochzeit.[219]Kerssenbroeck, p. 88et seq.; Heresbach, p. 139; Dorp. f. 398.[220]Evidence of Heinrich Graess. Dorpius says that the number of apostles was twenty-eight, and gives their names and the places to which they were sent, f. 398.[221]Kerssenbroeck, p. 89et seq.; Heresbach, pp. 89, 101, 141; Montfort., p. 35; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Sleidan, pp. 417-8; Hast, p. 368; "Historia v. d. Münst. Widerteuffer." p. 329 a.[222]For the acts of these apostles, Kerssenbroeck, p. 92et seq.; Menck. p. 1574; Montfort., p. 36et seq.; Sleidan, p. 418; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Heresbach, p. 149.[223]The "Newe Zeitung v. d. Widerteuffer. zu Münster," f. 329 b, 330 a, gives a summary of the confessions of these men, and their account of the condition of affairs in the city. They said that every man there had five, six, seven, or eight wives, and that every girl over the age of twelve was forced to marry; that if one wife showed resentment against another, or jealousy, or complained, she was sentenced by the king to death.[224]Kerssenbroeck, p. 100et seq.[225]Kerssenbroeck, p. 103et seq.; Montfort., pp. 40-1; Hast p. 368.[226]Montfort., p. 40.[227]Kerssenbroeck, p. 110.[228]Ibid.p. 114.[229]Ibid.; Sleidan, p. 419; Heresbach, p. 132.[230]Sleidan, p. 419.[231]Montfort., p. 40; Kerssenbroeck, p. 104et seq.; Hast, p. 368.[232]Montfort., p. 40.[233]Hast, p. 370; Bussierre, p. 403.[234]Kerssenbroeck, p. 132et seq.[235]Kerssenbroeck, p. 128; Sleidan, p. 420; Hast, p. 373et seq.; "Acta, Handlungen," &c., f. 365 b. The king's letter began "Leve Lips" ("Dear Phil").[236]Sleidan, p. 421.[237]Kerssenbroeck, p. 129; Sleidan, p. 421.[238]Luth. "Sämmtliche Werke," Wittenb. 1545-51, ii. ff. 367-375; "Von der Teuffelischen Secte d. Widerteuffer. zu Münster."[239]Ibid.f. 367.[240]Ibid.f. 369.[241]Ibid.f. 373.[242]Ibid.ii. ff. 298-325.[243]Ibid.ii. ff. 334-363. Melancthon says that things had come to such a pass in Münster, that no child knew who was its father, brother, or sister.[244]"Acta Handlung." &c. f. 366 a.[245]Kerssenbroeck, p. 130.[246]Ibid.p. 140.[247]Sleidan, p. 419; Bullinger, l. ii. c. 9; Heresbach, p. 156; Dorp. f. 498.[248]Kerssenbroeck, p. 148.[249]Ibid.p. 149.[250]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 153, 154; Sleidan, p. 422; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 2; Heresbach, pp. 159, 160.[251]Kerssenbroeck, p. 155; Hast, 394.[252]Kerssenbroeck, p. 157et seq.; Heresbach, pp. 151, 152; Hast, p. 395; Montfort., p. 46.[253]Ibid.p. 157.[254]Montfort., p. 47.[255]Kerssenbroeck, p. 161.[256]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 161-8.[257]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 73, 74; Hast, p. 37; Montfort., p. 58et seq.[258]Montfort., pp. 68, 69.[259]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 176-7; Dorpius, f. 498 b; Sleidan, p. 422, says she was executed for having observed to some of her companions that it could not be the will of God that they should live in abundance whilst the subjects perished from want of necessaries. Hast, p. 395; Heresbach, p. 145.[260]Kerssenbroeck, p. 177.[261]Kerssenbroeck, p. 179et seq.; Sleidan, p. 427; Montfort., p. 71; Heresbach, p. 162et seq.; Hast, p. 395et seq.; Dorpius, f. 499.[262]Kerssenbroeck, p. 169; and the authors before cited.[263]Kerssenbroeck, p. 176et seq.; and the authors before cited.[264]Kerssenbroeck, p. 385; Heresbach, pp. 162-6; Montfort., p. 72; Hast, p. 396et seq.[265]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 188, 189.[266]Kerssenbroeck, p. 195.[267]Ibid.p. 196; Heresbach, p. 166.[268]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 198-200. Dorpius says, "In the capture of the city, women and children were spared; and none were killed after the first fight, except the ringleaders."—f. 399.[269]Montfort., p. 73.[270]Kerssenbroeck, Heresbach, p. 168; Hast, p. 400.[271]Ibid.p. 200.[272]Ibid.p. 201[273]"Hernach auff freitag S. Johanstag mitten in Sommer, kommet Gott und zerstöret die Helle, und jaget den Teuffel heraus, und komet sein Mutter wider hinein ... und sind die Widerteuffer an obgemeltem tag ausgerottet worden, die Papisten aber wider eingepflantzet."—Dorp. f. 399 (by misprint 499).[274]Dorp. ff. 399 a, 400 a, b.[275]Dorp. f. 399 b.[276]Luther's "Sämmtliche Werke." Wittenb. 1545-51. Band, ii. ff. 376-386.[277]"Denn wiewol ichs fur dieser zeit mit dem Zwingel gehalten," &c., f. 384.[278]Ibid.f. 384 b.[279]Wei zweiveln nicht wenn ein bestendig Policey und Regiment gewesen were, wie itzt est, es würden sich die Vetter freilich aug der selbigen gehalten haben.[280]Predicanten: So wöllen wir in diesemfäll viel lieber der Oberkeit gehorsam sein, f. 386 b.[281]"Das weltliche Oberkeit," &c., in Luth. "Sämt. Werke." 1545-51, ii. ff. 327-8.[282]"Von dem Geist d. Widerteuffer." in Luth. "Samt. Werke." 1545-51, ii. f. 325 b.[283]Kerssenbroeck, p. 209; Kurtze Hist. f. 400.[284]Kerssenbroeck, p. 210; Kurtze Hist. f. 400.[285]Bussierre, p. 462.[286]Kerssenbroeck, p. 211; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Montfort., p. 74; Heresbach, pp. 166-7; Hast, pp. 405-6; Kurtze Historia, f. 400.[287]Kerssenbroeck, p. 211; Kurtze Hist. f. 401.

[1]Drake was envoy of the British Government at Munich; he and Spencer Smith, Chargé d'Affaires at Würtemberg, were accused by Napoleon of being at the bottom of a counter revolution, and an attempt to obtain his assassination. It was true that Drake and Smith were in correspondence with parties in France with the object of securing Hagenau and Strassburgo and throwing discord among the troops of the Republic, but they never for a moment thought of obtaining the assassination of the First Consul, as far as we can judge from their correspondence that fell into the hands of the French police.

[2]Unfortunately the British Museum file is imperfect, and does not contain the Number for August 20th.

[3]A. de Beauchamp, Vie de Louis XVIII. Paris, 1824.

[4]Antonius Bonfinius: Rer. Hungaricarum Dec., v. 1., 3, givesfourreasons. Thomas Cantipratensis, Lib. II., c. 29, gives another and preposterous one, not to be quoted even in Latin.

[5]Fleury, Hist. Eccl., vi. p. 110.

[6]Le Jubilé d'un faux Miracle (extrait de la Revue de Belgique), Bruxelles 1870.

[7]"Cuncti fere cum publicis uxoribus ... ducebant vitam." "Et ipsi, ut cernitur, sicut laici, palam uxores ducunt."—Andr. Strum. "Vit. Arialdi.""Quis clericorum non esset uxoratus vel concubinarius?"—Andr. Strum. "Vit. S. Joan. Gualberti."

[8]"Cœperunt ipsi presbyteri et diacones laicorum more uxores ducere suscepsosque filios hæredes relinquere. Nonnulli etiam episcoporum verecund â omni contemptâ, cum uxoribus domo simul in unâ habitare."—Victor Papa "in Dialog."

[9]"Qui unius mulieris, aut uxoris, aut concubinæ (ut ei placuerit) sit conjunctione contentus."—1st Conc. of Toledo, can. 17. "Hæ quippe, licet nec uxoribus, nec Reginarum decore et privilegiis gaudebant, erant tamen veræ uxores," say the Bollandist Fathers, and add, that it is a vulgar error "Concubinæ appellationem solis iis tribuere, quæ corporis sui usum uni viro commodant, nullo interim legitimo nexu devinctæ."—Acta SS., Jun. T. L. p. 178.

[10]It is the same with St. Gregory, Nyssen, Baronius, Alban, Butler, and other modern Hagiographers make this assertion boldly, but there is not a shadow of evidence, in any ancient authorities for his life, that this was the case.

[11]"Hic Archiepiscopus habuit uxorem nobilem mulierem; quæ donavit dotem suam monasterii S. Dionysii, quæ usque hodie Uxoria dicitur."—Calvaneus Fiamma, sub ann. 1040.

[12]"Nec vos terreat," writes St. Peter Damiani to the wives of the clergy "quod forte, non dicam fidei, sed perfidiæ vos annulus subarrhavit; quod rata et monimenta dotalia notarius quasi matrimonii jure conscripserit: quod juramentum ad confirmandam quodammodo conjugii copulam utrinque processit. Ignorantes quia pro uniuscujusque fugaci voluptate concubitus mlle annorum negotiantur incendium."

[13]Landulf Sen. ii. c. 27.

[14]For authorities we have Andrew of Vallombrosa,d.A.D.1170, a disciple of Ariald. He was a native of Parma. He afterwards went to Florence, where he was mixed up with the riots occasioned by St. John Gualberto in 1063. He joined the Order of Vallombrosa, and became Abbot of Strumi. At least, I judge, and so do the Bollandists, that Andrew of Vallombrosa and Andrew of Strumi are the same.

[15]"Plebs fere universa sic est accensa."

[16]"Hæc cum Guido placide dixisset; eo finem orationis dixerit, ut sacerdotibus fas esset dicere uxores ducere."—Alicatus, "Vit. Arialdi."

[17]Arnulf., Gesta Archiepisc. Mediol. ap. Pertz, x. p. 17.

[18]"Sic ab eodem populo sunt persecuta et deleta (clericorum connubia) ut nullus existeret quin aut cogeretur tantum nefas dimittere, vel ad altare non accedere."—Andr. Strum.

[19]Arnulf.,Gesta Ep. Mediol.ap. Pertz, x. p. 18. It is necessary not to confound Landulf Cotta, the demagogue, with Landulf the elder, the historian, and Landulf the younger, the disciple and biographer of Ariald.

[20]Ap. Pertz, l.c., pp. 19, 20.

[21]We have a full account of this embassy in a letter of St. Peter Damiani to the Archdeacon Hildebrand (Petri Dam.Opp.iii;Opusc.v. p. 37), besides the accounts by Bonizo, Arnulf, and Landulf the elder.

[22]Pertz, x. p. 21.

[23]"Nulla misericordia habenda est."

[24]Bonizo. It is deserving of remark that Bonizo, an ardent supporter of Hildebrand and the reforming party, calls that Papal party by the name ofPatari, thus showing that it was really made up of the Manichean heretics.

[25]Opp.t. iii.;Opusc.xiii. p. 188.

[26]"Cui Florentini clam insidiantes tentando dicere cœperunt," &c.... "ille utpote simplicissimus homo cœpit jurejurando dicere," &c.—Andrew of Genoa, c. 62.

[27]"Alacres et avidi rem scisitari."

[28]For the account of what follows, in addition to the biography by Andrew of Strumi, we have theDialoguesof Desiderius of Monte Cassino, lib. iii.

[29]"Martyrii flagrans amore."—Andr. Strum.

[30]"Quis clericorum propriis et paternis rebus solummodo non studebat? Qui potius inveniretur, proh dolor! qui non esset uxoratus vel concubinarius? De simoniâ quid dicam? Omnes pene ecclesiasticos ordines hæc mortifera bellua devoraverat, ut, qui ejus morsum evaserit, rarus inveniretur."—Andr. Strum.

[31]"Exemplo vero ipsius et admonitionibus delicati clerici, spretis connubiis, cœperunt simul in ecclesiis stare, et communem ducere vitam."—Atto Pistor.,Vit. S. Joan. Gualb.

[32]For what follows, in addition to the above-quoted authorities, we have Berthold'sChroniclefrom 1054 to 1100; Pertz,Mon. Sacr.v. pp. 264-326.

[33]"Securiores de corona, quam jam gustaverant, martyrii."—Andr. Strum.

[34]"Favebat enim maxima pars Episcoporum parti Petri, et omnes pene erant monachis adversi."—Andr. Strum.

[35]"Maxime feminarum."

[36]"Et nos, viri fratres, civitatem hanc incendamus atque cum parvulis et uxoribus nostris, quocumque Christus ierit, secum camus. Si Christiani sumus, Christum sequamur."—Andr. Strum.

[37]It is not mentioned in the epistle of the Florentines to the Pope, narrating the ordeal and supposed miracle, which is given by Andrew of Strumi and Atto of Pistoja.

[38]Hæc ut nobilis Herembaldus ceterique Fideles audiere, sumptis armis, in audacem plebem et temerariam irruere; quos protinus exterminavere omnes, quasi essent vilissimæ pecudes,"—Andr. Strum.

[39]Ariald was murdered on June 27, 1065. Andrew of Strumi says 1066; but he followed the Florentine computation—he had been a priest of Florence—which made the year begin on March 25.

[40]"Gloriosus hac vice delusus," says Arnulf.

[41]"Audivimus quod quidam Episcoporum apud vos commorantium, aut sacerdotes, et diaconi, et subdiaconi, mulieribus commisceantur aut consentiant aut negligant. His præcipimus vos nullo modo obedire, vel illorum præceptis consentire, sicut ipsi apostolicæ sedis præceptis non obediunt neque auctoritati sanctorum patrum consentiunt." "Quapropter ad omnes de quorum fide et devotione confidimus nunc convertimur, rogantes vos et apostolicâ auctoritate admonentes ut quidquid Episcopi dehinc loquantur aut taceant, vos officium eorum quos aut simoniace promotos et ordinatos aut in crimine fornicationis jacentes cognoveritis, nullatenus recipiatis."—Letter to the Franconians (Baluze,Misc.vii. p. 125).

[42]Pertz, viii. p. 362.

[43]The life of Liprand was written by Landulf the younger, his sister's son, in hisHist. Mediolan.1095-1137.

[44]"Proposuisti quod ego sum simoniacus per munus a manu. Modo die: cui dedi; Tunc presbyter super populum oculos aperuit, et digitum ad eos, qui stabunt in pulpito, extendit, dicens, Videte tres grandissimos diabolos, qui per ingenium et pecuniam suam putant me confundere."

[45]It is very evident from this discussion that Grossulani was innocent of true simony; the whole charge against him was due to his having quashed the election of Landulf, and thus of having deposed, after a fashion, "an archbishop from his archbishopric."

[46]It is evident from the account of Landulf the younger himself, that the Archbishop did not force the priest to enter on the ordeal.

[47]Kerssenbroeck, p. 114.

[48]Ibid.p. 115.

[49]Kerssenbroeck, p. 116.

[50]Ibid.p. 117.

[51]Ibid.p. 120.

[52]Kerssenbroeck, p. 126.

[53]Kerssenbroeck, p. 128.

[54]Ibid.

[55]Ibid.p. 138.

[56]Kerssenbroeck, p. 143.

[57]Ibid.148; Latin edition, p. 1517-9; Dorpius, f. 391 a.

[58]Kerssenbroeck, p. 152.

[59]Kerssenbroeck, p. 152.

[60]Kerssenbroeck, p. 165et seq.; Latin edition, Mencken, p. 1520-8: Sleidan, French tr., p. 406.

[61]Kerssenbroeck, p. 185; Bullinger, "Adversus Anabaptist." lib. ii. c. 8.

[62]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 189-90.

[63]Ibid.p. 203.

[64]Stürc, "Gerchichte v. Osnabrück." Osnab. 1826, pt. iii. p. 25.

[65]Vehse, "Geschichte der Deutschen Höfe." Hamburg, 1859, vol. xlvii. p. 4-6. Bessen, "Geschichte v. Paderborn"; Paderb. 1820, vol. ii. p. 33.

[66]Kerssenbroeck, p. 207; Dorpius, f. 391 b. 392.

[67]Ibid.p. 208.

[68]Kerssenbroeck, p. 209.

[69]Ibid.pp. 210, 211.

[70]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 213-23.

[71]Ibid.p. 272.

[72]Ibid.pp. 228-34.

[73]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 228, 229.

[74]Ibid.p. 230.

[75]Ibid.p. 248et seq.

[76]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 268-9.

[77]Ibid.p. 279et seq.

[78]Ibid.p. 283et seq.

[79]Ibid.pp. 284, 285.

[80]Kerssenbroeck, p. 330.

[81]Kerssenbroeck, p. 332.

[82]Ibid.pp. 335-7.

[83]Ibid.p. 338.

[84]Ibid.p. 340et seq.

[85]Kerssenbroeck, p. 347.

[86]Ibid.p. 348.

[87]Ibid.p. 349.

[88]Kerssenbroeck, p. 351.

[89]Ibid.p. 351.

[90]Ibid.p. 353.

[91]Ibid.p. 354et seq.Sleidan, French tr. p. 407.

[92]Kerssenbroeck, p. 358et seq.Sleidan, French tr. p. 408. Sleidan also gives the number as 900; Dorpius, f. 392 b.

[93]Kerssenbroeck, p. 368.

[94]Ibid.p. 392et seq.

[95]Kerssenbroeck, p. 398et seq.

[96]Ibid.p. 402.

[97]Ibid.p. 403.

[98]Ibid.p. 404.

[99]Kerssenbroeck, p. 404.

[100]Ibid.p. 405.

[101]Ibid.p. 406.

[102]Kerssenbroeck, p. 407et seq.

[103]Ibid.p. 413.

[104]Ibid.p. 413.

[105]Kerssenbroeck, p. 415.

[106]Ibid.p. 416.

[107]Kerssenbroeck 417.

[108]Kerssenbroeck, p. 429et seq.; Sleidan, French tr. p. 409; Bullinger, "Adv. Anabapt.," 116, ii. c. 8.

[109]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 431, 432; Dorp., f. 322-3.

[110]Kerssenbroeck, p. 434.

[111]Ibid.p. 436.

[112]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 437-9.

[113]Ibid.p. 441.

[114]Kerssenbroeck, p. 443; Sleidan, p. 410; Dorpius, f. 393 b.

[115]Kerssenbroeck, p. 443.

[116]Ibid.p. 444.

[117]Kerssenbroeck, p. 444et seq.

[118]Ibid.p. 457et seq.

[119]Dorpius, f. 394.

[120]Kerssenbroeck, p. 448.

[121]Ibid.p. 449.

[122]Kerssenbroeck, p. 450et seq.

[123]Kerssenbroeck, p. 453et seq.

[124]This is corroborated by the Acta, Handlungen, &c., fol. 385. "The Preachers: Do you believe that Christ received His flesh off the flesh of Mary, by the operation of the Holy Ghost?John of Leyden: No; such is not the teaching of Scripture." And he explained that if the flesh had been taken from Mary, it must have been sinful, for she was not immaculate.

[125]Kerssenbroeck, p. 456; Sleidan, p. 411.

[126]Ibid.p. 456.

[127]Kerssenbroeck, p. 461.

[128]Ibid.p. 461.

[129]Kerssenbroeck, p. 163; Dorpius, f. 394 a.

[130]Kerssenbroeck, p. 464.

[131]Ibid.pp. 466, 467.

[132]Kerssenbroeck, p. 468.

[133]Ibid.p. 472.

[134]Kerssenbroeck, p. 473.

[135]Ibid.p. 476.

[136]Kerssenbroeck, p. 476.

[137]Kerssenbroeck, part ii. p. 51et seq.; Heresbach, p. 31; Hast, p. 324.

[138]Kerssenbroeck, part i. p. 477et seq.

[139]Kerssenbroeck, p. 479.

[140]Hast, p. 329et seq.

[141]Kerssenbroeck, p. 479.

[142]Dorpius, p. 394.

[143]Kerssenbroeck, p. 483.

[144]Ibid.p. 479.

[145]Kerssenbroeck, p. 484.

[146]Dorpius, f. 394.

[147]Kerssenbroeck, p. 405et seq.Montfort., "Tumult. Anabap.," p. 15et seq.; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 8.

[148]Same authorities; Sleidan, p. 411.

[149]Kerssenbroeck, p. 495et seq.

[150]Kerssenbroeck, p. 496.

[151]Kerssenbroeck; Dorpius, ff. 394-5.

[152]Ibid., p. 502; Mencken, p. 1545.

[153]Kerssenbroeck, p. 503.

[154]Ibid.p. 505.

[155]Kerssenbroeck, p. 509.

[156]Kerssenbroeck, p. 510; Sleidan, p. 411; Dorpius, f. 395.

[157]Kerssenbroeck, p. 513et seq.Sleidan, lib. x. pp. 412-3; Heresbach, p. 36.

[158]Kerssenbroeck, p. 516.

[159]Ibid.p. 517; Sleidan, p. 412.

[160]Kerssenbroeck, p. 5222.

[161]Kerssenbroeck, p. 520; Dorpius, f. 395.

[162]Kerssenbroeck, p. 523.

[163]Kerssenbroeck, p. 531et seq.; Hast, p. 344.

[164]Kerssenbroeck; Dorpius, f. 395.

[165]Ibid.p. 585.

[166]Kerssenbroeck, p. 535et seq.; Monfortius, p. 19; Sleidan and Dorpius call the man Truteling; Sleidan, p. 412; Dorpius, f. 395 b.

[167]Monfortius, p. 19.

[168]Kerssenbroeck, p. 538.

[169]Kerssenbroeck, p. 539.

[170]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 541, 542; Bullinger, ii. c. 10.

[171]Ibid.p. 542.

[172]Ibid., 542; Hast, p. 348.

[173]Kerssenbroeck, 542; Sleidan, p. 413; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 9; Heresbach, p. 138; Buissierre, p. 310.

[174]Kerssenbroeck, p. 543; Montfort., p. 24.

[175]Bullinger, ii. c. 8; Sleidan, p. 271; Dorpius, f. 396.

[176]Kerssenbroeck, p. 545; Heresbach, p. 139; Sleidan, p. 413; Dorpius, f. 396.

[177]Kerssenbroeck, p. 596; Monfort, pp. 25, 26; Heresbach, p. 99et seq.

[178]Dorpius, f. 396 b.

[179]Kerssenbroeck, pt. ii. pp. 1-9; Monfortius, pp. 26, 27; Hast, p, 352et seq.

[180]Kerssenbroeck, pt. ii. p. 9.

[181]Ibid.pp. 11, 12.

[182]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 15, 16; Sleidan, p. 413.

[183]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 15, 16.

[184]Ibid.p. 21.

[185]Hast, p. 357; Sleidan, p. 413.

[186]Kerssenbroeck, p. 26et seq.

[187]Kerssenbroeck, p. 36.

[188]Ibid.p. 38; H. Montfort., p. 28.

[189]Sleidan, p. 414; Dorp. f 396.

[190]Kerssenbroeck, p. 38.

[191]Kerssenbroeck, p. 39et seq.; Heresbach, pp. 41, 42; H. Montfort., pp. 29, 30; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 9, p. 56.

[192]Kerssenbroeck, p. 40.

[193]Ibid.p. 41; Dorpius, f. 536 b.

[194]H. Montfort., p. 29; C. Heresbach, p. 42.

[195]Kerssenbroeck, p. 42. Dorpius confirms the horrible account given by Kerssenbroeck from what he saw himself, f. 498.

[196]Kerssenbroeck, p. 43et seq.

[197]Ibid.p. 47; Sleidan, p. 419; Bullinger, lib. ii. p. 56; Montfort., p. 31; Heresbach, pp. 136-7, "Historia von d. Münsterischen Widerteuffer," f. 328 b; Dorpius, f. 397.

[198]Kerssenbroeck, p. 43et seq.

[199]Kerssenbroeck, p. 47; and the authors before quoted.

[200]Kerssenbroeck, p. 49.

[201]Ibid.p. 55 Montfort., pp. 31-3; Sleidan, p. 418; Bullinger, p. 57; Heresbach, pp. 137-8.

[202]Kerssenbroeck, p. 55et seq.; and the authors above cited. Kerssenbroeck gives long details of the dress, ornaments, and manner of life of the king; also "Historia von d. Münsterischen Widerteuffer," f. 329.

[203]Kerssenbroeck gives the names of all the wives except one, which he conceals charitably, as the poor child—she was very young—fell ill, but recovered, and was living respectably after the siege with her relatives in the city.

[204]Kerssenbroeck, p. 59.

[205]Kerssenbroeck, p. 62; H. Montfort., p. 33; Hast, p. 363et seq.; Sleidan, p. 415; "Historia von de Münsterischen Widerteuffer," f. 328 b.

[206]Kerssenbroeck. Sleidan says, "Almost every case and complaint brought before him concerned married people and divorces. For nothing was more frequent, so that persons who had lived together for many long years now separated for the first time."—p. 415-6.

[207]Kerssenbroeck, p. 65et seq.; Montfort., pp. 27, 28.

[208]Kerssenbroeck, p. 21.

[209]Kerssenbroeck, p. 68.

[210]Ibid.p. 70.

[211]Kerssenbroeck, p. 75et seq.; Heresbach, p. 132.

[212]Ibid.p. 75; Bussierre, p. 372; Hast, p. 366.

[213]Kerssenbroeck, p. 75; Bussierre, p. 372.

[214]Kerssenbroeck, p. 81et seq.; Sleidan, p. 416.

[215]Kerssenbroeck, Hast p. 366.

[216]Persist secure in Faith. God takes care of the Flesh. John of Leyden. The Power of God is my strength.

[217]Kerssenbroeck, p. 86; Montfort., p. 34; Dorpius, f. 397 b; Heresbach, p. 139,et seq.; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Sleidan, p. 417; this author sets the number of communicants at 5,000, the "Newe Zeitung" at 4,000, f. 329. This authority adds that the communicants distributed the sacrament they had received amongst themselves saying, "Brother and sister, take and eat thereof. As Christ gave Himself for me, so will I give myself for thee. And as the corn-wheat is baked into one, and the grape branches are pressed into one, so we being many are one." Also, "Letter of the Bishop to the Electors of Cologne,"ibid.p. 390.

[218]The expression used was somewhat broad—Hurenhochzeit.

[219]Kerssenbroeck, p. 88et seq.; Heresbach, p. 139; Dorp. f. 398.

[220]Evidence of Heinrich Graess. Dorpius says that the number of apostles was twenty-eight, and gives their names and the places to which they were sent, f. 398.

[221]Kerssenbroeck, p. 89et seq.; Heresbach, pp. 89, 101, 141; Montfort., p. 35; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Sleidan, pp. 417-8; Hast, p. 368; "Historia v. d. Münst. Widerteuffer." p. 329 a.

[222]For the acts of these apostles, Kerssenbroeck, p. 92et seq.; Menck. p. 1574; Montfort., p. 36et seq.; Sleidan, p. 418; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Heresbach, p. 149.

[223]The "Newe Zeitung v. d. Widerteuffer. zu Münster," f. 329 b, 330 a, gives a summary of the confessions of these men, and their account of the condition of affairs in the city. They said that every man there had five, six, seven, or eight wives, and that every girl over the age of twelve was forced to marry; that if one wife showed resentment against another, or jealousy, or complained, she was sentenced by the king to death.

[224]Kerssenbroeck, p. 100et seq.

[225]Kerssenbroeck, p. 103et seq.; Montfort., pp. 40-1; Hast p. 368.

[226]Montfort., p. 40.

[227]Kerssenbroeck, p. 110.

[228]Ibid.p. 114.

[229]Ibid.; Sleidan, p. 419; Heresbach, p. 132.

[230]Sleidan, p. 419.

[231]Montfort., p. 40; Kerssenbroeck, p. 104et seq.; Hast, p. 368.

[232]Montfort., p. 40.

[233]Hast, p. 370; Bussierre, p. 403.

[234]Kerssenbroeck, p. 132et seq.

[235]Kerssenbroeck, p. 128; Sleidan, p. 420; Hast, p. 373et seq.; "Acta, Handlungen," &c., f. 365 b. The king's letter began "Leve Lips" ("Dear Phil").

[236]Sleidan, p. 421.

[237]Kerssenbroeck, p. 129; Sleidan, p. 421.

[238]Luth. "Sämmtliche Werke," Wittenb. 1545-51, ii. ff. 367-375; "Von der Teuffelischen Secte d. Widerteuffer. zu Münster."

[239]Ibid.f. 367.

[240]Ibid.f. 369.

[241]Ibid.f. 373.

[242]Ibid.ii. ff. 298-325.

[243]Ibid.ii. ff. 334-363. Melancthon says that things had come to such a pass in Münster, that no child knew who was its father, brother, or sister.

[244]"Acta Handlung." &c. f. 366 a.

[245]Kerssenbroeck, p. 130.

[246]Ibid.p. 140.

[247]Sleidan, p. 419; Bullinger, l. ii. c. 9; Heresbach, p. 156; Dorp. f. 498.

[248]Kerssenbroeck, p. 148.

[249]Ibid.p. 149.

[250]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 153, 154; Sleidan, p. 422; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 2; Heresbach, pp. 159, 160.

[251]Kerssenbroeck, p. 155; Hast, 394.

[252]Kerssenbroeck, p. 157et seq.; Heresbach, pp. 151, 152; Hast, p. 395; Montfort., p. 46.

[253]Ibid.p. 157.

[254]Montfort., p. 47.

[255]Kerssenbroeck, p. 161.

[256]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 161-8.

[257]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 73, 74; Hast, p. 37; Montfort., p. 58et seq.

[258]Montfort., pp. 68, 69.

[259]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 176-7; Dorpius, f. 498 b; Sleidan, p. 422, says she was executed for having observed to some of her companions that it could not be the will of God that they should live in abundance whilst the subjects perished from want of necessaries. Hast, p. 395; Heresbach, p. 145.

[260]Kerssenbroeck, p. 177.

[261]Kerssenbroeck, p. 179et seq.; Sleidan, p. 427; Montfort., p. 71; Heresbach, p. 162et seq.; Hast, p. 395et seq.; Dorpius, f. 499.

[262]Kerssenbroeck, p. 169; and the authors before cited.

[263]Kerssenbroeck, p. 176et seq.; and the authors before cited.

[264]Kerssenbroeck, p. 385; Heresbach, pp. 162-6; Montfort., p. 72; Hast, p. 396et seq.

[265]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 188, 189.

[266]Kerssenbroeck, p. 195.

[267]Ibid.p. 196; Heresbach, p. 166.

[268]Kerssenbroeck, pp. 198-200. Dorpius says, "In the capture of the city, women and children were spared; and none were killed after the first fight, except the ringleaders."—f. 399.

[269]Montfort., p. 73.

[270]Kerssenbroeck, Heresbach, p. 168; Hast, p. 400.

[271]Ibid.p. 200.

[272]Ibid.p. 201

[273]"Hernach auff freitag S. Johanstag mitten in Sommer, kommet Gott und zerstöret die Helle, und jaget den Teuffel heraus, und komet sein Mutter wider hinein ... und sind die Widerteuffer an obgemeltem tag ausgerottet worden, die Papisten aber wider eingepflantzet."—Dorp. f. 399 (by misprint 499).

[274]Dorp. ff. 399 a, 400 a, b.

[275]Dorp. f. 399 b.

[276]Luther's "Sämmtliche Werke." Wittenb. 1545-51. Band, ii. ff. 376-386.

[277]"Denn wiewol ichs fur dieser zeit mit dem Zwingel gehalten," &c., f. 384.

[278]Ibid.f. 384 b.

[279]Wei zweiveln nicht wenn ein bestendig Policey und Regiment gewesen were, wie itzt est, es würden sich die Vetter freilich aug der selbigen gehalten haben.

[280]Predicanten: So wöllen wir in diesemfäll viel lieber der Oberkeit gehorsam sein, f. 386 b.

[281]"Das weltliche Oberkeit," &c., in Luth. "Sämt. Werke." 1545-51, ii. ff. 327-8.

[282]"Von dem Geist d. Widerteuffer." in Luth. "Samt. Werke." 1545-51, ii. f. 325 b.

[283]Kerssenbroeck, p. 209; Kurtze Hist. f. 400.

[284]Kerssenbroeck, p. 210; Kurtze Hist. f. 400.

[285]Bussierre, p. 462.

[286]Kerssenbroeck, p. 211; Bullinger, lib. ii. c. 10; Montfort., p. 74; Heresbach, pp. 166-7; Hast, pp. 405-6; Kurtze Historia, f. 400.

[287]Kerssenbroeck, p. 211; Kurtze Hist. f. 401.

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