In Loving MemoryofCharlotte Edwards,The beloved wife of George Edwards, C.C.Who passed away April 24, 1912.Aged 70 Years.———I loved her, yes, no tongue can tellHow much I loved her, and how well;Christ loved her too, and thought it bestTo take her home with Him to rest.———"Thy Will be done."———
In Loving MemoryofCharlotte Edwards,The beloved wife of George Edwards, C.C.Who passed away April 24, 1912.Aged 70 Years.———
I loved her, yes, no tongue can tellHow much I loved her, and how well;Christ loved her too, and thought it bestTo take her home with Him to rest.
I loved her, yes, no tongue can tellHow much I loved her, and how well;Christ loved her too, and thought it bestTo take her home with Him to rest.
I loved her, yes, no tongue can tell
How much I loved her, and how well;
Christ loved her too, and thought it best
To take her home with Him to rest.
———
"Thy Will be done."
———
THE LATE MRS. GEORGE EDWARDS
THE LATE MRS. GEORGE EDWARDS.
Had she lived until June 21st of that year we should have been together for forty years. We shared our joys and bore our sorrows together. Hers had been a lonely life, but she made the sacrifice for the Cause in which she was as deeply interested as I was myself. This shows the noble spirit of the woman and endeared her the more to me. No one can tell the lonely life the wife of a public man has to live, but she never complained.
She was always anxious to help me, and if she thought I was in any way depressed and disappointed she would cheer me up with kind words and press me on with my work. In fact, our lives had become one. That made the blow the heavier. I felt I had lost part of myself. In any case I had lost a good helpmate, and a chair became vacant that could never again be filled.
When my wife was laid to rest, then the effects of the loss fell on me with full force. Three weeks of anxious watching and the twelve months thought and care I had with her and the worry of the crisis the Union was passing through had told upon me. This caused me to have a serious nervous breakdown, and I felt sure the day was not far distant when I should have to lay down the cares of a responsible official life. I had, however, a most sympathetic Executive who did all they could to help me, and with their help I pushed forward. The Union made rapid progress. We extended our borders. We had a pressing invitation to open up a campaign in Lancashire, and during the summer and winter I addressed several meetings and opened up several branches in Lancashire. By the end of the year we had several hundred members in that county, and I see by the report which I presented to the General Council meeting held at Fakenham on Saturday February 8, 1913, that we had made more progress than at any time since the Union was inaugurated and had saved £138 18s. 9½d. The Council meeting was a very successful one. I again setto work with great earnestness, but with impaired health and broken spirit.
I devoted a deal of time to Lancashire during the first month of the year. The Trade Union Congress held at Newport, Mon., in September 1912 elected me on the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress. That was the second time the agricultural labourers had had a seat on the Parliamentary Committee. Mr. Joseph Arch was the first representative. During the year 1913 we made rapid progress in Lancashire, but it soon became evident that we were in for some trouble in that county, and in consequence I had in the early spring to devote all my time to it. I soon found that the varying elements were prominent and that I had quite a different type of man to deal with to what I had in Norfolk. They were very near the great industrial centres and had caught some of their spirit. I did my best to keep them calm, took every course possible to get into touch with the farmers, and succeeded in getting one interview at which the Union was represented by the president and myself. We tried to effect a settlement but failed, and on June 20th the strike took place, continuing until July 8th. The men's demands were to cease work at 1 p.m. on Saturday, 6d. an hour overtime pay, and a minimum wage of 24s. per week and recognition of the Union. By the second day of the strike we had just 2,000 men out. The men, however, displayed great determination and solidity, and obtained a rise of 2s. per week, 6d. an hour overtime and the working week to cease at 2 p.m. on Saturday. This was the first time in the history of agricultural labourers that they had obtained a reduction in the hours of labour.
At the commencement of the dispute I issued an appeal to the various Trade Unions and other friends, and the response was magnificent. I received something like £788. Mr. Noel Buxton sent a cheque for £100, and throughthis response we only had to spend about £500 of the Union's funds, although the strike and other expenses connected with it cost £1,250. At the conclusion of the strike my old complaint returned again worse than ever and my nervous breakdown was complete. I felt there was no other course open for me but to resign, for I could carry on no further, and the Union had developed so rapidly that it was now beyond me. I came therefore to the conclusion that it would be better for the movement for younger men to take control. I had succeeded in getting what I had been fighting to obtain for years, namely the Saturday half-holiday.
On my return home I placed my resignation in the hands of the Executive. They would not accept it at the time, but gave me a month's rest. But at the end of the month I had to give up all hope, and the committee accepted the resignation with deep regret and allowed me to do what organizing I felt able to do. I moved into a private house in Fakenham with my wife's niece, Mrs. Kernick, who on the death of my wife came to live with me and look after me. During the winter I picked up a bit and was able to do some organizing work.
In 1914 I was appointed by the Lord Chancellor a Justice of the Peace for the County of Norfolk.
I also took some meetings for the National Land Campaign Committee, ceasing to receive any salary from the Union at my own request. In August the Great War commenced. I, like most of the Labour leaders, felt it my duty to do what I could to help the nation in the hour of need. I believed then, and I believe still, that Germany was bent on obtaining a world-wide military domination; I felt it my duty to put the Nation's interest before any other consideration. Not that I believed in war, for war to me is a crime of the deepest dye against humanity.
The Burston School Strike is one of the most interestingand peculiar disputes I have taken part in. Here was I compelled to take sides against one of the committee of the County Council of which I was a member during the latter part of 1913 and the beginning of 1914. The Burston School teachers, Mr. and Mrs. Higdon, for some reason had a difference with the Managers, and as I read the particulars I came to the belief that there was some other reason for the Managers' action.
An inquiry that was held on February 23 and 29, 1914, as to the charges that the Chairman of the Managers' brought against the teachers showed that they were of a trifling nature and never ought to have been brought. I also thought, and still think, the decision come to inflicted a punishment upon the teachers far more severe than the case deserved, even if the charges were true, which I did not believe, and to me their dismissal which took place on March 31, 1914, was a clear case of victimization and I felt it my duty to support them. Soon after their dismissal the children all struck and refused to attend the Council School. Summonses were issued against the parents for neglecting to send their children to school. A large meeting was held on the green on the Sunday after the parents were convicted at Diss, which was attended by nearly two thousand people, and a resolution of protest was passed requesting that a public inquiry be held. I attended and gave an address. The meeting was conducted on strictly religious lines, and I took for my text "Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour."
After this meeting and after seeing the devotion of the people to the teachers and having satisfied myself that the teachers and the parents of the children were fighting a just battle, I decided that I would do my best to champion their cause. I will say, as I look back at the fight I have made on their behalf, I am satisfied I never championed a more righteous cause during my longpublic life. I was sure, however, at the commencement of the struggle that I should have to fight almost single-handed so far as the County Council was concerned, for I had at that time only one Labour colleague on the Council, and that was my esteemed friend Mr. W. B. Taylor.
I should like to say that I never have accused any of my colleagues on the Council or on the Education Committee of being actuated by any spirit of unfairness or with any spirit of political or religious prejudice.
I have always contended that they acted in what, in their judgment, were the best interests of the education of the children; but I have always contended, and do to-day, that they allowed themselves to be biassed by the political prejudice of one or two of the Managers, and that was what I set myself out to fight. My first effort on the Council was to move that the Education Committee be requested to hold a public inquiry. On this being put to the vote only my colleague and I voted for the motion. My next effort on the teachers' behalf was to move that the Education Committee be asked to reinstate the teachers for the period of the war, in order that peace and concord might prevail in the village. On this occasion I warned the Council that unless something in the direction of peace was done, the whole great Trade Union movement would take the matter up, and then they would probably have another school built. My warning, however, was unheeded and the resolution was lost. This time I received a little more support, and Mr. W. B. Taylor, Mr. Coe, Mr. Day and Mr. Pollard voted with me. This brought public sympathy to the teachers. Many of the Trade Union leaders took the matter up, a subscription list was opened, hundreds of pounds were subscribed, a new school was built, which is called the Burston Strike School, and it stands there as a monument of what the subscribers believed to bea great fight for religious and political freedom. I have never regretted the part I took in this great fight. I am, however, satisfied that had the County Council taken my advice at the time most of this unpleasantness might have been avoided.
On August 4, 1914, the Great War commenced and, as stated, I came to the conclusion, like most of the other Labour leaders, that according to the information I had at my disposal we had no other alternative but to enter the war. I felt that it was a struggle for our very existence; further, that we were fighting to overcome one of the greatest curses to humanity, namely the wicked spirit of militarism. I therefore decided to put what appeared to me at the time the nation's interest before any other consideration. I spoke at a good many recruiting meetings in the early stages of the war. So far did I carry my patriotism that some of my friends began to be rather nervous about me for fear I should carry it too far, but they need not have been, for I never deviated one iota in my views on the Labour questions nor was there any fear that I should ever leave the cause to which I had devoted all my life. I took, however, the view that it would be the poor that would be the first to suffer, should we be defeated or should the enemy succeed in starving us, as the following letter I wrote to the women of the country will testify. It appeared in theEastern Daily Press:—
To the working-women of Norfolk, the wives and mothers and sisters of our brave boys who are now so gallantly fighting for their country in France and Belgium and other parts of the world.I feel constrained to make an appeal to you in the hour of ournational danger to consider seriously the gravity of the situation and what it would mean to this country, especially the working classes, should Germany and her confederates win this war. Everything that is dear in our English life will be destroyed; all our hopes for improvements in our national life will be blighted; the working classes will be thrown back into far worse conditions than they were one hundred years ago; all our liberties so hardly won for us by our forefathers will be lost.I ask you to consider for one moment what has taken place in Belgian and French towns and villages. The homes of the poor have been destroyed by fire and sword. Old men and women have been murdered in cold blood, women and children outraged and killed, mothers separated from their children and wives from their husbands, not knowing whether they are dead or alive. What these poor people have suffered is a small thing in comparison to what would happen to us should our enemies ever reach these shores, and they will unless we are able to defeat and destroy the cruel and barbarous military power of Germany. Do you wish your daughters to be outraged, your children slaughtered? Would you like to see our veterans of industry murdered, our homes burnt and our towns made desolate? No, I know you would not. No women are more devoted to their homes and loving to their children than the women of Norfolk. The danger, however, is very great and it can only be prevented by everyone doing all that lies in their power to help the nation in the hour of distress. It is for the protection of our own hearths and homes that we are engaged in this terrible war, hence the great call on the manhood of this country. And now the time has arrived when the womanhood of the nation have to be appealed to, and I am making a patriotic appeal to you, the women of my own country, to come forward and help in the present crisis.In making this appeal to you I am asking you to do a thing which I had hoped you would never have been asked to do again and which, I am thankful to say, the improved conditions of labour have made unnecessary. But the crisis is so great and the danger of losing all that is sacred and good in our national life is so pronounced, that I venture to make this appeal to you to offer your services in cultivating the land in order that as much food can be produced at home as possible. There will be a great deal of work to do in the spring, such as hoeing and weeding, getting the land fit for the turnip crops and many light jobs which hitherto have been done by men; and, as there is a great shortage of labour, we will see that fair wages shall be offered to you. One of the first essentials of life is food, and if this cannot be produced, then a great disaster is staring us in the face. Toprevent this our womenkind are called to help. I therefore appeal to you in the name of God, who made you free, and in the interest of your children to help in this hour of need.Yours faithfully,(Signed)George Edwards.Fakenham,January 3, 1916.
To the working-women of Norfolk, the wives and mothers and sisters of our brave boys who are now so gallantly fighting for their country in France and Belgium and other parts of the world.
I feel constrained to make an appeal to you in the hour of ournational danger to consider seriously the gravity of the situation and what it would mean to this country, especially the working classes, should Germany and her confederates win this war. Everything that is dear in our English life will be destroyed; all our hopes for improvements in our national life will be blighted; the working classes will be thrown back into far worse conditions than they were one hundred years ago; all our liberties so hardly won for us by our forefathers will be lost.
I ask you to consider for one moment what has taken place in Belgian and French towns and villages. The homes of the poor have been destroyed by fire and sword. Old men and women have been murdered in cold blood, women and children outraged and killed, mothers separated from their children and wives from their husbands, not knowing whether they are dead or alive. What these poor people have suffered is a small thing in comparison to what would happen to us should our enemies ever reach these shores, and they will unless we are able to defeat and destroy the cruel and barbarous military power of Germany. Do you wish your daughters to be outraged, your children slaughtered? Would you like to see our veterans of industry murdered, our homes burnt and our towns made desolate? No, I know you would not. No women are more devoted to their homes and loving to their children than the women of Norfolk. The danger, however, is very great and it can only be prevented by everyone doing all that lies in their power to help the nation in the hour of distress. It is for the protection of our own hearths and homes that we are engaged in this terrible war, hence the great call on the manhood of this country. And now the time has arrived when the womanhood of the nation have to be appealed to, and I am making a patriotic appeal to you, the women of my own country, to come forward and help in the present crisis.
In making this appeal to you I am asking you to do a thing which I had hoped you would never have been asked to do again and which, I am thankful to say, the improved conditions of labour have made unnecessary. But the crisis is so great and the danger of losing all that is sacred and good in our national life is so pronounced, that I venture to make this appeal to you to offer your services in cultivating the land in order that as much food can be produced at home as possible. There will be a great deal of work to do in the spring, such as hoeing and weeding, getting the land fit for the turnip crops and many light jobs which hitherto have been done by men; and, as there is a great shortage of labour, we will see that fair wages shall be offered to you. One of the first essentials of life is food, and if this cannot be produced, then a great disaster is staring us in the face. Toprevent this our womenkind are called to help. I therefore appeal to you in the name of God, who made you free, and in the interest of your children to help in this hour of need.
Yours faithfully,(Signed)George Edwards.
Fakenham,January 3, 1916.
At the passing of the Military Service Act and the setting up of Tribunals, I with my old friend George Hewitt was asked by the Union to represent Labour on the Norfolk Appeal Tribunal, which we did. On that Tribunal we watched very closely the interest of the class we were sent there to represent. It was, however, a most unpleasant task and one that I would never undertake again, should the occasion arise, which I hope never will. Before leaving this matter and the part I took in the war I would like to say that I am bitterly disappointed at the result of the war, and it has entirely altered my outlook on war and its causes and has confirmed in my mind more than ever the opinion that force is no remedy, and that, unless the nations disarm and men devote their great inventive and scientific powers in the direction of peace, civilized man will soon be utterly destroyed.
At the setting up of the Norfolk War Agricultural Committee Mr. G. E. Hewitt and myself were elected on it to represent Labour. We were enabled on this committee to do some very useful work. Our business was to insist that the land be properly cultivated, also to force the bringing back of land that had been laid down to grass to arable cultivation. We had also to look after the service men who were medically unfit for foreign service, and who were transferred to the land, and to insist that the farmers treated them fairly. Another useful opportunity presented itself for me to do some work for the people on the establishment of the Food Control Committee. I was elected a Labour representative on the Walsingham District Committee and was elected chairman, a positionI held until the committee finished its work. I think I can claim that, with the assistance of my colleagues, we did some most useful work and administered the Act fairly between all classes. We certainly did prevent a great deal of profiteering and enabled the people to obtain their food on much better terms than they otherwise would have done.
On the passing of the War Pension Act and the setting up of War Pension Committees, I was elected on the Norfolk County Committee. I was also elected on the Walsingham War Pension District Committee and was appointed its first chairman, which position I held until I was elected a Member of Parliament, when I resigned in consequence of being unable to attend its meetings. But I look back upon my work on this authority with the greatest satisfaction. It was a humane work and a labour of love. It is the greatest joy of my life to know that I have been able to do something for these poor widows and children who have been deprived of their bread-winners when they most needed them, and further, to know that I have been able to help the poor fellows who have had their health wrecked through serving their country. During my term of office on this committee my house was always open to receive these poor fellows who sought my aid. In fact all classes came to me for help and advice.
It became evident early in the spring of 1915 that the agricultural labourers were becoming very unsettled and justly so. The war commenced in August 1914, and with it the cost of living went up by leaps and bounds, but the labourers' wages never rose a penny piece. At last the labourers informed the officials of the Union that if we did not move in the matter they would take the whole question into their own hands. We appealed to the farmers to meet us in conference and discuss the question, but they refused to meet us, and at last we had no other alternative but to issue notices to the farmersfor our men to cease work. One Friday in March there were sent from our office 2,000 notices. The next day, when I was at Norwich attending a County Council meeting, I met Mr. Keith of Egmere, who was a member of the Council, and this question of notices was discussed, and we both expressed regret that it was necessary to take this course. Mr. Keith asked me if anything could be done and said that Mr. H. Overman of Weasenham would like me to meet about five of the largest farmers at the Royal Hotel that day in Norwich. I told him that was impossible as I had no official authority to do such a thing. The President of the Union was not in the city and I could not get into touch with him. I therefore dared not do such a thing on my own authority and, further, I could not think of attending such a conference alone even if I had authority to do so. A few minutes after I met Mr. H. Overman and he suggested that I should meet the farmers unofficially and talk the matter over and see if it would not be possible to do something to get an official conference called during the next week and if possible prevent a strike. This I agreed to do on condition that Mr. Herbert Day, Treasurer of the Union, attended with me, and with the distinct understanding that our meeting should be absolutely informal and there should be nothing said or done that would have the least appearance of being official. This was agreed to, and at 3 p.m. Mr. Day and myself met Mr. H. Overman, Mr. Keith, Mr. Lionel Rodwell, Colonel Groom and Lord Leicester, the Lord Lieutenant of the County. In the first part of the discussion the farmers complained bitterly of the action of the Union in issuing notices. I told them I was not there to discuss the rights or wrongs of the action of the Union in issuing notices, but to see if something could not be done to get the two sides together. But I would say this: the Farmers' Federation was responsible for what had happened, for the Executive of the Union had asked the Federation to meet us over and over again,but they had refused to do so. We had, therefore, no other alternative but to take the course we did, for our men were determined they would have a readjustment of their wages. But if there was anything I could do, even at the eleventh hour, to get the two sides together at a conference I would do it. After this little straight talk the farmers saw the difficult position we were in and expressed the opinion that the attitude taken up by the Federation was wrong. I think I ought to say that none of the farmers present were members of the Federation, but they were the largest farmers in the county and the most influential and were almost able to force the issue. They promised that if the Union's Executive would meet them they would undertake to see that, whatever agreement was arrived at, it was carried out. With this understanding I undertook to use my influence with the Executive to have such a conference held at Fakenham. On my return to Fakenham I informed the General Secretary of what had happened and asked him to get into touch with the President and obtain his views on the matter, which he did, and I think I ought to say that my action was rather severely criticized by some of the Executive.
But the President put his foot down and was determined that such a conference should be held. It was arranged to meet the above-named farmers, with Lord Leicester in the chair, and the following were appointed to meet them at the Crown Hotel on Thursday in that week: The President, Mr. W. R. Smith, the vice-president, Mr. George Edwards, the General Secretary, Mr. R. B. Walker, and Mr. G. E. Hewitt. Mr. Smith put our case in such a reasonable and forceful way that it was unanswerable and put in a claim for a 5s. per week increase, bringing the wages up to £1. On receiving our requests and after some little discussion the farmers retired, and after some few minutes they returned and made us the following offer. They would agree to recommend tothe farmers a rise of 3s. per week at once if we would undertake to withdraw our notices. We withdrew and discussed the farmers' offer, and after some few minutes' discussion agreed to accept the offer as a compromise, and undertook on our part to withdraw all our notices. At the same time we informed the farmers that we considered we were justly entitled to the 5s. per week rise, but for the sake of peace we accepted the compromise. To-day I rejoice that I was the means of bringing the two sides together and preventing a terrible dispute. It was also opening up a new chapter in the history of the Agricultural Industry, for here was collective bargaining, something that I had been working to obtain for over forty years. Ever since the Federation has met us every year and our readjustments have been made in a most friendly manner, and many differences which would have ended in bitter disputes have been avoided. I do not think either side would like to go back to the old individualistic system of bargaining. At least I hope not.
For years at our Annual General Council I had moved a resolution requesting the Government to bring the industry under the Trade Boards Act. I had also moved it at several Trades Union Congresses and had attended as a deputation with the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress before the then President of the Board of Trade and put our case in favour of it, but with very little success. My friend Mr. Noel Buxton, who was then member for North Norfolk, had moved a resolution upon it in the House in 1916. The matter had become so pressing that the Government could not resist it any longer, and in the spring of that year Mr. Lloyd George announced in a speech that the Government intended to bring in a Bill to be called the Corn Production Act, which was to set up an Agricultural Wage Board. This Board was to fix wages from time to time that should enable the labourer to keep himself and family in such astate of health as would enable him to be an efficient labourer. It also fixed the minimum wage at 25s. per week. The Bill was brought in early in the session of 1917, and in it was inserted a clause fixing the minimum wage at 25s. per week. This to us at the time appeared to be a most inadequate figure as the cost of living had increased beyond all bounds, and we decided to use every means within our power to get that figure struck out and 30s. put in its place. We appointed a deputation to lobby the members when the Bill was passing through its final stages to induce the members to vote for the 30s. I was one of the deputation and I did my best to persuade those members I got into touch with to vote for the 30s. But the Government had made up its mind to stand by the 25s. Hence on a division the 30s. was rejected and the Bill became law during the session of 1917. I was elected on the first Central Wage Board. I was one of the Government's nominees. The Board consisted of sixteen representatives of the workers, sixteen employers and seven appointed members who were to take an impartial view and decide the question when the two sides failed to agree on an equality of votes. Eight of the workers and eight of the farmers with the appointed members were appointed by the Government and approved by the Minister of Agriculture, and, as stated above, I was appointed by the Government. On our side were Messrs. W. R. Smith (National Agricultural Labourers' Union), R. B. Walker, G. E. Hewitt, T. G. Higdon, Robert Green and W. Holmes. For the Workers' Union there were Messrs. G. Dallas and John Beard. There was one woman on the workers' side. The Government appointed Messrs. George Nicholls, George Edwards, Denton Woodhead, Haman Porter, H. L. Lovell, with Messrs. Gaurd and Richardson from Wales. We had our first meeting in November 1917. Mr. W. R. Smith was elected leader for our side. Sir Ailwyn Fellowes, now Lord Ailwyn, was appointed chairman, and he soon endeared himselfto all sides, proving himself to be a most able and impartial chairman. The first business of the Board was to set up District Wage Committees. We first decided to set up one committee for each county. Then the Board left it for each side to select their own representatives, and for us it was a most difficult task as we had two Unions catering for one industry and there was a great spirit of rivalry existing between them, which created a bitter spirit between the two secretaries. This was greatly to be regretted and caused friction when there ought to have been harmony. We always, however, showed a united front in the Board Room. Then there was Mr. Denton Woodhead, who represented some independent Friendly Society. It took us some weeks to set up the committees, and we were into the New Year 1918 before the Board could settle down to its real work of dealing with the wages. In the meantime the men were getting very restless, especially in Norfolk, as the cost of living was going up by leaps and bounds, and I could see serious trouble looming in the near future unless the question was tackled at once. I begged of the Board to set the Norfolk Wages Committee up at once and let us get on with our work. This they did, and I was put on the Norfolk Committee, and at our first meeting was elected leader of the workers' side. We had nine on each side, and there were five appointed members. Our side consisted of myself, Messrs. S. Peel, J. Pightling, R. Wagg, Mrs. S. Kemp, Messrs. H. Harvey, R. Land, W. Skerry and J. Shickle. Mr. Russell Colman was appointed chairman. At our first meeting I moved that the wages should be raised to 30s. per week for a 54 hour week and that the working week end at one o'clock on Saturdays. This was rejected absolutely by the employers, and they moved an amendment that the wages should remain at 25s. per week and the working hours remain as before. We had a long discussion, and at last the employers' section asked for the question to stand adjourned for a week. We objected, butthe appointed members agreed, and the meeting was adjourned until the following Monday week, when we met again and had a long discussion. The appointed members suggested time after time that the two sides should meet and come to some agreement. The employers withdrew their amendment and moved another that the wages be raised to 27s. 6d. per week and that the working hours be 57 hours per week. This we absolutely refused to accept and would not move one inch. The appointed members retired and discussed the matter. After a time they sent for the leaders of each side and made a suggestion in the form of a compromise. They would be prepared to vote for 30s. for a 55½ hours' working week. The farmers refused the offer. I went back to my colleagues, and after some discussion we reluctantly agreed to accept the compromise, and on the appointed members returning to the room they put their suggestion to the vote. The employers voted against; we voted with the appointed members, and it was carried, and the recommendations were sent to the Central Board which met the same week. The Central Wage Board rejected the 55½ hours and adopted our first proposition, namely 54 hours as a working week, and that the week's work end on Saturday at 1 p.m., or that there be one six and a half-hour day a week, all that was worked over to be paid for as overtime. We also fixed the overtime pay at time and a quarter for six days and time and a half on Sundays. We also raised the pay of the horsemen and stockmen in proportion. The Wage Board issued their notices accordingly, but it was issued in such a way that it was open to a grave misunderstanding and was misunderstood. The men and some of the leaders thought it came into force at once and several disputes occurred. I, however, took an opposite view and contended that it did not come into force for a month. For this view I was severely criticized and was accused of joining hands with the farmers to defraud the men. So much was this statement spread abroad thatI felt bound to defend my honour and challenged my accusers to point to one solitary instance in which I had played the men false. It was evident I was right in the view I held, and if my advice had been taken, a good deal of friction would have been avoided and the men would have had their one o'clock several months earlier, for the Board at their next meeting, while confirming the order, postponed the one o'clock on Saturdays until three months after the war was over. However, the men got their one o'clock on Saturdays after hostilities ceased, an improvement I had been fighting for for nearly fifty years. I hope the men, now the Wages Boards are abolished, will not barter away an improvement in their working conditions. I also hope the farmers will act in a good spirit and cause no friction by trying to force the men back to old conditions.
The Union had decided, after taking a ballot of the members according to the Act of 1913, to take political action and to be affiliated to the Labour Party. I at once decided to be loyal to my Union. Early in 1918 I publicly announced that I intended to sever my connection with the Liberal Party and that henceforth my influence should be given to the political Labour Party. I had for some time been getting out of touch with the Liberal Party. In fact, I always was an advanced Radical and had hoped the party would have advanced in political thought. But I had now become convinced that there was no hope that the Liberal Party would ever advance in political thought sufficiently to meet the need of the growing aspirations of the new democracy. I had therefore no alternative but to separate myself from the party I had so long been associated with. The wrench, however, was great, for I could not separate myself from old associates lightly, especially when it was a party in which I had received my first political education. But it had to come. My political thought had outgrown the old political clothes I had worn so long. Early in the spring of 1922 the Executive of the Union decided that they would place candidates of their own in the field at the General Election whenever it should come. They decided, however, that this should be carried out in the most democratic way. Every branch of the Union was asked to send in nominations. This having been done, the Executivedecided that they would send five names out of the nominations received. They also decided that they would put three candidates into the field, as the National Labour Party had promised to give £1,000 towards the election expenses of two candidates that would be run under our auspices. The candidates that went to the ballot were R. B. Walker, George Edwards, George Nicholls, Capt. E. N. Bennett and T. G. Higdon. Those successful were R. B. Walker, George Edwards, and George Nicholls, Mr. Higdon being the next highest. Mr. Walker was selected by the King's Lynn Divisional Labour Party to contest that Division, and I was asked to meet the newly formed South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party with a view to making a statement on the current topics of the day. In my speech I severely criticized the Government's war policy and claimed that the war could have been ended some months before and a great number of precious lives have been spared had they embraced the opportunity that presented itself and entered into negotiations. In fact, I advocated peace by negotiation as I considered the time was come when every effort should be made to stop this horrible slaughter. I declared my adhesion to the Labour Party's policy and stated that on social questions affecting the lives of the people I stood where I did before the war. I retired for a few minutes, and on being called into the room I was informed by the chairman, Mr. E. G. Gooch, that the delegates had unanimously decided to invite me to become their prospective candidate to contest the Division at the General Election. I thanked them for their kind invitation and accepted it. On the Monday a full report of my speech and my adoption appeared in the press. I was, however, to have showered on my head storms of abuse. The writer of current topics in theEastern Daily Presswas particularly severe, and other writers in the press in their anxiety to discredit me did not hesitate to stoop to misinterpret my words. While I deeply resented the misinterpretation of wordsand claimed that the services I had rendered to my country during the war were sufficient answer to my critics and that I was anything but disloyal to my country, I also claimed that I had a right to hold my own views on what I thought was the best method of bringing this terrible conflict to an end. My opponents made as much political capital out of it as they could, but I was satisfied that I was right, if not for any other reason, for the sake of humanity. On November 20, 1918, at a special meeting of the South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party I was formally adopted as their candidate, and the following is a press report of my address.
Mr. Edwards, who was loudly cheered, said he asked the electors to keep before their minds not persons but principles. He somewhat regretted that Mr. Soames had withdrawn, because he was certain that however much they might differ, he was a perfect gentleman, and they would have carried through the contest in a way that would have been creditable to them. Whoever might be their opponents, so far as he was concerned, he intended to act in such a way, whatever the result, that he should not have to look back with any regrets to the contest. He would give his opponents credit for being honest in their intentions. If he was reviled he would not revile again, but if character was attacked he would be compelled to defend character and the position he took up. No one regretted more than the Labour Party that the election had been brought upon them. The Government, however, had determined to go to the country, and the Labour Party took up the gauntlet and would fight for the principles they held dear. The Government said they wanted a mandate. What greater mandate could they have than a united people behind them, and they had a united country to back them up in their peace terms. What was wanted was a just and permanent peace, with no vindictiveness, and the Labour Party held the view that there was no safeguard for a permanent peace except on the grounds laid down by President Wilson. The Labour Party was going in for a League of Nations, for such a league laid down on the President's principles would mean a permanent peace, and bring about universal brotherhood. They meant by a League of Nations a league which should consist of all the civilized nations of the world, and that there should be such international dealings with all questions which would prevent war in the future. (Hear, hear.) What he understood when thePresident talked about a League of Nations and no boycott was that there should be no preferential tariffs, and that all the nations should be dealt with alike. He wished those who talked about boycotting the Germans and taxing their goods out of existence would think for a moment. Germany was too big a nation to be crushed, and the war had taught us German science and inventions were not dead. If it was attempted to crush her she would prepare for another war, and England and other nations would also have to prepare, and the past war would be nothing as compared to another war. They had to consider the best way to meet the difficulties which had to be met in this country, and one of the first things was reconstruction, and how to help the men who had been fighting for us. The Labour Party would not have the same treatment meted out to soldiers as was meted out after previous wars. They stood for the discharged soldier, the wounded and the maimed, and would see that they were kept in a condition worthy of the nation for which they had been fighting. (Hear, hear.) That would be done without the taint of charity or pauperism. (Hear, hear.) So far as he could see, the Government's scheme for discharged soldiers was free insurance, a month's furlough, and thirteen weeks' out of work pay if they could not obtain employment. The Labour Party demanded that they should be returned to civil life and kept out of the State until employment was found for them at Trade Union rate of wages. (Hear, hear.) They stood for the bringing into operation at once of the Home Rule Act, and to see that justice was done to all and injustice to no one. They asked for a living wage for all workers, and their class having made the sacrifice they had—and he did not say the other classes had not done their bit—was not going back to pre-war conditions. Touching upon agriculture, Mr. Edwards said the Labour Party were going in for a wage which would enable parents to raise up healthy children. The first function of the party when it came into power was to see that a long neglected class was lifted up above the poverty line on which it had for so long existed. Everything had to come from the land, and if the farmer was to pay a living wage agriculture must be so reorganized that he could do so. The first thing was the farmer must have security of tenure; this he had not had, and he had not been encouraged to get the best out of the land. (Hear, hear.) There must be security of tenure for the farmers, and although he was a Free Trader, he should be in favour of the clause of the Corn Production Act being strengthened so that the farmer could pay the wage which might be fixed from time to time. He did not suppose he should live to see it, but he wanted the land nationalized. (Cheers.) He, however, wanted to see the antiquated land laws repealed. Mr. Edwardsalso touched upon the housing question, and remarked that if Governments could find money for war they could find money for houses. Proper medical attention must be put within the reach of the poorest, and the National Insurance Act must be radically altered, and there should be State paid medical attendants. (Hear, hear.) He also advocated better wages for teachers, who were the greatest moulders of character in the country.
Mr. Edwards, who was loudly cheered, said he asked the electors to keep before their minds not persons but principles. He somewhat regretted that Mr. Soames had withdrawn, because he was certain that however much they might differ, he was a perfect gentleman, and they would have carried through the contest in a way that would have been creditable to them. Whoever might be their opponents, so far as he was concerned, he intended to act in such a way, whatever the result, that he should not have to look back with any regrets to the contest. He would give his opponents credit for being honest in their intentions. If he was reviled he would not revile again, but if character was attacked he would be compelled to defend character and the position he took up. No one regretted more than the Labour Party that the election had been brought upon them. The Government, however, had determined to go to the country, and the Labour Party took up the gauntlet and would fight for the principles they held dear. The Government said they wanted a mandate. What greater mandate could they have than a united people behind them, and they had a united country to back them up in their peace terms. What was wanted was a just and permanent peace, with no vindictiveness, and the Labour Party held the view that there was no safeguard for a permanent peace except on the grounds laid down by President Wilson. The Labour Party was going in for a League of Nations, for such a league laid down on the President's principles would mean a permanent peace, and bring about universal brotherhood. They meant by a League of Nations a league which should consist of all the civilized nations of the world, and that there should be such international dealings with all questions which would prevent war in the future. (Hear, hear.) What he understood when thePresident talked about a League of Nations and no boycott was that there should be no preferential tariffs, and that all the nations should be dealt with alike. He wished those who talked about boycotting the Germans and taxing their goods out of existence would think for a moment. Germany was too big a nation to be crushed, and the war had taught us German science and inventions were not dead. If it was attempted to crush her she would prepare for another war, and England and other nations would also have to prepare, and the past war would be nothing as compared to another war. They had to consider the best way to meet the difficulties which had to be met in this country, and one of the first things was reconstruction, and how to help the men who had been fighting for us. The Labour Party would not have the same treatment meted out to soldiers as was meted out after previous wars. They stood for the discharged soldier, the wounded and the maimed, and would see that they were kept in a condition worthy of the nation for which they had been fighting. (Hear, hear.) That would be done without the taint of charity or pauperism. (Hear, hear.) So far as he could see, the Government's scheme for discharged soldiers was free insurance, a month's furlough, and thirteen weeks' out of work pay if they could not obtain employment. The Labour Party demanded that they should be returned to civil life and kept out of the State until employment was found for them at Trade Union rate of wages. (Hear, hear.) They stood for the bringing into operation at once of the Home Rule Act, and to see that justice was done to all and injustice to no one. They asked for a living wage for all workers, and their class having made the sacrifice they had—and he did not say the other classes had not done their bit—was not going back to pre-war conditions. Touching upon agriculture, Mr. Edwards said the Labour Party were going in for a wage which would enable parents to raise up healthy children. The first function of the party when it came into power was to see that a long neglected class was lifted up above the poverty line on which it had for so long existed. Everything had to come from the land, and if the farmer was to pay a living wage agriculture must be so reorganized that he could do so. The first thing was the farmer must have security of tenure; this he had not had, and he had not been encouraged to get the best out of the land. (Hear, hear.) There must be security of tenure for the farmers, and although he was a Free Trader, he should be in favour of the clause of the Corn Production Act being strengthened so that the farmer could pay the wage which might be fixed from time to time. He did not suppose he should live to see it, but he wanted the land nationalized. (Cheers.) He, however, wanted to see the antiquated land laws repealed. Mr. Edwardsalso touched upon the housing question, and remarked that if Governments could find money for war they could find money for houses. Proper medical attention must be put within the reach of the poorest, and the National Insurance Act must be radically altered, and there should be State paid medical attendants. (Hear, hear.) He also advocated better wages for teachers, who were the greatest moulders of character in the country.
The campaign commenced in all earnestness. Meetings were arranged throughout the constituency, but at this time no other candidate was in the field. Mr. Soames, the Liberal Member for the old South Norfolk Division, had informed the Liberal Party that he did not intend to seek re-election, and it appeared for some days that I was not going to have an opponent at all. But in due course the two political parties combined to find an opponent in the person of the Hon. W. H. Cozens-Hardy, son of the late Lord Cozens-Hardy, and a most honourable opponent he was. It soon became evident that, while the fight would be fierce, it would be fought on clean and honourable lines. We both decided that we would fight on principles alone, and that we ourselves would not indulge in personalities, nor would we allow any of our supporters to do so. This we both carried out to the very letter. On one occasion we occupied the same pitch. I spoke for ten minutes first and he spoke for the next ten minutes, which was the allotted time of the meeting, it being held at the factory gates at the dinner hour. This spirit was manifest right through the contest. On the nomination day we both met in the Returning Officer's room and had a very friendly chat and arranged if possible to lunch together on the day of the poll at Diss. This arrangement, however, I was unable to carry out, as my motor failed me on my way and made me late. There is one peculiar feature about this contest. My opponent was the eldest son of the man, Mr. Herbert Cozens-Hardy, for whom I had worked so strenuously in 1885 as a Liberal and whom I had helped to win.For doing so I had lost my situation, been turned out of my house and, as stated before, had been compelled to travel twelve miles a day to work as an agricultural labourer.
During the contest I received valuable help from my honorary agent, Mr. Edwin G. Gooch of Wymondham, a well-known Norfolk journalist and now a Justice of the Peace, a member of the County Council and other public bodies and Hon. Secretary to the South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party, who undertook the agency without promise of any fee or reward. The women in Wymondham and the men rendered magnificent work. All the envelopes were addressed and the addresses folded voluntarily. The local men supplied the platform with speakers. I also had the assistance amongst other visitors of the Rev. F. Softly from Fakenham and the Rev. Starling, and amongst my most earnest local workers were Messrs. W. J. Byles, J. Long, A. H. Cunnell, H. T. Phoenix, A. V. Gooch, George Mayes and E. A. Beck. More than passing interest was attached to the support I received from the Earl of Kimberley. During the contest I made my home with Mrs. J. Long at Wymondham, who looked after me with great care. A few days before the election I issued my address as follows:—
Ladies and Gentlemen,I am invited by the South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party to contest the Division at the coming General Election, and consider it my duty to accept the invitation in the interests of Labour and Progressive Thought.My full address will shortly be in your hands. Meanwhile may I briefly state my policy?I stand for a League of Nations and reconstruction on sound principles, without reverting to the old unjust social system of pre-war days; for a just and generous provision for the discharged soldiers and sailors and their dependents, apart from either charity or Poor Law; for the prompt carrying through of a comprehensive national measure of housing and a national system of education.Full provision must be made for the reinstatement in civilemployment on demobilization at Trade Union rate of wages and complete security against unemployment of all civil war-workers about to be discharged, and those whom the dislocation of industry will throw out of work. There must be a complete fulfilment of the nation's pledges to Trade Unions.The complete restoration of freedom of speech and political action, with protection against victimization. The immediate abolition of all forms of compulsory military service.Adult suffrage and equal rights of voting for both sexes. The immediate establishment of the fullest measure of Home Rule for Ireland. Full national control of all means of transport, and the retention by the State of all coal and iron mines, and all the means of production, distribution and exchange.The reorganization of agriculture and rural life in such a way as shall secure to the agricultural labourer a living wage that will lift him above the poverty line and the fear of penury and want, but if this is to be done agriculture must be so reorganized that it will secure to the farmer conditions that will enable him to meet it. I therefore favour first the strengthening of the clause in the Corn Production Act, and fixing the prices of his produce at a figure that will enable him to pay a living wage for his labour as fixed by the Wages Boards from time to time. I am also in favour of so controlling the price of his feeding stuffs, seeds, and raw material that will prevent the profiteer from taking advantage of his needs in carrying on his industry. If the land of this country is to be brought back into a proper state of cultivation and be made to produce all the food it is capable of, then the farmer must have absolute security of tenure. All antiquated land laws must be abolished. There must also be drastic reform in our Game Laws. There must be a drastic alteration in the Small Holding and Allotment Acts. The small holder must be able to get his holding on the same terms as the large farmer. I am in favour of credit banks and a short credit system to enable the holder and the farmer to pay ready money for their goods.The cruel and antiquated Poor Law must be abolished. A pension should be given to the poor widow with a family. There must be such a revision of pension rates and ages for eligibility for old age pensions as would enable the recipients to live in decency and comfort. A proper and adequate medical treatment ought to be secured to the poor, which in my judgment could be best obtained by a State medical service.I appeal for your support on the grounds of the long public service I have rendered to the people by my work on many public authorities, especially during the last four years. Should you do me the honour of returning me as your member I will continueto work in this new sphere in the interests of the great toiling masses to which I belong, and in whose interests all the best years of my life have been given.Yours faithfully,George Edwards.Wymondham,December 1918.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am invited by the South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party to contest the Division at the coming General Election, and consider it my duty to accept the invitation in the interests of Labour and Progressive Thought.
My full address will shortly be in your hands. Meanwhile may I briefly state my policy?
I stand for a League of Nations and reconstruction on sound principles, without reverting to the old unjust social system of pre-war days; for a just and generous provision for the discharged soldiers and sailors and their dependents, apart from either charity or Poor Law; for the prompt carrying through of a comprehensive national measure of housing and a national system of education.
Full provision must be made for the reinstatement in civilemployment on demobilization at Trade Union rate of wages and complete security against unemployment of all civil war-workers about to be discharged, and those whom the dislocation of industry will throw out of work. There must be a complete fulfilment of the nation's pledges to Trade Unions.
The complete restoration of freedom of speech and political action, with protection against victimization. The immediate abolition of all forms of compulsory military service.
Adult suffrage and equal rights of voting for both sexes. The immediate establishment of the fullest measure of Home Rule for Ireland. Full national control of all means of transport, and the retention by the State of all coal and iron mines, and all the means of production, distribution and exchange.
The reorganization of agriculture and rural life in such a way as shall secure to the agricultural labourer a living wage that will lift him above the poverty line and the fear of penury and want, but if this is to be done agriculture must be so reorganized that it will secure to the farmer conditions that will enable him to meet it. I therefore favour first the strengthening of the clause in the Corn Production Act, and fixing the prices of his produce at a figure that will enable him to pay a living wage for his labour as fixed by the Wages Boards from time to time. I am also in favour of so controlling the price of his feeding stuffs, seeds, and raw material that will prevent the profiteer from taking advantage of his needs in carrying on his industry. If the land of this country is to be brought back into a proper state of cultivation and be made to produce all the food it is capable of, then the farmer must have absolute security of tenure. All antiquated land laws must be abolished. There must also be drastic reform in our Game Laws. There must be a drastic alteration in the Small Holding and Allotment Acts. The small holder must be able to get his holding on the same terms as the large farmer. I am in favour of credit banks and a short credit system to enable the holder and the farmer to pay ready money for their goods.
The cruel and antiquated Poor Law must be abolished. A pension should be given to the poor widow with a family. There must be such a revision of pension rates and ages for eligibility for old age pensions as would enable the recipients to live in decency and comfort. A proper and adequate medical treatment ought to be secured to the poor, which in my judgment could be best obtained by a State medical service.
I appeal for your support on the grounds of the long public service I have rendered to the people by my work on many public authorities, especially during the last four years. Should you do me the honour of returning me as your member I will continueto work in this new sphere in the interests of the great toiling masses to which I belong, and in whose interests all the best years of my life have been given.
Yours faithfully,George Edwards.
Wymondham,December 1918.
I had magnificent and most enthusiastic meetings all through the campaign and had little or no opposition. It was generally agreed that I had by far the best meetings. I had, however, the whole force of the two political parties against me, and some of the members of my own Church in the Division were my bitterest opponents. But in spite of the good reception I had an impression all through the campaign that I was fighting a losing battle. I did not, however, let anyone of my friends know what I thought of the matter, but braced them all up. The only person I related my thoughts to was my dear niece, who gave me all the encouragement she could and stood by my side. The election took place on December 4th, but we had to wait until December 28th before the votes were counted. Directly after the election my niece Mrs. Kernick and myself went back to our own little home at Fakenham and anxiously waited for the day of the count to arrive. When December 28th arrived we were up early in the morning and made preparations to leave for Norwich where the votes were to be counted. We left Fakenham by the 9.45 a.m. train and arrived at the Shirehouse just after the counting had commenced. The counting had not gone far before I realized that my fears all during the contest were fulfilled and that, although I had fought a good fight for the principles I held to be good, I had been badly beaten and that the combined forces of reaction were too much for me. At four o'clock the counting was finished and the result was as follows:—
After the declaration of the poll my friends and I returned to Wymondham and made for the Fairland Hall, which was packed. The meeting was of such a character as had never been held there before within the memory of man. It was attended by the leaders of all political parties; the Rev. E. Russell was in the chair. On one side of him was the victorious candidate and on the other side of him was myself, the defeated candidate. A resolution of congratulation was moved to the member, which I supported. A resolution was moved and carried thanking both candidates and the leaders of both parties for the clean and friendly fight we had made, neither candidate ever having said an unkind word towards each other, and it was expressed by both sides that we had lifted the political life of South Norfolk on to a high level. Thus we finished, as we had commenced, in a most friendly spirit. That election of 1918 in South Norfolk will rank as the cleanest and purest political fight that was ever fought.
The meeting being over, I returned to my home at Fakenham, no one knowing but my niece the effect it had had on me. No one knew the strain it was upon me to attend that meeting, but I intended to be brave and manly. It had made its mark which was soon to make itself manifest. As soon as possible I sent the following letter of thanks to all my supporters and voluntary workers:—
Parliamentary Election, December 1918.To the Labour Party Workers in South Norfolk.Dear Sir or Madam,I embrace this opportunity of thanking you for the valuable help you rendered me during the recent election.No candidate ever had a band of more loyal supporters, and I trust your great devotion to the Party will be recompensed by victory in the days that are to come. The ideals for which we stand are of the highest, but the forces of reaction were too strong for us this time. The time will come, however, when democracy will assert itself and the principles of righteousness and truth, for which we stand, will yet triumph.My one hope is that you will go forth with renewed vigour, organize your forces, exercise patience and sweet reasonableness. I hope to live to see South Norfolk go solid for Labour.Again thanking you for your support, and with best wishes for the New Year,I am,Yours faithfully,George Edwards.7 Lichfield Street,Queen's Road, Fakenham,January 1919.
Parliamentary Election, December 1918.
To the Labour Party Workers in South Norfolk.
Dear Sir or Madam,
I embrace this opportunity of thanking you for the valuable help you rendered me during the recent election.
No candidate ever had a band of more loyal supporters, and I trust your great devotion to the Party will be recompensed by victory in the days that are to come. The ideals for which we stand are of the highest, but the forces of reaction were too strong for us this time. The time will come, however, when democracy will assert itself and the principles of righteousness and truth, for which we stand, will yet triumph.
My one hope is that you will go forth with renewed vigour, organize your forces, exercise patience and sweet reasonableness. I hope to live to see South Norfolk go solid for Labour.
Again thanking you for your support, and with best wishes for the New Year,
I am,Yours faithfully,George Edwards.
7 Lichfield Street,Queen's Road, Fakenham,January 1919.
As days went by my life told its tale upon me. I tried to be brave. I even endeavoured to hide my trouble from my niece, but her keen eye and affection and deep sympathy for me detected it and she feared the worst. But no one knew my pain outside of my home. I had, however, one little brightness brought into my life in this time of sorrow. In December I received a notice from the Secretary of State that the Prime Minister had recommended me to the King for the distinction of the Grand Order of the British Empire, known as the O.B.E. On January 3rd I was gazetted as O.B.E., and my name appeared among the list of Honours. In due course I received a command from the Lord Chamberlain to appear at Buckingham Palace in February to receive the decoration at the hands of the King. My niece feared that I should not be able to stand the journey. I also had my doubts. I took her with me. Within a few hours, however, after I left the Palace I broke down. My strength would hold out no longer and I had to keep in bed at the hotel where I was staying for a few days. I was, however, determined to get to my own home and took the risk and travelled home to Fakenham. On my return home I went to bed. The doctor was sent for and he considered I was in a very weak state. But with his skill and the good nursing of my niece I was able to get about again within a month, but was not allowed to do anypublic work for some time. But as the spring came along I grew stronger and was enabled to resume my public work, and late in the summer of 1919 the South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party sent me an invitation to contest the Division again in the Labour interest, as there was a rumour that the member's father, Lord Cozens-Hardy, was very ill and could not live long, and in that case there would have to be a bye-election since the member would be raised to the Peerage. I gave the matter very serious consideration. I consulted my doctor, and he considered it would be absolutely unsafe for me to undertake another parliamentary contest. I had already fresh local duties, for in the spring I was elected on the Fakenham Parish Council and was elected its chairman, and, further, not being able to accomplish my desire in 1918, namely to finish my life's work in the House of Commons, I had no further desire to enter Parliament, but was anxious to finish my life's work in doing local work. I therefore decided not to accept the invitation, but to leave that part of public work to younger men, and on September 23, 1919, I wrote declining the invitation in a letter to Mr. Gooch, the Party's honorary agent.
During the autumn of 1919 I addressed several meetings for the Union, and also devoted much time to local public work, the duties of which increased rapidly. My health improved and I gained a good deal of strength. The condition of my heart, however, caused the doctor a good deal of anxiety. The Divisional Labour Party decided that they would not let the seat go uncontested, and at a special meeting of the Party on May 29, 1920, passed a resolution asking the Labourers' Union again to find a candidate to contest the Division whenever the election took place. The Union had already taken a ballot for candidates for the next General Election. Accordingly they sent Mr. W. Holmes down to meet the Divisional Party. The Party had also asked for other nominationsbesides asking the Union for a candidate, and the following persons were nominated: Mr. W. B. Taylor, Mr. T. G. Higdon, Mr. William G. Codling, and Mr. E. G. Gooch. Mr. Codling did not attend, and Mr. Gooch withdrew. Each of the other nominees addressed the delegates. I presided over the meeting. After each one of the men had given their views and been closely questioned, they were asked to retire, and, on the vote being taken, Mr. Taylor received 40 votes, Mr. Holmes 16, Mr. Higdon 1. Mr. Taylor was declared elected and, after a vote had been passed to me for presiding and Mr. Taylor had been finally endorsed, the meeting separated. Mr. Taylor at once commenced a campaign, and a subscription list was opened. He not being the Union's official candidate, the Union had no financial liability; in fact, they could not contribute to his fund. He made good progress, however, and the agent succeeded in raising several pounds, and I think if there had been no by-election by the time the General Election came they would have raised a very considerable sum. But Lord Cozens-Hardy died in June and a by-election had to take place. This found the Party altogether unprepared for the fight. A special meeting of the Party was called, and they decided to withdraw from the election and concentrate on the General Election. The other two political parties had selected their candidates. Mr. C. H. Roberts was standing for the Independent Liberals, and Mr. J. H. Batty was standing for the Coalition-Liberals, and both candidates had got their campaigns in full swing. The Liberal candidate was delighted at the withdrawal, and predicted that he would win. There was, however, a class of people who were not at all pleased at Labour not fighting, and they showed their displeasure by writing to the Executive of the Labourers' Union and demanding that they should put a candidate of their own into the field, threatening that if they did not they would leave the Union. The Executive decided to calla conference of delegates from every branch of the Union in the Division at Wymondham. The Norfolk members of the Executive with the President attended the conference with power to act. They also decided to invite the Executive of the Divisional Labour Party to attend. The meeting was held in the Labour Institute. Every branch of the Union in the Division was represented. The President, in a lengthy speech, pointed out the difficulties, considering that the contest had already commenced and the writ been issued, and he invited the delegates to express their views. With one voice they requested that the Union should put a candidate into the field, many of the delegates declaring that, if we did not contest, their members would leave the Union. They were also unanimous in their view that the seat could be won for Labour. A resolution was moved that the Union be requested to put a candidate into the field and that the Executive of the Divisional Labour Party be invited to co-operate. This was carried with the greatest enthusiasm, everyone standing and cheering to the echo. Then the question was asked by the President who was to be the man, and the delegates at once said there was only one man that could fight and win, and that was "their George" (as they were so fond of calling me and as I like that they should). I pointed out to them my age and my weakness, which they would find a disadvantage to them in the contest. They said they would be prepared to meet that if I would but consent to stand, for with me they were sure they could win, and further, they would do all the work, and I should have nothing to trouble me but to speak at the meetings. With this promise I replied that if they could win the seat for Labour with me as their candidate, then I was at their service. This was received with loud cheering. All the ladies present volunteered at once for work in connection with issuing my address, etc. Mr. W. B. Taylor, J.P., C.C., who had retiredfrom the contest, at once volunteered to render all the help he could and promised to enter the fight with the same enthusiasm as if he had been the candidate. Mr. Edwin Gooch promised to undertake the honorary agency as before, and my dear friend, the President of the Union, Mr. W. R. Smith, who I am so fond of calling "My Boy," undertook to throw all his influence into the contest by addressing meetings and looking after me at the meetings and not allowing me to overtax my strength.
The press had got a hint that, after all, Labour was not going to let the seat go by default and that a meeting was being held for that purpose. They had, therefore, got their reporters to gather up the first information of what had taken place. But the public had not the slightest idea previously who would be the candidate, and were taken by surprise. The news was flashed over the wires to the furthest parts of the country. On the Monday morning the papers had great headlines: "George Edwards enters the Fight." Leading articles were written on the matter, all agreeing that I was the strongest local candidate Labour could bring into the field, and it became evident at once that there would be the greatest interest taken in the contest. It also created a great surprise in the camps of the two opposing political parties. After the conference was over I journeyed to Stow Bedon to attend a demonstration in connection with the Agricultural Labourers' Union at which I had been announced to speak. Here I made my first election speech, as we naturally turned this to some political account. The chairman, Mr. H. T. Phoenix, announced that I had that day been adopted as the Labour candidate. I was accompanied to this meeting by Mr. and Mrs. Gooch and a whole host of Wymondham friends. Mr. W. B. Taylor and the Rev. P. S. Carden, the esteemed minister of the Scott Memorial Church, Norwich, also spoke at this meeting. The meeting was most enthusiastic. After the meeting was over I journeyed back to Wymondham andagain made my home at Mr. and Mrs. Long's. Although the next day was Sunday, we were compelled to devote a large part of it to making arrangements. The election had already been in progress for over a week. We had therefore much ground to make up. A plan of campaign was mapped out and all arrangements made to commence the campaign the next day. My address was got ready to print the next day, and by the Tuesday it was published. On the Monday we opened the campaign at Hethersett and Little Melton. I had with me Mr. G. E. Hewitt, Mr. Long and Mr. E. A. Beck. Although the meetings were only announced that morning they were crowded and most enthusiastic. For some unaccountable reason I had a clear vision from the very first that we should win and I never lost heart, which was so different to the General Election. The Liberals grew very angry at my appearance on the scene, as they said I could not possibly win and that I should let the Coalition candidate in. We pushed on, however, with great vigour. Helpers came forward in great numbers. The Earl of Kimberley again came forward as he had done at the General Election and helped in every way possible, rendering most valuable service during the contest. My address caused a great deal of discussion, as it embraced the entire programme of the Party. It was as follows:—
SOUTH NORFOLK PARLIAMENTARY BYE-ELECTION.Tuesday, July 27th, 1920.To the Electors.Ladies and Gentlemen,Owing to the lamented death of Lord Cozens-Hardy and the elevation of the Hon. W. H. Cozens-Hardy to the Peerage, a vacancy has occurred in this Division. At the unanimous request of the branches of the National Agricultural Labourers' Union in South Norfolk, endorsed by the Divisional and National Labour Parties, I have consented to stand as Labour candidate for the Division and have pleasure in submitting the following statements of my principles and policy.The Present Government and High Prices.Although the Government has been in office for more than eighteen months nothing has been done to reduce the cost of living, which presses so hardly on all classes of the population. Every housewife knows prices still tend in an upward direction. The only policy likely to affect prices is the Labour policy of a strict limitation of profits, stringent control and nationalization. I strongly condemn the policy of waste of the present Government.National Finance.The war having left a huge burden of debt on the country amounting to over 8,000 million pounds, it will be easily recognized that this constitutes a terrible menace to the trade of the country and to the earning capacity in real wages of the workers. I advocate a levy of the fortunes of the wealthy people in preference to the taxing of the food and other necessities of the workers. Those who have made huge profits out of the sorrow and suffering of war should be compelled to disgorge this wealth, and so relieve the nation of a burden which will otherwise be too heavy to sustain.Mines, Railways, Etc.I shall support all reasonable efforts to secure for the nation the public ownership of all key services, such as mines, railways, canals, shipping, transport and the supply of power.Foreign Policy.The foreign policy of the Government stands condemned. I favour the establishment of a league of free peoples,peace with Russia, open diplomacy and self-determination for all nations,including Ireland.Agriculture.The Labour Party's policy for agriculture is based upon the national ownership of land. Agriculture must become the first consideration of the State. A standard living wage, a statutory working week, and the abolition of the tied cottage would enable the land worker to enjoy equally with other workers opportunities for individual recreation and development. Land for small holdings must be obtained easily and cheaply, and co-operation amongst small holders assisted and developed.Security of Tenure.If the land is to be brought back into a proper state of cultivation and be made to produce all the food it is capable of, thenthe farmer must have security of tenure. I should, however, insist on proper cultivation of land and the employment of a sufficient number of efficient labourers to do so. In order to enforce this I should place even more drastic power in the hands of the Agricultural Councils than they now possess.Elevation of Womanhood.I am in favour of the immediate establishment of a pensions scheme for all widows with dependent children; the endowment of motherhood and the extension of the franchise to women as it is or may be granted to men.Housing Question.The prompt carrying through of a comprehensive national measure of housing, the local authorities being everywhere required to make good the whole of the existing shortage in well-planned, well-built, commodious and healthy homes for the entire population, assisted by National Exchequer grants sufficient in amount to prevent any charge falling on the local rates.Unemployment and the Right to Work.I should use every endeavour to secure the right to work for all. Industry must be organized to provide for opportunities of service for all. Failing such a system full maintenance must be guaranteed by the State. I favour drastic amendments to the Insurance Acts.Ex-Service Men.The Government have treated the sailors and soldiers and their dependants with meanness. The Labour Party is pledged to just and generous treatment to all ex-service men with regard to pensions, medical and surgical treatment, reinstatement in civil employment at Trade Union rates of wages, and complete security against involuntary unemployment. Owing to the rising cost of living I should press for an immediate increase on present pension rates.Old Age Pensions.There must be such a revision of pension rates and ages for eligibility for old age pensions as would enable the recipients to live in decency and comfort.Conclusion.I appeal, as a Norfolk man, for your support on the grounds of the long public service I have rendered to the people by mywork on many public authorities, especially during the last five years. Should you do me the honour of returning me as your member I will continue to work in this new sphere in the interests of the great toiling masses to which I belong, and in whose interests all the best years of my life have been given.Yours very sincerely,George Edwards.Wymondham,July 1920.P.S.—I cannot hope to get round before polling day to every town and village, but I do beg every working man and woman to go to the poll and voteagainstthewasteof theGovernmentand the high cost of living. It is the only lesson to which they will listen.
SOUTH NORFOLK PARLIAMENTARY BYE-ELECTION.
Tuesday, July 27th, 1920.
To the Electors.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Owing to the lamented death of Lord Cozens-Hardy and the elevation of the Hon. W. H. Cozens-Hardy to the Peerage, a vacancy has occurred in this Division. At the unanimous request of the branches of the National Agricultural Labourers' Union in South Norfolk, endorsed by the Divisional and National Labour Parties, I have consented to stand as Labour candidate for the Division and have pleasure in submitting the following statements of my principles and policy.
The Present Government and High Prices.
Although the Government has been in office for more than eighteen months nothing has been done to reduce the cost of living, which presses so hardly on all classes of the population. Every housewife knows prices still tend in an upward direction. The only policy likely to affect prices is the Labour policy of a strict limitation of profits, stringent control and nationalization. I strongly condemn the policy of waste of the present Government.
National Finance.
The war having left a huge burden of debt on the country amounting to over 8,000 million pounds, it will be easily recognized that this constitutes a terrible menace to the trade of the country and to the earning capacity in real wages of the workers. I advocate a levy of the fortunes of the wealthy people in preference to the taxing of the food and other necessities of the workers. Those who have made huge profits out of the sorrow and suffering of war should be compelled to disgorge this wealth, and so relieve the nation of a burden which will otherwise be too heavy to sustain.
Mines, Railways, Etc.
I shall support all reasonable efforts to secure for the nation the public ownership of all key services, such as mines, railways, canals, shipping, transport and the supply of power.
Foreign Policy.
The foreign policy of the Government stands condemned. I favour the establishment of a league of free peoples,peace with Russia, open diplomacy and self-determination for all nations,including Ireland.
Agriculture.
The Labour Party's policy for agriculture is based upon the national ownership of land. Agriculture must become the first consideration of the State. A standard living wage, a statutory working week, and the abolition of the tied cottage would enable the land worker to enjoy equally with other workers opportunities for individual recreation and development. Land for small holdings must be obtained easily and cheaply, and co-operation amongst small holders assisted and developed.
Security of Tenure.
If the land is to be brought back into a proper state of cultivation and be made to produce all the food it is capable of, thenthe farmer must have security of tenure. I should, however, insist on proper cultivation of land and the employment of a sufficient number of efficient labourers to do so. In order to enforce this I should place even more drastic power in the hands of the Agricultural Councils than they now possess.
Elevation of Womanhood.
I am in favour of the immediate establishment of a pensions scheme for all widows with dependent children; the endowment of motherhood and the extension of the franchise to women as it is or may be granted to men.
Housing Question.
The prompt carrying through of a comprehensive national measure of housing, the local authorities being everywhere required to make good the whole of the existing shortage in well-planned, well-built, commodious and healthy homes for the entire population, assisted by National Exchequer grants sufficient in amount to prevent any charge falling on the local rates.
Unemployment and the Right to Work.
I should use every endeavour to secure the right to work for all. Industry must be organized to provide for opportunities of service for all. Failing such a system full maintenance must be guaranteed by the State. I favour drastic amendments to the Insurance Acts.
Ex-Service Men.
The Government have treated the sailors and soldiers and their dependants with meanness. The Labour Party is pledged to just and generous treatment to all ex-service men with regard to pensions, medical and surgical treatment, reinstatement in civil employment at Trade Union rates of wages, and complete security against involuntary unemployment. Owing to the rising cost of living I should press for an immediate increase on present pension rates.
Old Age Pensions.
There must be such a revision of pension rates and ages for eligibility for old age pensions as would enable the recipients to live in decency and comfort.
Conclusion.
I appeal, as a Norfolk man, for your support on the grounds of the long public service I have rendered to the people by mywork on many public authorities, especially during the last five years. Should you do me the honour of returning me as your member I will continue to work in this new sphere in the interests of the great toiling masses to which I belong, and in whose interests all the best years of my life have been given.
Yours very sincerely,George Edwards.
Wymondham,July 1920.
P.S.—I cannot hope to get round before polling day to every town and village, but I do beg every working man and woman to go to the poll and voteagainstthewasteof theGovernmentand the high cost of living. It is the only lesson to which they will listen.
I kept to my programme all through the campaign. One amusing tribute was paid to me at one of my opponent's (Mr. Batty's) meetings by one of his supporters, Major Kennedy, who said I was as good a fellow as ever walked. But he was anxious about me for, if I was elected, I should feel so out of place having to wear a frock coat and silk top hat. Another amusing thing happened. One of the lady canvassers for my opponent, anxious to enhance the cause of her candidate, said I was a dear old man, but it would be cruel to send me to Parliament at my age. All this, however, although not intended, was to my interest and, as the election day drew near, our people became more enthusiastic and my opponents began to realize that they had not got so easy a job as they had anticipated. The Independent Liberals kept encouraging their supporters by declaring they were sure they were winning; in fact, the night before the poll one of their speakers declared at Watton that they had won. They counted their chickens before they were hatched. The night before the poll our meetings were attended by hundreds and speakers flocked to our platform. At Attleborough we had Mr. J. Mills, M.P., and other local speakers. Mr. W. S. Royce, M.P., Lord Kimberley and Mr. Smith, M.P., were at Wymondham,and held the fort until I arrived. My old friend and constant companion during the contest, Mr. G. E. Hewitt, J.P., C.C., accompanied me to my meetings. I spoke with him at three meetings. We made our way to Great Hockham and addressed a large meeting there, and then on to Attleborough, where we met with a tremendous reception. In this place at the General Election I could scarcely get a hearing.
My opponent, Mr. Batty, was also holding a meeting at the same place, but out of respect for me, on my arrival he adjourned his meeting until I had spoken and left the meeting and came and stood amongst my audience. Having spoken there I made my way to Wymondham. On arriving at the town I was met by the band of the Discharged Soldiers' and Sailors' Federation and a large number of my supporters, who played me up to the Fairland, the place of meeting, where there were upwards of 1,500 people waiting to receive me, and I was given a wonderful reception.
On the polling day my agent, Mr. Gooch, Mr. W. B. Taylor and I set out for a tour through the constituency. All went well until we arrived at Shotesham Common, when the motor broke down. Here we had to wait at this lonely spot for three hours until another motor arrived, when we renewed our journey. Everywhere we went we were received with the greatest enthusiasm. We found our colour (green) most prominent. That was the colour I had adopted, being the colour of the Union. On our return to Wymondham we were met by crowds. We found the Earl of Kimberley hard at work with his motor gaily trimmed with our colour. He had also put two waggons on the road to fetch up distant voters. Mr. Royce, M.P., had lent us his motor, which rendered us splendid service. At the close of the poll our people were confident we had won. They assembled at the Labour Institute, where a most enthusiastic meeting was held. The next day I returned to my home to waitpatiently until August 9th, when the votes were to be counted. I was confident, however, that we had won. The whole contest was most pleasant. Everyone seemed so confident and worked with such good will and hope. I look back to this contest with the most pleasant memories. I am afraid there was a good deal of betting about the result, not amongst my supporters, but amongst the outside people.