"SOMEWHERE IN FRANCE"
By June, 1918, it was fairly evident that the German attack to drive the British to the sea had exhausted itself. The enemy had attempted to push through along the Somme line, separating the British and the French Armies. Foiled in that by the stubborn defence in front of Amiens, he tried a push towards the Channel ports, which really gave more anxiety at G.H.Q. than the earlier move, for there we were working on such a very narrow margin of safety that every yard lost was a grave peril.
The final effort of the enemy was to pinch us out of territory which he could not push us out of, and this effort, though it led to no great battles, was a very serious menace. During the month of June there was not a day's respite from the pertinacious efforts of the enemy to strangle our arteries of supply. Havingarrived, at some places, within range of our front lateral railway line, the enemy sought by continuous bombardments to stop or at least hamper traffic, at the same time constantly attacking with aircraft our rear lateral railway line at its most sensitive points, the Somme and the Canche crossings. The ports of entry and the supply depôts were also repeatedly attacked. Inconvenience—serious at times—and loss followed from these attacks, but there was never an actual stoppage of essential traffic. Provision had been made to prevent any blows that the enemy was able to deliver being really effective Alternative avoiding lines took up promptly the task of broken channels of traffic, and strenuous work in repair and good emergency organisation prevented congestion ever reaching the stage of paralysis. At one time during this month it was necessary to stop for a few days all but absolutely essential traffic from North to South. That was the limit of the enemy's success, though he was aided in some degree by an influenza epidemic (which sadly reduced the supply of labour for railway and dock work).
One line of German tactics at this time was rather "over the edge" as Tommy put it. That was to attack the Base hospitals by aircraft. One at Etaples was set on fire and destroyed. There is, I admit, some room for a shadow of a doubt as to whether the Germandeliberately attacked the hospitals or only accidentally. That shadow of a doubt must be granted, because it was a fact that several of our hospitals were near to large railway junctions and camps, though always clearly marked and separated from other military installations. I am not prepared to question the good faith of those who give the Germans the benefit of the doubt, though I cannot agree with them. The attacks on the hospitals came in June, just when the Germans concentrated their strategy on trying to cripple our means of supply. They inflicted grave embarrassment on our resources, for, at a time when material was very short and lines of transport fearfully congested, we had to construct new hospitals and move patients and staffs. A note made in July on the point reads:
"Good progress is being made with the transfer to other areas of hospitals which were rendered necessary by enemy aircraft attacks. Though there is very little doubt possible that the enemy does not intend to respect hospitals, wherever they may be sited, in his bombing raids, the precaution is being taken of choosing new hospital sites well away from any point of military importance. No hospital will be established near military camps, important railway junctions, or bridges."
If it was by a series of accidents that the Germans succeeded in hitting a number ofhospitals in June, 1918, they were singularly fruitful accidents for him. The difference, from a "results" point of view, in bombing a camp and a hospital is this: if you bomb a camp you kill a few men but the camp does not move; if you bomb a hospital you kill a few patients, nurses, and doctors, and you force the hospital to move, if it can move, to an apparently safer place.
In June there was cause for anxiety in the whole supply position. Seeing that the existence of the armies depended on maintaining to the full the huge rate of supply which modern war demands, and that the enemy was obviously trying immediately behind our lines the policy (which was exactly the same as the policy of his submarine campaign) of pinching out lines of supply, it was judicious to try to extend the margin of safety. One way of effecting this which was explored was to extend "Lines of Communication" to England, and to keep in England at places handy for shipment to France one half the reserve stores of the Army. In most items the Army worked on a month's reserve margin. The storing of this month's reserve in the comparatively narrow strip of France which we held, subject to constant bombing, was becoming a matter of extreme difficulty. The retreat of the Germans began, however, before any definite steps in thedirection of setting up reserve stores on the coast of England were taken.
There was no idea that the enemy was going to collapse so suddenly. G.H.Q. expected to drive him back to the Hindenburg line in 1918 and to finish him off in 1919. In the middle of July, 1918, the matter was before the General Staff with the discussion of plans founded on the postulate that the Germans might withdraw to the Hindenburg line, and that a prompt following up in full force was intended. An instruction to the Director General of Transportation asked for facts as to new railway material that would be needed in such a contingency. The problem of effective pursuit, it was recognised, would be largely one of Supplies and Transport. If our Army could be brought up to the new German line promptly, and maintained there with all the means of vigorous attack, all kinds of pleasant results might be hoped for. But nobody really was so optimistic as to think that the enemy would throw in his hand before the winter. But we prepared for the best as well as for the worst.
The task of getting ready to put Pas de Calais in ruins in case of a German advance was pleasantly interrupted by the now more urgent task of getting ready to follow up the enemy with horse, foot, artillery, and with some scores of thousand of tons of supplies daily. The fruits of this were reaped in August, whenall agreed that the troops had been well followed up. Cases of real hardships were very rare. Some admirably prompt work was done in railway construction, road restoration, and canal clearing. One great main road was opened to traffic two hours after its capture. Traffic on the Albert line was restored to Corbie and Heilly the day after capture. The water supply difficulty was great, and in many cases water for both men and horses had to be sent up by motor and pack transport. But on the territory won our old water bores were found in most cases intact, and were promptly restored to usefulness by the R.E. Baths and laundries followed in close contact with our advancing troops, and with them in some cases harvesting machinery to win from waste the crops.
But that, whilst preparing for all possibilities, we were not such optimists as to believe in an Autumn victory, is shown by the fact that arrangements were well in hand to secure suitable training areas for the British troops during the Winter, 1918-1919. For the previous two years, circumstances had not allowed the British Forces adequate opportunities for re-training. But, with the character of the war changing radically, it was thought necessary that they should have opportunities to carry out extensive training programmes in offensive operations of quick movement during the Winter. Adequatemanœuvre areas for each Army close behind its Front were sought. It is a coincidence that just after this matter was put in hand military experts on the enemy side were comforting their newspapers with arguments that the new style of Tank attack evolved by the British required very special training of the infantry, and that it could not be expected that any large proportion of the British Army had, or could have, the necessary training.
G.H.Q., when the critical history of the war comes to be written, will surely win high praise for its 1918 work. It took a hard knock in the early Spring and was faced simultaneously with the tasks of holding on, of re-organising a shattered railway system, of training and equipping reinforcements from America and from our own distant Fronts, of preparing for the effective destruction of Pas de Calais, and of organising new lines of supply in case a further retreat was inevitable. From these tasks it had to switch off suddenly to prepare for a great pursuit instead of a great retreat, and did so with such skill and care as the result showed.
How wonderfully, too, the successive blows of the British Army were timed and driven home! As Marshal Foch recognised, it needed supremely good staff work on the part of the British to control that deadly rhythm. Beginning on August 8th, 1918, in four daysthe British Army cleared the enemy from the Amiens Front. That restored our old lateral line Boulogne-Amiens-Paris and added enormously to our transport strength. We could now hit towards the north, and from the 21st to 31st August we fought the last and most happy battle of the Somme, driving the enemy to the east of the river. His position then was attacked concurrently from the north, and by September 3rd he was back on the Hindenburg line, and our Army, flushed with victory and its supply lines working admirably, simply could not be stopped. The bustled enemy did his best to make a stand on the Hindenburg line, and shortened his front so as to allow of a stronger holding there, leaving to us without a battle all of Belgium that he had won in the Spring offensive. But that gave us a new railway advantage, and on September 18th, 1918, the Battle of Epéhy carried the advanced posts of the Hindenburg line.
Quickly the home thrust followed. Between September 27th and October 10th the German centre was shattered and the rest of the campaign on our Front was merely a matter of "mopping up." From August 8th to November 11th the British Army took 188,700 prisoners and 2,840 guns. (The French, American and Belgian armies combined took 196,800 prisoners and 3,775 guns during the same period). When the Armistice was signedon November 11th, the British Army was still full of fight and it had still the means for a further advance, though its horse transport was very weary and the men were having a really hard time in regard to rations and water. But it is safe to say that it was in better plight than any of the other armies.
How different November, 1918, from November, 1914! In 1914 so far as the British nation at large was concerned it was a time of desperate shifts and expedients. The lame and the halt and the blind who had fallen out of the Regular ranks in olden days had come back to train recruits for the New Armies. A great new industry of munition-making was being founded. It had to make its machines and its tools before it could make guns and shell. So far as the Army in the Field was concerned it held on against heavy odds and with the scantiest supply of shell to answer the well-supplied German Artillery. Whilst the Germans could send a deluge of shells over we could reply with a bare sprinkle. And we had our cooks and batmen fighting in the trenches whilst the Germans were confidently calculating that the plan of training a new British Army had been irretrievably compromised by the heavy losses which the British Regular Army had suffered, and that a descent on the English coast with a very small force would be sufficient to occupy London and end the war.
There is a legend that the German military plan from the Battle of Mons to the Battle of the Marne in 1914 was prejudiced by the "political" consideration of a desire to crush the British Army out of existence; that to the attack upon the British detachment were devoted forces and energies out of proportion to its military importance. A part, though not an essential part, of this legend is the story of the Kaiser's reference to the "contemptible little army" of Britain. Perhaps the truth or otherwise of this legend will be established when there is a full disclosure of events from the German side. It is not unreasonable in itself, for the presence of the Kaiser with the German Army, and the presence of his sons, without a doubt interfered often with the military dispositions of his generals. In an earlier campaign (that of Napoleon against Russia in 1812) a condition precedent to the ultimate Russian success was that the Czar Alexander should leave his army to its commanders, because he could not act as General-in-Chief himself, and whilst he was with the Army no one else could. The German Kaiser's emotional hatred of the British might well have led to an unbalanced effort against the British Force.
In 1918 it was not the vanguard of a "contemptible little Army" that heard the "cease fire" at Mons. It was an Army 64 Divisions strong, and in all the fighting from August 8th,1918, to November 11th, 1918, those Divisions had been winning great battles from superior numbers of German Divisions. At the Battle of Amiens we had 16 Divisions to the German's 20 Divisions; at the Battle of Bapaume our 23 Divisions faced 35 German Divisions; at the decisive Battle of Cambrai-St. Quentin our 38 Divisions, with two American Divisions, drove 45 German Divisions out of the Hindenburg line.
November 11th, 1918, saw the culmination of a great military achievement. Of the glory of this achievement the chief share must go to the British soldier, whose cheerful and imperturbable courage and individual intelligence made him a perfect instrument of warfare; but a large share remains for the guiding brain of British generalship in the Field, with its centre at G.H.Q.
Printed byWhitehead Bros., Wolverhampton.
M. Henri Potez, in a farewell article inLe Journal de Montreuil(30th March, 1919), paid the following eloquent tribute to G.H.Q.:—
"We know indeed that quite a host of painters, coming from beyond the Channel, have sung the praises of our familiar surroundings, of our clear and happy countryside, of our changing light. Montreuil, little by little, was becoming a kind of English Barbizon.
"Then the War broke out. The presence of the General Headquarters of our Allies made of Montreuil, so to speak, the brain of the British Army. What with telegraphic and telephonic lines, and wireless telegraphy installations, a whole collection of nervous threads radiated from Montreuil, carrying incessantly news and orders. For some months we have been one of the mysterious centres of the great epic. And the silhouette of the Supreme Chief has often been marked on our vast horizons. Our heroes have appreciated the loyalty and the bravery of our Allies on the fields of battle. Side by side the two nations have withstood the most terrible trials in defence of the same ideal. The two great liberal peoples of the West have been the martyrs of Right and of Civilization. At the time of the heavy offensives in Artois, we have seen the splendid troops, who, having set out full ofanimation and enthusiasm, returned to their camps reduced to mere handfuls of men. These are the memories that can never be forgotten.
"Behind the front, the civilian populations have, on many occasions, praised the affability of our friends, their courtesy and their liberality. War has its exigencies; but it must be recognised that they have shown the best of goodwill to mitigate them. Their kindness on several occasions towards the old people and the children, who had flocked here before the tempest of war, has often been manifested.
"Let us not forget, either, in our farewell compliments, and our wishes for a safe return, those of our Allies who have been represented here by the Missions—Americans, Italians, and Belgians. It is more than desirable, it is necessary, that the great union of the West should outlast the war. It is necessary that the differences and divergencies which may be brought about by the settlement of this crisis should not be allowed to embitter or envenom; but that they should be treated, governed, and regulated with moderation, kindness, and a reciprocal generosity. In that lies the future of humanity.
"'You live at Montreuil,' a University man who was employed as an Officer Interpreter at Lille, recently remarked to me; 'the English speak of it as if it were a kind of magnificent country, a dream city ... they like its peace, its originality, its memories.' Many of those who have lived amongst us propose to pay us a return visit. We shall receive them cordially. We also hope to see again, in closed up ranks, the pacific Army of the olden days, that Army which carried easels as its bucklers, and pencils and brushes as its lances and halberds."
Henri Potez.
VICTORY YEAR--THE SUCCESSIVE BRITISH FRONTS
Philip Allan & Co., Publishers,To be Published shortly.AN INVALUABLE REFERENCE BOOK.A CONCISE CHRONICLEOF EVENTS OF THEGREAT WARBYR. P. P. ROWE,M.A. (Oxon), Captain, late of the Royal West Kent Regt., and of the Military Intelligence Directorate.This is a STANDARD WORK, which will find a place on every desk and every shelf of reference books. The compiler has had access to official records, both naval and military, and to sources not available to the general public. A feature is the very complete INDEX, and the APPENDICES contain the VERBATIM TEXTS of the most important documents of the War.Large Post 8vo. (8¼ × 5½), 12s. 6d. net.Quality Court, Chancery Lane, W.C. 2.
To be Published shortly.
AN INVALUABLE REFERENCE BOOK.
BY
M.A. (Oxon), Captain, late of the Royal West Kent Regt., and of the Military Intelligence Directorate.
This is a STANDARD WORK, which will find a place on every desk and every shelf of reference books. The compiler has had access to official records, both naval and military, and to sources not available to the general public. A feature is the very complete INDEX, and the APPENDICES contain the VERBATIM TEXTS of the most important documents of the War.
Large Post 8vo. (8¼ × 5½), 12s. 6d. net.
Philip Allan & Co., Publishers,A FINE NOVEL.The Barber of PutneyBYJ. B. MORTON."A faithful image of certain enduring human characteristics, affection, comradeship, simple endeavour.... Mr. Morton has written with a refreshing simplicity."—The Times."A direct tale, grim, humorous, shrewd by turns, instinct with right feeling throughout ... art is also brought to it by Mr. Morton, whose hand is almost unfailingly sure and sincere."—The Morning Post."It is one of the best novels which has been written about the war."—The Globe."There is a simple directness of observation and description and a quiet breath of feeling about this story ... that give it a distinction of its own."—The Westminster Gazette."I own that I beganThe Barber of Putneywith much doubt and misgiving. But before I had gone far I found myself held by a description ... as good as anything of the kind I have ever seen. Curly, the 'old sweat,' the Mons man, is an excellent portrait. Tim's adventure with the German sniper, whom he bayonets, is admirably described.... The retreat is given in a very vivid and credible way; and the scenes out of the line and in billets are equally good.... Mr. Morton has written an excellent and readable book."—Land and Water."A fine piece of work."—The Birmingham Post.Quality Court, Chancery Lane, W.C. 2.
A FINE NOVEL.
BY
"A faithful image of certain enduring human characteristics, affection, comradeship, simple endeavour.... Mr. Morton has written with a refreshing simplicity."—The Times.
"A direct tale, grim, humorous, shrewd by turns, instinct with right feeling throughout ... art is also brought to it by Mr. Morton, whose hand is almost unfailingly sure and sincere."—The Morning Post.
"It is one of the best novels which has been written about the war."—The Globe.
"There is a simple directness of observation and description and a quiet breath of feeling about this story ... that give it a distinction of its own."—The Westminster Gazette.
"I own that I beganThe Barber of Putneywith much doubt and misgiving. But before I had gone far I found myself held by a description ... as good as anything of the kind I have ever seen. Curly, the 'old sweat,' the Mons man, is an excellent portrait. Tim's adventure with the German sniper, whom he bayonets, is admirably described.... The retreat is given in a very vivid and credible way; and the scenes out of the line and in billets are equally good.... Mr. Morton has written an excellent and readable book."—Land and Water.
"A fine piece of work."—The Birmingham Post.
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTEApparent printer's errors have been retained, unless stated below.Punctuation, capitalization and accents have largely been made consistent.Page 18, "Montrueil" changed to "Montreuil" for consistency. (In later years of Anglo-French enmity Montreuil was Montreuil-sur-mer only in name)Page 44, ditto marks changed to text.Page 75, "gun" changed to "guns". (The 18-pounder field guns would shoot 100,000 rounds on a normal day, and on a heavy day would use 200,000 rounds.)Page 83, "cilicifuge" changed to "cimicifuge". (they are on the track of the perfect cimicifuge which will keep lice off the body)Page 205 "humourous" changed to "humorous" (annuals of a humorous kind)Page 218 "suzerainity" changed to "suzerainty" (of admitting a German suzerainty)Page 240 "Barrés" changed to "Barès" ( Colonel Barès, Chief of the)Return to top
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTEApparent printer's errors have been retained, unless stated below.Punctuation, capitalization and accents have largely been made consistent.Page 18, "Montrueil" changed to "Montreuil" for consistency. (In later years of Anglo-French enmity Montreuil was Montreuil-sur-mer only in name)Page 44, ditto marks changed to text.Page 75, "gun" changed to "guns". (The 18-pounder field guns would shoot 100,000 rounds on a normal day, and on a heavy day would use 200,000 rounds.)Page 83, "cilicifuge" changed to "cimicifuge". (they are on the track of the perfect cimicifuge which will keep lice off the body)Page 205 "humourous" changed to "humorous" (annuals of a humorous kind)Page 218 "suzerainity" changed to "suzerainty" (of admitting a German suzerainty)Page 240 "Barrés" changed to "Barès" ( Colonel Barès, Chief of the)Return to top
Apparent printer's errors have been retained, unless stated below.
Punctuation, capitalization and accents have largely been made consistent.
Page 18, "Montrueil" changed to "Montreuil" for consistency. (In later years of Anglo-French enmity Montreuil was Montreuil-sur-mer only in name)
Page 44, ditto marks changed to text.
Page 75, "gun" changed to "guns". (The 18-pounder field guns would shoot 100,000 rounds on a normal day, and on a heavy day would use 200,000 rounds.)
Page 83, "cilicifuge" changed to "cimicifuge". (they are on the track of the perfect cimicifuge which will keep lice off the body)
Page 205 "humourous" changed to "humorous" (annuals of a humorous kind)
Page 218 "suzerainity" changed to "suzerainty" (of admitting a German suzerainty)
Page 240 "Barrés" changed to "Barès" ( Colonel Barès, Chief of the)