The very day on which this massacre was perpetrated, in various parts of the Val de Luzerne, the Count Christophe, Seigneur de Rora, a member of the Propaganda, sent 400 or 500 men to surprise Rora, and put all the Vaudois they should find there to the sword; although they were included in the promise of Pianezza, "that no harm should befall them." This band of assassins had reached the summit of Mont Rummer, from whence they were about to rush down upon Rora, when they were perceived by Joshua Janavel, who had retired there for refuge. With only seven others he took up an advantageous position, and falling upon the enemy with great spirit, forced them to retire; killing no less than fifty in the pursuit. On the news of this defeat, the Marquis sent to say that these troops had not acted under his orders, and were robbers, whose destruction he was pleased to hear of. On the very next day, Pianezza, notwithstanding, sent 600 men to make another attack, by the hill of Cassulet. Janavel was again fortunate enough to discover them from a distance, and assembled twelve men, armed with pistols and cutlasses, muskets, or slings. This feeble force he divided, and placing a party in three places of ambush, once more repulsed the enemy, who retired with the loss of sixty men.
The Marquis di Pianezza had again the effrontery after this, to send a message by Count Christophe to his vassals, to assure them that the late attack was made by mistake, and owing to a false report; and on the following day, a third party, of 900 men, was detached for the destruction of Rora. The intrepid Janavel attacked them at Damasser, and drove them back upon Bianprà, where, owing to a perfect knowledge of the mountains, the Vaudois attacked them in their march, and converted their retreat into a shameful flight, in which great numbers perished, owing chiefly to the cattle and other plunder they were endeavouring to carry off with them. The Marquis now became furious, and assembling all the troops within distance, ordered no less than 8,000 men, for the destruction of a village composed of only twenty-five families. Three divisions were formed, and a rendezvous given, at which they arrived two hours too late, except the corps of Captain Mario, who, thinking his force sufficient, formed his men into two divisions, and attacked the Vaudois near Rummer. These brave men had the good fortune to take up a position where their flanks and rear were well covered, and made so vigorous a resistance, that the enemy again retired, leaving sixty on the field, besides others who perished in their flight. Mario himself fell into a chasm, from whence he was extricated with great difficulty; and when languishing under a painful illness at Luzerne, he declared that he already felt the fires of hell within him, in consequence of the people, houses, and churches, which he had caused to be burned. He died amidst agonies of pain and remorse.
To return to the heroic party of Janavel, which consisted of only seventeen persons, they soon discovered another division of the enemy on the side of Villar, climbing the mountains to attack them in the rear, and immediately seized on an advantageous position. The advanced guard, sent to reconnoitre, mistook them for their own people, and approached so near, that on firing, the Vaudois each brought down his man, which struck so much terror into the survivors, that they fled back to the main body, and spread such a panic among them, that the whole army commenced a retreat. The Vaudois again followed and killed great numbers; after which they assembled to thank God for the memorable deliverance he had granted them.
Three days after this event, the Marquis di Pianezza, ashamed of such ill success, sent another message to Rora, enjoining every one to go to mass within twenty-four hours, if they wished to avoid immediate sentence of death, and prevent their lands being laid waste, and their houses razed to the ground.
Rather death than the mass, was the unanimous reply of the inhabitants.
It may well be imagined that the Marquis was not satisfied with it. He now ordered 10,000 men to march to the reduction of Rora, and divided them into three corps, one of which took the road from Luzerne, and the others by Bagnol and Villar. Janavel hesitated not to attack the last of these divisions, and succeeded in killing great numbers, when being informed that the other divisions had gained the post where the twenty-five families of Rora had taken refuge, and seeing himself overcome by numbers, he escaped with his brave companions, into Val Queiras, taking with him his son, who was only seven years old.
It is needless to harrow the feelings of my readers with a detail of the dreadful fate of Rora; suffice it to say, that none of the horrid tortures to which their countrymen were condemned on the 24th of April, were omitted here; nearly all the victims were old or infirm, women, and children. And lest any stragglers should ever return to their once beautiful home, the houses were all burnt, and no vestige of cultivation left around them.
Yet even this was not enough to glut the vengeance of Pianezza; Janavel had escaped—and the Marquis did not hesitate to use the most unworthy means of getting him into his power. He wrote to him, urging him to renounce his heresy, as the only means of obtaining mercy for himself, and his wife, and his daughters, who had been taken prisoners. In case of non compliance, he was threatened that they should be condemned to the flames, and that so high a price should be put on his head, that he could not escape; in case of his capture no torture should be spared to punish his rebellion. Janavel's simple reply was, that "no tortures were horrible enough to induce him to abjure his faith, which the threats of the Marquis only served to confirm; and as to my wife and daughters," he adds, "Providence will not abandon them; if you are permitted to put them to death, the flames will only destroy their bodies, while their pure souls will soon accuse you before the throne of the God of the universe."
Janavel returned from Dauphiné, after having remained there a short time, and collected the Vaudois who had also taken refuge in that province. He made, another attack, in hopes of taking some prisoners, whom he might exchange for his wife and daughters, but being unsuccessful, he proceeded to join Captain Jayer, who had put himself at the head of those who had escaped the massacres. They very soon after took the town of St. Second, by assault, and put the Irish garrison of 800 men to the sword, as a punishment for the barbarity with which they had acted on the 24th of April. The Piemontese by their own avowal, lost from 500 to 600 men, in this action; but the Vaudois had only seven killed and six wounded. The houses and churches were burnt, and some booty retaken; but the women, children, and old people, were not insulted.
After some other successes, in which great numbers of the enemy fell, and many severe combats, Janavel found himself posted at An-grogna, with 300 men, while the rest of his troops were engaged in an expedition to the Val Pragela; the enemy here attacked him 3000 strong, but he defended himself, in a good position, from morning till two o'clock in the afternoon, when they retired, losing 500 men in the retreat. Jayer now coming up, the pursuit was pressed farther, most unfortunately, for Janavel received a severe wound, and Jayer, misled by treachery, was surrounded, and lost his life, together with 150 brave men, one only escaped, who returned with the melancholy news in the night.
Notwithstanding the consternation which this disaster occasioned, the Vaudois, under the command of Jacques Jayer and Laurens, now amounting only to 550 men, courageously marched from La Vachere to meet the enemy, who attacked them with 6000 men; but were repulsed, with the loss of more than 200, and of the Vaudois only two were killed, one of whom was Captain Bertin.
The beginning of July was marked by the arrival of the moderator, J. Leger, who had made a long journey, with the hope of interesting the French and other Protestants for his countrymen. Colonel Andrion, of Geneva, also joined them with one of his captains, and a soldier; he had served already with honour in France and Sweden, and now came to assist the cause of the unfortunate Vaudois.
Having pointed out some negligence in their manner of encamping, and sent out picquets, this officer received intelligence of an intended attack, which must have destroyed the little force of the Vaudois, had it been made unexpectedly: after a most severe combat of ten hours, when Les Barricades was the only post they could make good against the enemy, they at last obtained a victory; in great measure by rolling down fragments of rock, when their ammunition was expended.
The enemy lost nearly 400 in killed and wounded; and to add to the pleasure occasioned by this success, Mons. Descombier, a French officer, who had served with great distinction, arrived on the 17th July, with some other French Protestants. He was immediately elected commander in chief, and a corps formed of from sixty to eighty French gentlemen, under the command of M. Feautier.
These circumstances filled the Vaudois with the most lively hope, and an attack upon La Tour was resolved on; on the 19th they marched there by day-light, and would certainly have got possession of the town, if Mons. Descombier had not been dissuaded from the assault, by the French soldiers he had sent to reconnoitre. On their report of the strength of the place, he sounded a retreat; but captains Belin and Peyronel resolved to proceed, and, making a vigorous attack, pierced the wall, and entered the town, when the citadel immediately offered to capitulate. At this moment troops poured in from Luzerne, upon their rear, when captain Janavel (now for the first time in the field since his wound) sounded a retreat, and brought off the party with the loss of only one man.
Besides the engagements above mentioned, there were many others, in which the Vaudois obtained advantages; indeed they universally behaved with such heroism, that M. Descombier declared they fought like lions.*
* Bresse here gives the names of those who mostdistinguished themselves.
A very short time after the attack on La Tour, the court of Turin published a truce, which was not broken till the peace. We shall pursue the negociations after a few remarks, which appear necessary at this point of our history.
The news of the severity with which the Vaudois had been treated having now been spread throughout Europe, had awakened the sympathy of all the Protestant powers; the British ambassadors extraordinary have already been mentioned, and we must not here omit, that, on the publication of Gastaldo's proclamation, in 1655, the Swiss cantons interfered in a similar manner. The only reply to the statement of the fidelity, &c. of the Vaudois, being a complaint of their great insolence, particularly as manifested on Christmas day, 1654; thus grounding their conduct on some ridiculous masquerading which took place on that day, and which was afterwards allowed by Gastaldo himself to have been conducted by Catholics. So much for the reasons given for driving the Vaudois from their ancient possessions beyond the three valleys. The further order for the massacre has been (it will be remembered) justified by their self-defence on that occasion, when attacked, even within the bounds assigned for their allowed possessions.
On receiving the news of the massacres, the Swiss cantons proclaimed a solemn fast, wrote the most affecting and pressing letters to other powers, and made a general collection for their unhappy brethren; deputing at the same time Colonel de Wits to press their intercession at the court of Turin. This envoy was referred by the court to the Marquis de Pianezza; and, after a vigorous representation of the injustice of the court towards the Vaudois, he returned without having gained his point.
The cantons resolved nevertheless to send another solemn embassy, and wrote pressing letters to the United. Provinces, and to the protector of England,* entreating these powers to assist them in the defence of their innocent and most undeservedly persecuted brethren.
* See copies in Leger.
Mons. de Wits arrived at Turin for the second time, in the beginning of July, (the period of the successes before mentioned,) closely followed by four other Swiss envoys. His object was eluded by the court; and the reply given was, that the king of France having offered himself as mediator for these rebels, the affair could not be taken out of his hands. The four other envoys arrived on the 24th, and were graciously received; they presented a memorial, justifying the Vaudois, and bitterly complaining of the cruelties exercised towards them; even using the words "so cruelly oppressed." After many pressing entreaties for an accommodation of differences, a Mons. Gresi, counsellor of state, was sent to the envoys with papers, tending to calumniate the Vaudois, and justify their persecutors; they were allowed, (notwithstanding the transactions with the king of France,) to go to the valleys, for the purpose of examining into their present state. The next day they accordingly went to Pignerol, then in the hands of the French, and were soon met by the French ambassador, M. Servient, the Count Truchis, the senator Perraquin, the prefect Ressau, the prior M. A. Rorenco, and some other agents of the Duke, as well as the deputies from the valleys, at the head of whom was M. J. Leger, the moderator.*
* Afterwards, in his banishment, he wrote his valuableHistory.
Under the auspices of these gentlemen negociations of peace were entered into on the 3rd of August, 1655.
On the 18th of August, articles of peace were finally concluded. In the intermediate time, Mons. de Wits had received letters from the English envoy extraordinary, Morland, requesting him to delay the conclusion of the treaty, hoping himself to arrive in time to take part in the business.
The details of the negociations can hardly at this time excite much interest; the agents of the Duke were most imperious in their demands, choosing always to treat the Vaudois like obstinate rebels, and notwithstanding the protestations of these oppressed people, the treaty was entitled a "patente de grace", and in the preamble they were represented as "culpable in having taken up arms," and said to be pardoned by the "sovereign clemency" of their prince.
The Vaudois, by the second article, were required to give up possession and the right of habitation in the villages beyond the Pelice; that is, in Luzerne, Luzernette, Fenil, Cam-pillon, Bubiana, Briqueiras, &c. (It will be recollected that they were established in all these places long before the house of Savoy possessed any authority in Piémont.) An exchange of prisoners was agreed to, but many there were who never returned to their homes, and many children were detained. The fifteenth article is singular, as marking the spirit of justice dealt to them, when the non violation of a right is esteemed a favour. "No person of the pretended reformed religion shall be forced to embrace the Roman Catholic apostolic faith: children shall not be taken away from their parents during their minority; that is, the boys before the age of twelve, the girls before that of ten." A secret article respecting the demolition of the fort at La Tour was eluded by the court.
Of all the potentates who interested themselves for the Vaudois, Oliver Cromwell showed the greatest zeal. He is known to have said, that nothing ever so affected him as the news of the massacres of the 24th of April; and to have declared to the Duke of Savoy, "that if he did not discontinue his persecutions, he would cause a fleet to sail over the Alps to defend the Vaudois."
It is certain, that as soon as he heard of the horrors of April and May, 1655, he ordered a general fast, and collection for the Vaudois, throughout England, Ireland, and Scotland, to which he personally subscribed £2000. He also wrote to many princes in their favour, particularly to the kings of Denmark, Sweden, and to the States General of the United Provinces, and sent Morland as his envoy extraordinary to the court of Turin, charged also to deliver a letter to the king of France on the same subject.
In answer to this, Cromwell was assured that the French troops had been employed without the orders of their court, which greatly disapproved of their interference; and was well content with the fidelity of the French Protestants.
Morland, on his presentation at the court of Turin, made a most eloquent and ardent appeal to the Duke, boldly stating the horrible outrages which had been committed, and the innocence of the sufferers. He was well informed of all the facts from M. J. Leger, whom he had met at Lyons. Yet the court, in the answer to Cromwell's letter, dared to express its surprise, "that the malice of men had presumed so to misrepresent the mild and paternal castigation of the rebels," as to excite the odium of the other courts of Europe.
Besides Morland, Mr. Douning and Mr. Pell were sent from England to assist at the negociations; but on finding that the treaty was already concluded, while they had been consulting with the Swiss Protestants, they returned to England and Sir Samuel Morland to Geneva.
It was owing to the absence of these gentlemen, as well as that of the Dutch ambassador, that the terms granted to the Vaudois were so unfavourable.
Morland, having been informed of the miserable poverty to which almost all the Vaudois were reduced, the want of provisions, and particularly the inability of the pastors to support themselves or to obtain a salary, made such representations as to induce Cromwell to make an order in council, dated Whitehall, May 18th, 1658,* stating, "That report having been made to us by our commissioner and committee for the affairs of the poor Vaudois churches, upon the information relative to the state of the said valleys, given them by Sir S. Morland, &c. &c. it is ordered that the money, which remains from a collection made for them, shall be applied as an annual stipend, as under:
To M. J. Leger,who has always supported the interests of the valleys, £100To eight ministers in the territory of Savoy, £320To three ditto in the territory of France £30To one head schoolmaster £20To thirteen other schoolmasters £69To four students of theology and medicine £40To a physician and surgeon £35Annual amount Sterling £614"
These annual stipends, thus derived from the residue of the subscriptions left in England, which amounted to upwards of £12,000.** were paid very regularly until the restoration of Charles the Second; when that prince declaring that he had nothing to do with the orders of an usurper, or the payment of his debts, the valleys were entirely deprived of them. It is needless to make any observation on this injustice—injustice not only to the Vaudois, but to the British nation, whose humane generosity was thus defeated in its purpose, and whose contributions were seized without a shadow of reason.
* Three years after the first mission of Morland,consequently a large sum had been paid out of thecollection, for present use. Of this large sum, it has beenasserted, that the government of Geneva possessed themselvesof a great part, to repair their fortifications.—T.** Jones says, £38,241 1s. 6d.—T.
We have now the agreeable task of recording the bounties of the United Provinces, ever celebrated for their philanthropy. No sooner had they received information of the disaster in the valleys, than they wrote to the courts of England, France, and Turin, as well as to the Swiss cantons, and deputed M. Van Ommeren, a deputy of the States General, to confer with the Swiss cantons, and to carry their joint complaints to the Duke of Savoy. In the mean while a general fast, and the order for collections in every town and village, seconded the zeal of the government, and Amsterdam was distinguished by its generous contributions, which furnished our ancestors with the means of rebuilding their houses, and churches, and recultivating their land.
From the Swiss cantons M. Van Ommeren went to Geneva, to confer with the British envoys, Morland, Pell, and Douning; and thence to Paris, where he urged the king to take into consideration the complaints of the Vaudois against the treaty of Pignerol, just concluded, and in which he had appeared in the character of a mediator, by means of his minister M. Servient. A person of confidence (M. de Bais, maréchal de camp) was in consequence sent to inquire into the truth of the facts. He obtained at a meeting of the principal Vaudois, at La Tour, in March, 1656, a justificatory recital of the complaints of the valleys, a letter to the king of France, and another to M. Le Serdigences, governor of Dauphiné, with which he sought redress at the court of Turin; but his object was defeated by the agents of the Propaganda, who so contrived to disguise the truth, that he seemed suddenly to have lost all that insight into the affairs of the Vaudois, which he had obtained by his visit to the valleys. The king of France was, however, so touched by the letter of the Vaudois that he was about again to intercede, when the intrigues of the same agents had the effect of convincing him that the statements of the Vaudois were without foundation.
Charles Gustavus, king of Sweden, replied with great warmth to the letter which Cromwell addressed to him in favour of the Vaudois, testifying the horror he felt at such cruelties, and his desire to support the cause of the Gospel with the same energy as the Protector.
This king also wrote to the court of Turin, earnestly to request that the Vaudois might not be disturbed in their possessions and privileges; and soon after desired that M. J. Leger should be sent to him, that he might receive from him all necessary details, and take efficient measures for the re-establishment of the Vaudois. A premature death unfortunately put a stop to his benevolent intentions.
The elector Palatine acted similarly in writing to Turin.
Frederick William, elector of Brandenburg, interested himself in the most lively manner, corresponding with the other Protestant courts on the subject, and offering a general collection.
The landgrave, William, of Hesse Cassel, exhibited the same spirit of charity, and acted with equal energy.
The republic of Geneva showed great interest in the affair, and indeed every one of the reformed churches of Europe wrote the most touching letters, evincing their great interest and compassion for their brethren of the valleys.
So many proofs of the kindness and respect shown to our ancestors, by the most wise and enlightened governments, would suffice for the eulogium of this unfortunate people, were not the details of their own conduct amply sufficient to place them in their true light; nor can the unrestrained malevolence, to which they have been exposed, withhold from them the admiration and esteem of all good men.
The Vaudois had scarcely began to enjoy the repose which was granted them, when their implacable enemies had again recourse to the same system of intrigues, which had so often been resorted to against them. But, for the moment, we will not follow them any farther, lest the minds of my readers should be wearied with this tale of suffering, they require to be relieved for a time from the contemplation of these dark plots of malevolence and fanaticism, before they return to the scenes which we have yet to lay before them.
Alas! a cloud of misfortune seems to have hung over all the Vaudois historians:—Gilles de Gilles was persecuted, as we have seen above; the indefatigable J. Leger (the same moderator already mentioned) finished his great work in exile, and died in Holland; and our author, the virtuous Bresse, after experiencing the most cruel injustice at Geneva, was forced by circumstances to establish himself at Utrecht, where he died before the publication of the last part of his work, which it had been the project of his life to accomplish, and to which he had devoted himself since the sixteenth year of his age.—Note by the Translator.
Arnoud House 028 (64K)
Baloille 024 (63K)
Bobbi 020 (64K)
Grave 022 (64K)
Gros Viallar 036 (64K)
La Tour 016 (63K)
Masiglia 032 (63K)
Rora 018 (64K)
Shonberg Chruch 026 (64K)
The Bobsiller 034 (64K)
Tomb of Arnoud 030 (63K)