CHAPTER XV.
Masonic Entertainment: Journey to Petersburg: Visit to Mr. Jefferson: his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr. Madison: Religious Liberty: Return to Washington by Orange Court House and Fredericksburg.
Among the splendid festivities prepared by the citizens of Richmond for the National Guest, the particular description of which I am obliged to forego, there was one I must speak of, as affording an idea of free-masonry in the United States; an institution, for whose persecution the Inquisition has so often lighted its faggots in Spain and Italy, and which some European governments do not tolerate at the present day, without repugnance.
On Saturday, the 30th October, after having been introduced with the accustomed ceremonies into the Masonic Temple, where the members of the various lodges of Richmond were collected, we marched forth in grand procession, to go to a fraternal banquet prepared at a hotel in the other end of the city. The procession, consisting of more than three hundred persons, moved in the following order:—
A detachment of brethren with drawn swords, preceded the march. After this detachment came a band of musicians, playing American and French national airs, among which the Marseilles hymn was not forgotten. Behind the music marched two long files of brethren of the lower degrees, and between these two files, all the grand dignitaries of the society, carrying in the centre a bible, placed on a rich velvet cushion embroidered with gold, and surrounded by masonic symbols. Among the grand dignitaries, the governor of Virginia, chief justice Marshall, and many other officers of state, were conspicuous. All the brethren wore the badges of their degrees, and their variety presented a truly original picture. All the streets we passed through were crowded with spectators, who by their attitude and silence, expressed the respect inspired by this ceremony. Before taking our places at table, a protestant clergyman belonging to the masonic order, pronounced a discourse, in which he reminded us that true masonry reposed ontruth,equality, andcharity, and that to fulfil our duties as masons, was, in other words, to discharge our duties towards God and man. He concluded his discourse by blessing our repast, which was commenced with much gravity, but concluded amidst those bursts of frank and hearty merriment so distinctive of the inhabitants of Virginia. A great number of patriotic toasts were drank by the guests; that of general Lafayette was enthusiastically received. It was as follows—“Liberty, Equality, Philanthropy, the true masonic symbol. May the practice of these principles always secure us the esteem of our friends, and the dislike of the enemies of the human race.”
After the entertainment we resumed our rout to the temple with the same ceremonies, and in the same order observed in coming to the hotel; we returned to spend the evening gaily in the company of a numerous society collected at our dwelling.
On leaving Richmond general Lafayette expected to pay a visit to his old and good friend, the ex-president, Jefferson, but a pressing invitation from the citizens of Petersburg, caused a slight change in his plan. He resolved first to attend to this invitation, and then to return to Richmond, and set out thence for Monticello. Nearly six hours were occupied in traversing the woody andsandy road from Richmond to Petersburg, which is not more than twenty-five miles. While on the way, some of our escort pointed out an old frame church, which had been occupied by Lafayette, as his head quarters during the campaign of Virginia, when he manœuvred on this ground to prevent the junction of Cornwallis with general Phillips. In approaching the town general Lafayette recognised the position whence he cannonaded and burnt Petersburg, in order to dislodge the British, who had entered by so rapid a march that he could not prevent it. The details of this part of the campaign of Virginia are briefly and clearly related in Marshall’s excellent Life of Washington.
The twenty-four hours passed by general Lafayette among the citizens of Petersburg, were signalized by great variety of pleasures; in passing through the streets the inhabitants with much glee made him remark how much the town had gained by being burnt by him in 1781. “At that time,” said they, “we had none but miserable wooden houses to receive you in, and now there are large well built brick dwellings, in which we can offer you all the comforts of life.”
Petersburg has in fact an agreeable aspect, which declares the prosperity of its inhabitants. It is a pretty small town, containing about 7000 inhabitants, built on the southeast bank of the Appomatox river, which is navigable from this place to its confluence with James river, for vessels of sixty tons. All the products of the south of Virginia, and most of those of North Carolina, have no other outlet but Petersburg. The commerce of this place is, consequently, considerable in tobacco and flour, which is in great part, manufactured at the numerous mills situated near the town, below the falls of Appomatox.
After returning to Richmond, we rested for forty-eight hours, and then set out for Monticello, distant eighty miles, accompanied by the volunteer cavalry of Richmond, and a deputation of the committee of arrangement. The first night we slept at Milton, a small town, half way to our place of destination; there a great many planters of the vicinity had assembled to offer a patriotic entertainment to Lafayette. The next morning at the time of starting, I was so severely indisposed, that I could not leave my room;it was thought I was threatened with a bilious fever, a disease very common in Virginia at this time of the year, and frequently fatal.—However, a cup of tea and two hour’s sleep restored me so far, that I was able to continue my journey in the carriage. Notwithstanding all my entreaties, Mr. George Lafayette had left the company, and remained with me; an evidence of his kindness, I shall never forget. We arrived at Monticello, a short time after general Lafayette. We found Mr. Jefferson still deeply affected by the pleasure of having embraced his ancient friend. He received us amidst his numerous family, with an amenity which instantly dissipated the timidity, which I could not help feeling on my first approach to a man who had performed so much for the human race.
When one recollects how much the life of Jefferson was occupied, and useful to his fellow creatures, one feels penetrated with a deep veneration for him, but to this sentiment is soon added that of confidence and friendship, when we have lived a few days near him. It is difficult to find a man of more agreeable and instructive conversation: endowed with a memory which readily reconveyed him amidst all the events of his life; familiar with most of the arts and sciences, his conversation could easily satisfy all the demands of a mind desirous of instruction.
Thomas Jefferson was born at Chadwell, in Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 2d of April, 1743; he was educated at Williamsburg college, and devoted his early years to the study of the law. The advantageous situation in which he was placed by the considerable fortune left him by his father, Peter Jefferson, one of the oldest settlers, and still more the elevation of his mind and character, soon caused him to be sent to the legislature of Virginia, by which he was sent in 1775, as its representative to the continental congress. He was not long in obtaining a great reputation amidst that august assembly, which in 1776, adopted his draft of theDeclaration of Independence, a composition not less remarkable for the depth of its thought, than for the clearness, dignity, and energy of its style, of itself sufficient to immortalize the author. But Jefferson could not stop at so glorious an opening of his political career; he must traverse the whole course with the same step, and on his way, still find means of payingtribute to the sciences and arts, which he never neglected. Successively legislator, governor of Virginia, representative, minister plenipotentiary, secretary of state, vice president of the United States, he passed during twenty-five years through all the high public offices, to arrive at the first magistracy of the republic. His election, which occurred in 1801, in opposition to John Adams, was regarded as the triumph of the democratic over the federal party; then, as at all times, the vanquished party exhaled its rage in outcries, murmurs, and incendiary pamphlets. The newspapers, which were its organs, declaimed incessantly against the new president, and against all the persons who aided him to suppress unnecessary offices; reduce the army to what was strictly necessary, and to give to the constitution that steady movement which agrees so well with the simplicity of its conception. But Jefferson contemned these idle clamours, and did not remit the work of reform and amelioration he had undertaken. In vain the mistaken zeal of his friends urged him to recur to a law repressive of the abuses of the press: he repelled their dangerous suggestions. “I am happy,” he replied, “in this continual censure which the papers exercise against my administration, because among all the violence dictated by passion, some truth may be found and I shall profit by it. Moreover, a government whose acts are all done in public, whose members live amidst their fellow citizens, to whom all their words are addressed, and under the eyes of whom all their measures are executed, has nothing but bad conduct to fear.” Sublime and severe lesson by which European governments might well profit!
So much wisdom and firmness was not to pass unrewarded in a correctly thinking nation: Jefferson was re-elected president in 1805. Among the remarkable circumstances which signalized his administration, was the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803, which was very advantageous to the United States.
In 1809 he returned to private life, and sought repose in his retreat of Monticello; there at the summit of a mountain, which towers far above the fertile and smiling valley, under a simple roof, but in good taste, raised under his direction, and we may almost say, by his own hands, amidst his children and grand-children, by whom he is idolized, he still devotes all his time and faculties to the ameliorationand happiness of his race.[20]Through his efforts, Charlotteville has beheld her university erected, richly endowed, and already containing a great number of pupils. In another year this establishment will be for the southern and western states, what Cambridge is to those of the north, a fruitful source of improvement, whence the youth may obtain the knowledge and principles requisite to the formation of good citizens.
The hospitality of Mr. Jefferson is proverbial, his house is constantly open, not only to numerous visitors from the neighbourhood, but also to all the foreign travellers who were attracted by curiosity or the very natural desire of seeing and conversing with the sage of Monticello. The dwelling is built in the figure of an irregular octagon, with porticoes at the east and west, and peristyles on the north and south. Its extent comprising the peristyles and porticoes is about 110 feet by 90; the exterior is in the Doric order, and surmounted by balustrades. The interior of the house is ornamented in the different orders of architecture, except the composite; the vestibule is Ionic; the dining room Doric, the drawing room Corinthian, and the dome Attic. The chambers are ornamented in the different forms of these orders in true proportion as given by Palladio. Throughout this delightful dwelling are to be found proofs of the good taste of the proprietor, and of his enlightened love for the arts. His parlour is ornamented by a beautiful collection of paintings, among which we remarked with pleasure an ascension byPoussin, a holy family byRaphael; a flagellation of Christ byRubens, and a crucifixion byGuido. In the dining room were four beautiful busts; of Washington, Franklin, Lafayette and Paul Jones. There are also some other fine pieces of sculpture in different parts of the house. The library without being extensive is well selected; but what especially excites the curiosity of visitors is the rich museum situated at the entrance of the house. This extensive and excellent collection consists of offensive and defensive arms, dresses, ornaments and utensils of different savage tribes of North America. Mr. Trist, son-in-law of Mrs. Randolph, daughter of Mr. Jefferson, an amiable and enlightened gentleman, pointed out to me the armswhich had belonged to Tecumseh; they are not especially remarkable, as to form or materials, but one cannot help regarding them with interest when the extraordinary character of their former owner is known.
Tecumseh, born among the Chippewa Indians, on the frontiers of Canada, was the chief of his nation, and his courage and talent acquired for him an immense influence over the neighbouring tribes. This child of nature was born with the impress of grandeur; a body of perfect symmetry, and a most imposing aspect, contained the soul of a hero, and one might affirm that if he had come into existence amidst the lights of civilization, his vast intelligence would soon have assigned him a place among the first men of his age. For a long time he secretly nourished the hope of opposing an insurmountable barrier to the constantly increasing power of the whites; to this end he had during several years visited nearly all the Indian tribes to induce them to enter into the league he wished to form. His persuasive and forceful eloquence had secured him numerous partisans; already he saw at no distant period, the epoch in which by raising the tomahawk against the whites he should regenerate his brethren, when suddenly the war broke out between the United States and England. Tecumseh was rejoiced at this occurrence, because in his opinion it favoured his projects, since it would hasten the destruction of his enemies by their own hands. At first he resolved to remain an inactive spectator, but soon changed his views; it appeared to him a wiser policy first to aid in the destruction of the strongest, in order to have afterwards none but the weakest to attack; and he willingly yielded to the solicitations of the English, who eagerly sought his alliance. He was then 40 years old; from his youth he had taken part in all the engagements against the whites, and still no one could reproach him with one of those cruel actions so common to his compatriots in the intoxication of victory. He abhorred bloodshed after battle, and was often seen defending prisoners from the fury of his own warriors: with so noble a character, he must soon have blushed at the atrocious conduct of his allies who basely excited the Indians they had intoxicated to murder their wounded prisoners; he manifested to them all the contempt they had inspired, when he refused with haughtiness the rank of brigadier-general, and the silk scarfpresented in the name of the king of England, as a reward for his bravery at the battles of Brownstown and Mayagua. Being always pre-occupied with his vast plans, he thought it right to persist in his alliance with the British, until the Americans whom he regarded as his most dangerous enemies were destroyed. Called by his formidable voice, new tribes ranged themselves under his orders, and it was at the head of the flower of his warriors, that he marched to the river Thames, to lend for the last time aid to his allies, in the battle fought with the Americans under general Harrison. From the beginning of the action, Tecumseh had thrown himself with fury amid the ranks of the enemy, and had at first shaken them by the audacity of his attack, but the troops soon rallied, and the combat became horrible. The Indians, excited by the example of their valiant chief, repeatedly renewed their attacks, which the Americans repelled with equal intrepidity. In the midst of the struggle, colonel Johnson advanced almost alone towards a dense body of Indians, who were rallying under the voice of Tecumseh. His uniform and white horse rendered him remarkable, and he became a mark for all shots, and in a moment fell under numerous wounds: at this instant Tecumseh approached and raised his tomahawk to give him the death blow; but, struck with his intrepidity, or his unfortunate situation, he hesitated an instant, and this hesitation proved fatal to him. Colonel Johnson collecting his strength, and perceiving the extent of his danger, drew a pistol from his belt and discharged it, almost touching the breast of Tecumseh, who fell dead by his side. Thus perished this extraordinary man, upon whom rested all the hopes of many nations, who daily diminish, and of which civilization will soon destroy every trace of their past existence. The body of Tecumseh was found among the dead after the battle, and recognized by the Americans, who, in respect to the well known valor of the chief, interred it with all the honours of war.
The plantation surrounding Mr. Jefferson’s dwelling, consists of several thousand acres, but not more than twelve or fourteen hundred are cultivated, the rest being still in wood; the principal products are grain and tobacco. Cultivation appeared to me to be well conducted in general, but judging from the observations I made, it must bevery expensive, and consequently leave very little profit to the proprietor. Like all the planters of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson employs slaves to do his work; that is to say, if he require the labour of fifty negroes, he must feed, lodge and clothe a hundred, for if from this number of slaves we subtract the old men, children, and weakly or sick women, certainly not more than fifty individuals are in a working condition. After all, it may be added, that these fifty active individuals do not effect more, than would be accomplished by thirty free men hired by the day, as may be easily understood. The free labourer, hired by the day, knows that if he does not exert all his power and all his intelligence, he will cease to be employed, another more laborious will be hired in his place, and be will be reduced to misery; the slave labourer, on the contrary knows, that whatever he may do, his condition will remain unchanged; he is aware that to preserve the capital which he represents, his master will be always forced to feed, lodge, clothe, take care of his health, and defend him; thus without disquiet as without hope for the future, the slave labourer can have but one desire, that of repose. In fact, what is it to him whether his master’s prosperity increases or is diminished? The consequences to him are always the same; is he not always a slave? From these considerations we may boldly conclude, that thirty free labourers paid by the day, would do the work of a hundred slaves, which the owner is obliged to feed and clothe throughout the year, to have fifty labourers. I suppose that the support of each slave costs but one franc a day, and the hire of a labourer would be three, there would then be a difference of ten per cent. a day in the labour, in favour of cultivation by free hands. This difference does not appear at first very considerable, but if we then take into account the enormous capital of 50,000 dollars at least for the purchase of the slaves; the fifty-two Sundays and other holidays, during which nothing is paid to the free labourer, and during which the slaves eat although they do not work, we shall then find that the difference is still greater, and shall scarcely comprehend why a planter (apart from all sentiments of humanity, and consulting his personal interests exclusively,) should not make his best efforts to substitute the labour of free men for that of slaves.
The good appearance and gaiety of the negroes at Monticello attested the humanity of their master, if so noble a character had need of an attestation; all those with whom I conversed assured me that they found themselves perfectly happy, and were not subject to bad treatment; that their task was light, and that they cultivated the grounds of Monticello with greater satisfaction, because they were nearly certain of not being torn from their homes to be sent elsewhere, during Mr. Jefferson’s life. This conversation proved to me that, notwithstanding what some persons say, it is possible to excite in slaves a love of labour and gain their affections; this infallible mode would be to attach them to the soil, and teach them to consider themselves as an inalienable part of the property to which they belong; to assure them in short, that they should enjoy the ameliorations or embellishments created by the sweat of their brows; when they knew that their natal soil was to nourish them to the end of their days, they would be attached to it, and take pleasure in rendering it productive. The masters themselves would have more regard for beings whom they would no longer consider as beasts of burden, which are to be gotten rid of, if the owner have not talent to guide them. Obliged to keep them, he would take more care of their moral and physical improvement; then those horrible markets would cease, which pitilessly breaking the ties of nature and affection, tear the infant from its mother, separate the wife from the husband, the brother from the sister, the unfortunate from the friends to which at least they were united by the same chain.
The objections to general and immediate emancipation are unanswerable; the objections to gradual emancipation are subject to discussion; but the objections against changing slavery into servitude, appear to be easy of refutation. The government of the United States has given a great lesson to the whole world in abolishing and punishing as a capital crime the trade in slaves. Virginia has acquired great claims upon the gratitude of the friends of humanity in opposing from her infancy the importation of slaves into her territory; but many palms still remain to be merited in this career of justice and philanthropy; the first to be decreed, will belong in my opinion to the states which shall first replace theslavesbyservants.
Before leaving Mr. Jefferson, we went with him to visit the University of Virginia, at Charlotteville; he conveyed us thither in a very elegant calash, made by negroes on his own place; it appeared to be very well made, and in its construction I found a powerful argument against those who pretend that the intelligence of negroes can never be raised to the height of the mechanic arts.
Every thing had been prepared at Charlotteville, by the citizens and students, to give a worthy reception to Lafayette. The sight of the Nation’s Guest, seated at the patriotic banquet, between Jefferson and Madison, excited in those present an enthusiasm which expressed itself in enlivening sallies of wit and humour. Mr. Madison, who had arrived that day at Charlotteville to attend this meeting, was especially remarkable for the originality of his expressions, and the delicacy of his allusions: before leaving the table, he gave a toast, “To liberty, with virtue for her guest, and gratitude for the feast,” which was received with transports of applause.
After dinner, we visited the establishment; it is composed of two parallel lines of small buildings, all of different architecture; at the extremity is another building, constructed after plans of the Parthenon at Athens, reduced to one-fifth of the original dimensions, containing the library, and a vast circular saloon for public meetings. All these different buildings have been superintended by Mr. Jefferson himself, who passed several hours daily either among the workmen, or amidst the pupils and professors, who all profited by his wise counsel.
Before taking leave of the youth of Charlotteville, and its respectable professors, one of the latter took us into a little hall where he showed us a rattlesnake moving at freedom, upon the floor. It was caught a few days previous, in the woods, and was intended as a present for Mr. George Lafayette, who had expressed a desire to obtain one. We contemplated with pleasure this dangerous reptile, whose piercing eye, supple movements, livid body, crossed by broad black bands, and sounding tail, would doubtless have inspired sentiments of another nature, if we bad not known that his venom had been rendered harmless, by the extraction of the canulated fangs, through whose instrumentality this animal so subtlely introduces its poison into the veinsof the victims it strikes. The poison of the rattlesnake is so violent, that it is said frequently to produce death in less than half an hour. The possibility of obtaining an efficacious remedy against the bite of this reptile, has long been, and still is doubted; however, Doctor Thacher affirms positively, in his excellent Military Journal of 1776, that the employment of olive oil and mercury perfectly succeeded in his hands, in saving the life of a soldier bitten by a rattlesnake.
Notwithstanding the happiness enjoyed by general Lafayette in the company of his old friend Mr. Jefferson, he was obliged to leave him, because other affections and other engagements still called him from numerous points. Of this vast republic, of which we have not yet visited but a small part, although since our landing we have constantly travelled at the rate of nearly forty miles a day. From Monticello we went to Montpelier, the charming residence of the ex-president Madison; there we found with some slight shades of difference the same habits and virtues as at Monticello.
The career of Mr. Madison has a surprising conformity with that of Mr. Jefferson, with whom he was always connected by the warmest friendship. Like his illustrious friend, Mr. Madison, early devoted himself to the study of law, and while still young, was called upon by his fellow-citizens to defend their dearest interests in the legislative assembly; like him he was distinguished by his oratorical talent, and the boldness of his conceptions, in that congress which immortalized itself in declaring the country independent. Like him he was twice called by the people to the chief magistracy of the republic, and moreover, during a part of his administration, he had to sustain a foreign war, which terminated gloriously; like him, finally, in leaving the government-house of the United States, he retired to cultivate his fields, and devote himself to letters, which he had never wholly relinquished, amid the multifarious occupations of his active political life.
Mr. Madison at the time of our visit was seventy-four years of age, but his well preserved frame contained a youthful soul full of sensibility, which he did not hesitate to show, when he expressed to general Lafayette the pleasure he felt at having him in his house. Although the habit ofreflection and application, give to his countenance an aspect of severity, all the impressions of his heart are rapidly depicted in his features, and his conversation is usually animated with a gentle gaiety. Mrs. Madison also contributes much by the graces of her mind, and the amenity of her character to exalt the excellence of that frank hospitality with which strangers are received at Montpelier.
The four days passed with Mr. Madison were agreeably employed in promenades over his beautiful estate, and still more agreeably by our evening conversations, particularly concerning all the great American interests, which are so dear to general Lafayette. The society which at this time habitually assembled at Montpelier, was almost entirely composed of the neighbouring planters, who for the most part appeared as well versed in all great political questions as in agriculture. Lafayette, who though perfectly understanding the disagreeable situation of American slaveholders, and respecting generally the motives which prevent them from more rapidly advancing in the definitive emancipation of the blacks, never missed an opportunity to defend the rightwhich all men without exceptionhave to liberty, broached among the friends of Mr. Madison the question of slavery. It was approached and discussed by them frankly, and in a manner to confirm me in the opinion I had previously formed concerning the noble sentiments of the majority of Virginians upon this deplorable circumstance. It appears to me, that slavery cannot exist a long time in Virginia, because all enlightened men condemn the principle of it, and when public opinion condemns a principle, its consequences cannot long continue to subsist.
After the question of personal slavery in the United States, the equally important question of the spiritual slavery, to which some of the people of Europe are condemned by thedominantorstate religions, was discussed. The friends of Mr. Madison congratulated themselves, that at least this sort of slavery was unknown, in their beloved country; they entered into some details which showed me that they were not men to be contented with what we incessantly invoke as a benefit in Europe, that is religioustolerance. “Tolerance,” said one of them, “is beyond doubt preferable to persecution, but it would always be insupportable in a free country, because it marks an insultingpride. To give one religion the right to tolerate, and subject others to the disgrace of being tolerated, it would be first necessary to prove that thetolerantis the only good one, and that all thetoleratedwere bad. This proof is unobtainable, since each believes his own religion to be the best. The wordtolerationis, therefore, an insult, and cannot reasonably be replaced except by the wordliberty. This liberty we now enjoy in the fullest sense of the term, and we are sure that throughout our twenty-four states, not one is to be found in which it is not better understood than in any part of Europe. However, we have also had our times oftolerance, indeed I may say ofintolerance; before our glorious revolution, for instance, we still groaned under laws, by which for certain degrees of heresy, a father could be deprived of the privilege of educating his own children. Every individual might lose the rights of citizen, and a part of the protection of the laws, and sometimes even be burnt. At present there is a happy difference; thanks to our new laws, worthy of the immortal sages who framed them, no individual can be forced to observe any religious worship, nor to frequent any place, nor to support any minister, of whatever religion he may be, nor be constrained, retained, disturbed or oppressed in his own person, or his goods; in short he cannot be persecuted in any manner on account of his religious opinions; but all men have liberty toprofess and sustain by reasoningtheir religious opinions, and these opinions can neither diminish nor increase any of their civil rights.”
To this interesting conversation I paid particular attention; one of the persons engaged in it, who had observed me, took me aside while tea was preparing, and said:—“Since you take so deep an interest in every thing relating to the formation of our institutions, I will tell you of one which was not mentioned by my friend for fear of offending the modesty of our host.—Previous to the revolution, the episcopal religion was the prevailing form of worship in this state; its ministers, dissatisfied at the equality established between different sects by the law of 1776, and still more with the law of 1779, which deprived them of the appointments, which they had previously received from government, declared that they could not be contented with voluntary contributions, and caused a petition to be presentedto the general assembly in 1784–5, praying for the support of the ministers of the gospel by the government. This petition supported by the most popular talents of the house, appeared likely to triumph; to paralyze this success, some members proposed and obtained a reference of the petition to the ensuing session, as well as to have it printed and submitted to public examination; during the interval, Colonels Mason and G. Nicholas besought Mr. Madison to draw up a refutation of the petition. This refutation was diffused extensively among the people, and was so successful, that it soon received the signatures of vast numbers of persons of all sects, and at the following session the petition was altogether rejected. You will no doubt be pleased to read this production, which in my opinion, contains all that can be most strongly and judiciously said in favour of religious liberty. On reading this refutation, I found it worthy of the commendations bestowed. The principles it contains, are simple, reasonable, and most eloquently established and defended.”
On the 19th of November, we left Montpelier to go to Fredericksburg by the way of Orange Court-house, a numerous escort commanded by Captain Mason came in the morning to attend General Lafayette, and Mr. Madison wished to accompany him. On arriving at Orange Court-house, we found all the inhabitants drawn up in two lines, between which the general advanced to Col. Barbour, the governor of the state of Virginia, deputed by his fellow citizens to make an address to the nation’s guest. In passing along these two lines, the general received the expression of the regrets of some old revolutionary soldiers, who had been prevented by age and the distance from joining their military companions at the Yorktown celebration; he consoled them by evidences of friendship and remembrance, for which they seemed very grateful. After Col. Barbour’s address, Miss Derby presented him in the name of her youthful companions with a nosegay of flowers, and accompanied it by a tender and respectful address.—We did not remain longer than was necessary to be present at an entertainment, over which Col. Barbour presided, who according to custom, proclaimed thirteen toasts during the dessert; these official or regular toasts were followed by numerous volunteers, all expressive of patriotism and gratitude.After the dinner, we parted from Mr. Madison, who, notwithstanding his seventy-four years, mounted his horse with activity, and set out through the woods for his peaceful dwelling. We continued on our journey, accompanied by the escort with which we arrived, now considerably augmented by a large number of citizens, who wished to prolong the pleasure of being near Lafayette.
We had advanced but a little way when we discovered a great crowd collected about a triumphal arch, erected at the intersection of the road, and a narrow path scarcely to be distinguished from the thickness of the wood. We soon learned, that this path, over which young females were strewing flowers, and which the crowd passed over with such touching interest, was the road opened by Lafayette, on the 15th June, 1781, in order to make a forced march from the banks of the Rapidan to Michunk Creek, where Cornwallis was much astonished to find him prepared for battle, at the moment he thought he might seize without resistance upon the magazines of the middle states established at Albemarle. This new proof of the honourable recollection in which the Americans held all his actions, deeply affected Lafayette. He was moved almost to tears, when he was covered with flowers by the young ladies, when in descending from his carriage be found himself surrounded and tenderly embraced by the citizens, who awaited him under the triumphal arch. He conversed a long time with them, and related to the young people how strongly these places reminded him of the obligations he owed to their parents. “It was here,” said he, “at the moment when I effected by this path a movement which would have been so fatal, if unsuccessful, that they abandoned their harvests to join my little army, and during that whole campaign, the separation from their families, fatigues of every description, the ruinous abandonment of agriculture, and the difficulty of procuring provisions, did not prevent them from remaining with the army far beyond the time we had any right to ask of them.” But Lafayette did not relate, because modesty prevented him, the address with which he raised the courage of the most dejected, and kept those nearest himself, who were most disposed to withdraw. A detachment of militia were retained beyond their time, by the tardiness of those who were to relieve them,and complaining daily more and more, the general agreed that their discontent was well founded; expressed how sensible he was of the considerable injury which must result to those who were so long detained from homeland especially by this unexpected delay, which he could not provide against. He added that he could not imagine the cause of it; apologized for having retained them beyond their time, and declared that he had not the courage to keep them longer, and therefore gave permission to all to withdraw, adding, that for his own part he could not abandon the post confided to him, and should remain with the small number of regular troops he had. He knew perfectly the character of the men he commanded, and by this method obtained the desired results, for after speaking thus he would have found it difficult to have induced one to go, without giving him a certificate that he was obliged to leave him. “Who is the wretch,” said they to each other, “who could ever dream of abandoning the marquis,” by which name the Americans distinguished Lafayette throughout the war. This mode of designating him had become so habitual throughout the United States, that it was still used when we arrived at New York. During several days the newspapers, in giving an account of his movements, and of the entertainments given to him, used no other appellation in speaking of him, and they only relinquished it when they learned that the general constantly refused to resume this title, since his renunciation of it in the national assembly. His cotemporaries had a great deal of difficulty in renouncing an old habit which was not without its charms to them, since it reminded them of their youthful days. I recollect at Philadelphia an old lady, who had known him well during the revolution, and who probably thought of him as he appeared at that time, pressed towards him through the crowd, saying, “Let me pass, that I may again see that good young marquis.”
It was not until sunset on the 20th of November, that we arrived at Fredericksburgh, where the general was received by the little boys formed into a battalion under the name of Lafayette Cadets; the night was already dark, and the town glittered with illumination, when we arrived at the place where the mayor pronounced his welcome. A splendid supper, and a ball in which all the ladies of Fredericksburgwere present, terminated the day. Next day being Sunday, we went to the Episcopal church, escorted by the free masons in grand ceremony. The clergyman who officiated was a member of the lodge. On Monday we passed part of the day with Captain Lewis, a nephew of General Washington, and in the evening we set out for Washington, accompanied for several miles by the inhabitants of Fredericksburgh. At the Strafford county line, the extremity of which we crossed, the militia met the general to escort him to the Potomac, where the vessel waited for us, and conveyed us to Washington by a pleasant night voyage.
1. Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family? This quartetto of Gretry is a great favourite among the French national airs, and is always played or sung on similar occasions. Gretry in his memoirs, relates wonderful effects of this piece of music; of families reconciled who had been before at deadly variance.—D.
1. Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family? This quartetto of Gretry is a great favourite among the French national airs, and is always played or sung on similar occasions. Gretry in his memoirs, relates wonderful effects of this piece of music; of families reconciled who had been before at deadly variance.—D.
2. Gnaphalium, the everlasting flower. This among the French is emblematic of lasting affection.—D.
2. Gnaphalium, the everlasting flower. This among the French is emblematic of lasting affection.—D.
3. The state of New York, it is believed, is the only one in our union, that has thus wisely and prudently provided for the complete, but gradual emancipation of the coloured race; by admitting those only to the full enjoyment of the rights of citizens, who by their industry and economy, have acquired a certain amount of property, and thus given a pledge to the country, for their future good conduct. It seems, indeed, the best course to be pursued with a population which circumstances have placed in an inferior degree of civilization to the rest of the community. If ever, as we must hope, this country is to be freed from the pest of slavery, it is by such measures as this (in connection with others) that the event is to be prepared, so that it may be met without some dreadful catastrophe. Our enthusiastic author, who sees in this an unjust and invidious distinction between the two races, had not yet, as his interlocutor very properly observes, prepared his mind for a correct judgment, by a visit to those states, whose situation requires that their friends and neighbours should not be too hasty in carrying into effect their liberal theories; but should guard and measure their steps with a view to future, as well as present circumstances, and to the ultimate welfare and safety of the whole American union.—D.
3. The state of New York, it is believed, is the only one in our union, that has thus wisely and prudently provided for the complete, but gradual emancipation of the coloured race; by admitting those only to the full enjoyment of the rights of citizens, who by their industry and economy, have acquired a certain amount of property, and thus given a pledge to the country, for their future good conduct. It seems, indeed, the best course to be pursued with a population which circumstances have placed in an inferior degree of civilization to the rest of the community. If ever, as we must hope, this country is to be freed from the pest of slavery, it is by such measures as this (in connection with others) that the event is to be prepared, so that it may be met without some dreadful catastrophe. Our enthusiastic author, who sees in this an unjust and invidious distinction between the two races, had not yet, as his interlocutor very properly observes, prepared his mind for a correct judgment, by a visit to those states, whose situation requires that their friends and neighbours should not be too hasty in carrying into effect their liberal theories; but should guard and measure their steps with a view to future, as well as present circumstances, and to the ultimate welfare and safety of the whole American union.—D.
4. Those whom our author here callsmagistrates, were probably no other thanconstables, who are the executive officers of our police. The service ofJustices of the Peace, whom in this country we distinguish by the name ofmagistrates, is seldom required on such occasions.—D.
4. Those whom our author here callsmagistrates, were probably no other thanconstables, who are the executive officers of our police. The service ofJustices of the Peace, whom in this country we distinguish by the name ofmagistrates, is seldom required on such occasions.—D.
5. It is a pity that the proper spelling of the name of this brave man has not been preserved. As written here, it has not the appearance nor the sound of a French name. It was probablyMolan, orMolant, or perhapsMoulin.Molangis evidently a corrupt spelling.—D.
5. It is a pity that the proper spelling of the name of this brave man has not been preserved. As written here, it has not the appearance nor the sound of a French name. It was probablyMolan, orMolant, or perhapsMoulin.Molangis evidently a corrupt spelling.—D.
6. The people of Connecticut are not more litigious than those of the other states, nor are lawyers more plentiful among them, or live more at the people’s expense. The members of the legal profession are as honourable, and as liberal, in this country, as in any part of the world, and the frequency of law suits which has induced the unfounded charge of litigiousness against the people of America, is not to be ascribed to their natural disposition, but to the confusion and uncertainty of the laws which the Normans introduced into England, and the English into this country. The fathers of this complicated code, theNormans, were stigmatized in France, before the Revolution, as a litigious people, and this character was produced by the same cause. In England, the excess of litigation is prevented by measures which we do not wish to see introduced among us. High and heavy taxes upon legal proceedings, effectually protect the rich against the litigation of the poor, and prevent the latter from entertaining suits against each other. The evil, however, has reached to such a height, that the government themselves are setting on foot a revision of the whole legal system. We have amended it here in a considerable degree; but much remains yet to be done, and will be done, by prudent and gradual steps, so that we may not be obliged, at a future day, like our brethren of England, to tear up the whole edifice from its foundation.As to the excessive familiarity which is supposed to exist in some parts of New England and particularly in Connecticut, between young people before marriage, it has been at all times greatly exaggerated. However dangerous the custom alluded to might be considered in other countries, it is certain that in Connecticut, it seldom led to criminal intercourse, and when it did, the mischief was speedily repaired by the legal union of the parties. At present the custom has entirely disappeared, or if it ever exist, it is confined to the very lowest class of society. There is not a people on earth more truly moral and religious, than the people of that state, and illegitimate children are not more numerous in it proportionally, than in the other parts of the union.—D.
6. The people of Connecticut are not more litigious than those of the other states, nor are lawyers more plentiful among them, or live more at the people’s expense. The members of the legal profession are as honourable, and as liberal, in this country, as in any part of the world, and the frequency of law suits which has induced the unfounded charge of litigiousness against the people of America, is not to be ascribed to their natural disposition, but to the confusion and uncertainty of the laws which the Normans introduced into England, and the English into this country. The fathers of this complicated code, theNormans, were stigmatized in France, before the Revolution, as a litigious people, and this character was produced by the same cause. In England, the excess of litigation is prevented by measures which we do not wish to see introduced among us. High and heavy taxes upon legal proceedings, effectually protect the rich against the litigation of the poor, and prevent the latter from entertaining suits against each other. The evil, however, has reached to such a height, that the government themselves are setting on foot a revision of the whole legal system. We have amended it here in a considerable degree; but much remains yet to be done, and will be done, by prudent and gradual steps, so that we may not be obliged, at a future day, like our brethren of England, to tear up the whole edifice from its foundation.
As to the excessive familiarity which is supposed to exist in some parts of New England and particularly in Connecticut, between young people before marriage, it has been at all times greatly exaggerated. However dangerous the custom alluded to might be considered in other countries, it is certain that in Connecticut, it seldom led to criminal intercourse, and when it did, the mischief was speedily repaired by the legal union of the parties. At present the custom has entirely disappeared, or if it ever exist, it is confined to the very lowest class of society. There is not a people on earth more truly moral and religious, than the people of that state, and illegitimate children are not more numerous in it proportionally, than in the other parts of the union.—D.
7. Historical, Statistic and Political Description of the United States, by Warden.
7. Historical, Statistic and Political Description of the United States, by Warden.
8. Our author evidently means here thePhi Beta Kappasociety, which is an association of students, who meet together at stated times, to promote and encourage among each other classical learning and the study of the belles lettres. The denomination which they have assumed, consists of the first letters of three Greek words, the meaning of which none are supposed to understand but the initiated. The members of this association continue to belong to it, not only after the termination of their collegiate studies, but even after being raised to the first political honours of the country. The professors and the heads of the university make it a point to encourage this meritorious society by all the means in their power.—D.
8. Our author evidently means here thePhi Beta Kappasociety, which is an association of students, who meet together at stated times, to promote and encourage among each other classical learning and the study of the belles lettres. The denomination which they have assumed, consists of the first letters of three Greek words, the meaning of which none are supposed to understand but the initiated. The members of this association continue to belong to it, not only after the termination of their collegiate studies, but even after being raised to the first political honours of the country. The professors and the heads of the university make it a point to encourage this meritorious society by all the means in their power.—D.
9. The notions commonly entertained by Europeans relative to the aborigines of America, are principally derived from the exaggerated statements of early voyagers, or from the fantastic creations of romance writers, who, in representing these supposed “children of nature,” have endowed them with qualities they never possessed, and bestowed upon them ideas, sentiments, and expressions utterly unknown, as well as perfectly incomprehensible, to the race. An opinion of the character of our savages, formed from an examination of the miserable stragglers which still hang upon the out-skirts of civilization, would be quite as inadequate and inaccurate. The unvarnished truth is, that the best of the known tribes exhibit specimens of humanity in its extreme of degradation, from a more perfect condition of which but few, faint and almost obliterated traces, are occasionally to be discerned. Inevitably destined to extinction, they appear, like another coloured race, to be suffering under the infliction of a tremendous temporal punishment for some ancient national crime. Such a conclusion is at least strongly borne out by the history of this continent, and we have already lived to see Spain beginning to receive her reward for the part she played in the dreadful tragedies by which this history is dedecorated; must not the day of retribution for the United States also arrive?—T.
9. The notions commonly entertained by Europeans relative to the aborigines of America, are principally derived from the exaggerated statements of early voyagers, or from the fantastic creations of romance writers, who, in representing these supposed “children of nature,” have endowed them with qualities they never possessed, and bestowed upon them ideas, sentiments, and expressions utterly unknown, as well as perfectly incomprehensible, to the race. An opinion of the character of our savages, formed from an examination of the miserable stragglers which still hang upon the out-skirts of civilization, would be quite as inadequate and inaccurate. The unvarnished truth is, that the best of the known tribes exhibit specimens of humanity in its extreme of degradation, from a more perfect condition of which but few, faint and almost obliterated traces, are occasionally to be discerned. Inevitably destined to extinction, they appear, like another coloured race, to be suffering under the infliction of a tremendous temporal punishment for some ancient national crime. Such a conclusion is at least strongly borne out by the history of this continent, and we have already lived to see Spain beginning to receive her reward for the part she played in the dreadful tragedies by which this history is dedecorated; must not the day of retribution for the United States also arrive?—T.