Do you know what has happened to Count William?[174]While he wished to defend these valleys of the Alps against the assaults of the Comte de Montmian, he incurred the enmity of the Constable,[175]which has proceeded to that extent, that he forced himself away from Court without even taking leave of the King, having, however, previously resigned his offices. The story is tedious, therefore I cannot relate the whole of it.
The translation of my Epistle to Sadolet I was not able to compare throughout, for that employment required one whole day. I have looked over it, however, and having partially examined, I am able to form an opinion of it. It is not amiss. I am unwilling, however, that it should be published before it has been corrected. In some respects it is faulty; I fear, however, that should Antony Pignorius delay, some person may be beforehand with him, who has perhaps already finished it. For I did not waste a third part of the time in composing it which has passed away since he wrote that he had begun, nor do I doubt that this has been by the advice of Michael. The Secretary of Payerne has one of his brethren here. By way of return, he is educating his brother's son. He has entrusted him to the care of Gaspar, a good and worthy man. The mother is meanwhile very anxious, because she hears not a word about her son. Do, therefore, try and make him write briefly how he is getting on. All here salute you in the most friendly way; Capito, Bucer, Brito, the scholars of Claude, James with his comrade Enard, the whole of our household, where at present my brother is stopping with us. It will be better to keep this letter to yourself, than to let it go farther.—Yours,
Calvin.
Salute for me respectfully all the brethren, your colleagueThomas and the others. I have not been able just at present to write to Michael. Do you, however, urge him to write, by the first opportunity, what has been done about the Psalms. I had commissioned one hundred copies to be sent to Geneva. Now, for the first time, I have been given to understand that this had not been attended to. It has certainly been very neglectful so long to delay informing me. I cannot at present get the Minutes. Within a few days you shall receive them.
(Postscript, in French.)
You have sent me word by Alexander, that you have got for mePias Orationes Lutheri, of which you make no mention. I beg you will let me know also about that.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva.Vol. 106.]
Strasbourg,20th November[1539.]
For a long time I have been eagerly on the lookout for your opinion about the minutes of reconciliation with Caroli. That personage has not returned, and there need be little doubt that he seeks to nestle in that quarter; and assuredly it was no bad determination for him to arrive at. The kitchen of a courtier smokes very freely, and you are aware he has a quick scent in that direction. I am afraid, however, that he may not long continue with those who do not like to be out of favour with the King. Whatever shall happen, if he keeps his promise, it will be our duty, by the observance of all due civility, to have at least deserved well at his hand. The state of the affair as to Count William stands thus:[176]—After the Comte deMontmian had broken violently into the valleys of the Alps, and had inflicted many wrongs upon the good brethren, the Count complained in earnest about them to the Constable, and did not hesitate to use threats. The latter wished at first to calm the temper of the Count, and to soothe his kinsman by cajoleries. The Count thereupon spoke more angrily, until at length the other also began to wax fierce. Hence there has grown up an undissembled hatred on both sides. The Count instantly thereupon, by a letter, which he allowed me to peruse, threw up the alliance in which he had previously been engaged with the Comte de Montmian. He said, that it appeared to him wicked and villanous, if, as was reported, he had invaded those valleys and had plundered a peaceful inoffensive race of men. An answer was returned on the part of Montmian, in which he said that the Count was a base liar. He added, also, that those people suffered no more than they deserved, on account of their rebellion against God and the King. The Count, with all speed, despatches a person by whom he challenges his adversary to single combat. In his progress, the messenger is told of the death of the adversary. In the meantime the Constable defends the adversary of the Count, ... who provoke him with all manner of affronts. Treated after this fashion, the Count throws up the[177]... service of the King. And lately he received a letter from his Majesty, along with the defamatory libel of his opponent. To the King he replied, that he had a defence prepared in answer to all that was objected against him, if only he was allowed to speak the truth without offence to the court; for that he ... against the Constable, whom they had discovered to be the source of all the mischief. Most assuredly he poured forth all his bitterness against him; and that he might not appear to do anything covertly or underhand, he despatched four or five copies, which were to be presented to the Dauphin, to the King of Navarre, and others. Among other things which he hasbeen forced to hear, that story was cast up to him about his brother, who they say defiled the holy cup. He replied, that it was a falsehood; if it had been true he himself would have punished such an outrage, nor could he have escaped with impunity after such an act of sacrilege, either at Basle or here, or at Geneva: that the enemies of the Gospel, however, invent many stories, for the purpose of grieving and annoying us, and that this was one of them. He loves both of his brothers very much. When I lately supped with him, and one of the superior clergy of the cathedral was present, who it is thought will one day be bishop, he spoke in a friendly way of both. I stayed nearly two days with him, that I might write his letters.
On the 19th of this month the Convention is appointed to meet, as I have already written to you.[178]The chief point for deliberation will be, what they ought to advise now that the Emperor has given them the slip. There are very many and great surmises of war. The Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg[179]has summoned Philip, and has written to the Landgrave that it is his intention to receive the Gospel and to root up Popery. While the truce has lasted, therefore, we have acquired no small accession. It is doubtful as to Gueldres what may happen. He has betrothed his sister to the King of England,[180]and within a few days will send her away. The English King has courteously entertained the ambassadors of our princes. What more can I say? Never was there a time of greater preparedness for the reception of the Gospel. When the Emperor heard of the marriage he tried to induce the King, by means of Duke Frederic,[181]brother of the Elector-Palatine,to take the Duchess of Milan, whereby, uniting their influence, they might recover the kingdom of Denmark. The English King replied briefly, that not only would he never attempt anything against the King of Denmark, but that he would assist him and his allies as a duty to which he was bound. He then advised Frederic that he should unite with us and bring his brother also into the League. And the more to encourage him, he promised that he would bring it about that the Palatine's interest should be espoused by the King of Denmark. Our friends will now undoubtedly press forward. Bucer has been summoned by the Landgrave: it is doubtful whether for the purpose of proceeding thither with the deputies or not. Our friend Sturm has a commission from the Senate to look after the interest of the brethren. Accordingly, when I was requested by him to do so, I have briefly pointed out what appeared to me the best method of proceeding. I send you a short copy of it, although it has somewhat cooled the inclination of Bucer, as he understood afterwards that the report was false, which having reached us by your letter, we inconsiderately spread abroad. For you will remember you had written, that some one had been burnt at Paris. Two persons have been here, who steadily deny the fact. Be careful, therefore, for the future, that you write nothing but what you have ascertained as certain. Besides, Bucer was all the more displeased, because he had already written to the same purport to the Landgrave. I have already stated what I thought of the royal edict. If it really was supposititious, as I very much fear it was, how greatly must it weaken our credit! I have certainly regretted to have spoken of it on such insufficient information. Let us, therefore, be more wary for the future, by which means our authority will have more weight and be more effectual for the help of the brethren. Believe me, I do not fail, whenever an occasion presents itself, to render all the aid in my power, which I merely mention, because many suppose me to be asleep, because not always boasting.
Crato, one of our engravers, lately returned from Wittemberg, who brought a letter from Luther to Bucer, in whichthere was written:[182]"Salute for me reverently Sturm and Calvin, whose books I have read with special delight." Now, consider seriously what I have said there about the Eucharist; think of the ingenuousness of Luther: it will now be easy for you to see how unreasonable are those who so obstinately dissent from him. Philip, however, wrote thus:—"Luther and Pomeranus have desired Calvin to be greeted; Calvin has acquired great favour in their eyes." Philip has informed me at the same time by the messenger, that certain persons, in order to irritate Luther, have shown him a passage in which he and his friends have been criticised by me; that thereupon he had examined the passage, and feeling that it was undoubtedly intended for him, had said at length:—"I hope that Calvin will one day think better of us; but in any event it is well that he should even now have a proof of our good feeling towards him." If we are not affected by such moderation, we are certainly of stone. For myself, I am profoundly affected by it, and therefore have taken occasion to say so in the preface which is inserted before the Epistle to the Romans.[183]If you have not yet read Philip on the Authority of the Church, I desire you may read it. You will perceive he is much moreconsiderate than he appeared in his other writings. Capito, Bucer, Sturm, Hedio, Bedrot, and others, salute you most lovingly. Do you also salute respectfully all the brethren.—Yours,
Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva.Vol. 106.]
Strasbourg,31st December 1539.
To-day, immediately after sermon, Fatin[184]intimated that he was about to leave, when I had been invited to sup with a friend; whence I returned long after eight o'clock, much refreshed. You must, therefore, expect a letter from me, as from one who am scarcely sufficiently free and disengaged for writing. I am sorry that that holy brother is deceased, as becomes me. Since, however, it has so happened, I rejoice that the messenger has confirmed your letter about his death, whereby I can more certainly aver that it is so. The sentence had not been executed upon Michael so lately as the end of November, at which period the care of his safety was commended to me by letter. Our friend Sturm has returned from the convention: it is not known what has been done. We conjecture, however, that this silence betokens somewhat of importance. He has brought word, that the proposal had been made about the brethren: but it seemed to many, that the present was a very unsuitable time to send an embassy which could have no other effect than to sour the temper of the King. Those two sovereigns appear to have agreed together to attempt the doing of great things.[185]The Emperor is enrolling an army not far off from this. The pretext is, the cities which have revolted, but it seems that thegreat pressure of the war is to be directed upon Gueldres.[186]But he will neither be abandoned by the King of England nor by the Elector of Saxony. What alliance he may have entered into with our friends, or whether there be any, is uncertain. Two ambassadors have been sent to the Venetians, the Marquis of Guasta and Marshal Annebault, to reclaim the towns which they have seized upon belonging to the duchy of Milan.[187]They rather seem to me to be heralds, than the messengers of peace. Either all conjectures deceive, or in a short time we shall see the whole of Europe in a state of war, for already the seven cantons are said to murmur. There is no hope of peace for our friends except that which shall have been obtained by war.
Concerning the discipline, you do well to press it; but when the subject is well weighed, I do not know whether it can be established unless with the consent of the churches. It is therefore much to be wished, that some time or other the Churches may assemble to deliberate about that matter. We see, indeed, how very necessary it is. There was some slender form of discipline at Basle. What did exist has been half swamped in the midst of these disputes. So far have Myconius and Grynée advanced in that championship, which they imagined, in the defence of Christian liberty. If we can deliberate together, let us try whether somewhat may not be accomplished. Capito will write to the Bernese as you have requested, and I will address our brethren. I think I have already written to you with considerable prolixity on the case of Caroli. Although I entertain no hopeful expectation concerning that individual, nevertheless I am prevented, by the consent of the Church, from despairing of him altogether. Let us wait and see how he conducts himself where he now is. Rognac has promised me by letter that he would come hither within a few days; then, I shall ascertain all about him. Should we be able to convict him of unfaithfulness, he canhave no ground to hope henceforward to be entertained by us. Gaspar is more distractingly anxious than he ought to be on account of having incurred some amount of debt, in order somewhat to prolong his studies. At this present time he has no money wherewith to maintain himself for only two months, the time which he had fixed for himself. If somehow or other so much could be raised for him, it would be doing him a service. Michael, the bookseller of Geneva, has informed me that he has sent hither the remainder of my books, with my brother's wearing-apparel. If they come to you, will you open the package, and if you can sell any of the books, dispose of them? Will you undertake the charge of forwarding those which remain to Basle as soon as possible? Furthermore, since he complains that my book does not sell, and that he is overburdened with more copies than he can get rid of, I have written in reply that he might send a hundred copies to you, which I take on my own account. If he shall have done so, will you let me know immediately? I have rather chosen to involve myself in this difficulty than that my credit should be put in peril. But after this he may seek some one else who for his sake alone may undertake so much trouble. I experience here the same insolence as you yourself so much complain of. Some rules for the Academy have lately been made, by which the discipline will be tightened in the case of such as are here for the sake of study. Among our French friends, even among those who live with me, some are quite frantic. To-morrow it will be intimated to them that they may depart unless they choose to obey; and I have no doubt that they will avail themselves of the intimation. Whence you understand how well disposed they can have come hither, that is, that they may have more licence. Wherefore it is the rather to be watchfully looked to by us, that the reverence and authority due to the Church may not be wanting, in order to subdue those lewd and mischievous desires; although, nevertheless, I see that some allowance must be made for the folly of mankind; nor ought the rigour of discipline to be stretched so far that they may not play the fool on some occasion. Greet for me most kindly all the brethren. Excuseme also to Cordier, because for the present I cannot reply to him.—Yours,
Calvin.
Although I have omitted what ought to have been done in the first place, to congratulate you on your restored health, it was not because I rejoice the less on that account; for while I reflect how much of the greatest importance may depend on one little man, it is not possible for me not to be in a more than ordinary degree anxious about your life. Therefore, from the time that the report of your illness was brought hither, I have not enjoyed one pleasant moment until I heard you had recovered. On that account I experienced the like joy from hearing by the messenger good news of your health, as he enjoys who is delivered from a long continued sickness.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva.Vol. 106.]
Strasbourg,6th February 1540.
I entreat you, my dear brother, when I expostulate with you, chide you, get warm with you, accuse you, that you may take it all the same as if you were dealing thus with yourself. Concerning Caroli, the Lord will give counsel, in whose case, if there has been anything sinful on our part, the Lord can correct it. Our friends also acknowledge, that they were more lenient than they ought to have been. But because there is not among us that severity of discipline which ought to exist, they have been compelled to deal more indulgently with him than they could have wished. Especially that error hath deceived us all, that we supposed he had been reconciled to you. For we received him on the condition that all the engagements should remain binding by which he had been received to favour again by you at Bonneville. If he shall return, let us take care that our gentle treatment of him may not prove hurtful toyou. Where he is at present, I do not know that he could do any harm, even if he would. Should he speak reproachfully of us, he will not, as I expect, be very likely to be hearkened to. For I am already aware that he thinks better of you than rashly to entertain any accusation. Myself, also, that I may acknowledge the truth, have recommended him to Rognac, but simply on this ground, because he had repented, because he had returned to us, because, having acknowledged his offence, he had sought and obtained pardon, because we hoped that he had cordially returned to us. Thereupon I requested that, if he did not conduct himself otherwise than became the servant of Christ, the estrangement which had taken place might not be prejudicial to him. He has not come to Rognac; therefore, he has not availed himself of that recommendation. There, however, Alexandre has been received into favour by Robert Vallis, in whose family you know that he was formerly. When he had afterwards been sent hither, I wrote to Rognac that I could not conscientiously receive him into my house, nor have anything to do with him. He courteously excused himself, as having sinned through ignorance, not having been aware that he [Alexandre] had been excommunicated. He is coming here, however, with his wife this Lent. Then I will make strict inquiry about Caroli. What you complain of, that the sacred ministry has so miserably dwindled away in that quarter, is too true. Wherever you turn your eyes, you may find innumerable causes of lamentation. And while, of a certainty, I see no way of putting an end to it, my courage would entirely fail me, if this single thought did not sustain me, that whatever may happen, the work of the Lord is never to be deserted. Notwithstanding, in the midst of so many evils, the Lord from time to time bestows somewhat that refreshes us. Hermann, who disputed against us at Geneva, besought me to appoint a day for conferring with him. In regard to infant baptism, the human nature of Christ, and some other points, he now acknowledges that he had fallen grievously into error. There are some other things in which he still hesitates. But this affords good hope, when so many difficulties have been taken out of the way. Count John has at length presented his boy, rather big for his age, to be baptized.I have long borne with his weakness, since he told me that he thought he had good reasons for delaying. At length he said, that he no longer cared for those whose perverseness could by no means be worn out or subdued.
That which has been reported with you about the passage of the Emperor, is fabulous.[188]Our friends had a person there who might keep an eye on all that was going forward. It is certain that there was no discussion of serious matters. A day, however, was fixed, in the beginning of March, when the Emperor and the King are to meet at Amiens.[189]If they can agree together, we may well be apprehensive of their conspiring for our destruction. Ferdinand will be present, who is already well advanced on his journey. The rumour goes that the Duke of Savoy,[190]also, is on his journey through Italy, that he may come into Germany by the Tyrolese Alps, and certainly there will be little hope of recovering his rights if these two sovereigns settle the business in his absence. Our friends have put the Emperor in mind of his promise. Meanwhile, however, they are as boisterous and unmanageable as if war had already been declared. The former month they appeared too indolent. At this present it is marvellous how stirring they are, and how greatly excited. Nevertheless, in the midst of such commotions as these, I am so much at my ease, as to have the audacity to think of taking a wife. A certain damsel of noble rank has been proposed to me, and with a fortune above my condition. Two considerations deterred me from that connection—because she did not understand our language, and because I feared she might be too mindful of her family and education. Her brother, a very devout person, urged the connection, and on no other account than that, blinded byhis affection to me, he neglected his own interests. His wife also, with a like partiality, contended, as he did, so that I would have been prevailed upon to submit with a good grace, unless the Lord had otherwise appointed. When, thereupon, I replied that I could not engage myself unless the maiden would undertake that she would apply her mind to the learning of our language, she requested time for deliberation. Thereupon, without further parley, I sent my brother, with a certain respectable man, to escort hither another, who, if she answers her repute, will bring a dowry large enough, without any money at all. Indeed, she is mightily commended by those who are acquainted with her. If it come to pass, as we may certainly hope will be the case, the marriage ceremony will not be delayed beyond the tenth of March.[191]I wish you might then be present, that you may bless our wedlock. As, however, I have troubled you so much more than I ought during the past year, I dare not insist upon it. If, however, any one of our brethren should have a mind to visit us, I would prefer that it were at that time, when he could supply your place; although, nevertheless, I make myself look very foolish if it shall so happen that my hope again fall through. But as I trust the Lord will be present to help me, I express myself as though I spoke of a certainty.—To return to public affairs. Since the Emperor has declared to our Princes, through the Archbishop of Lunden, that he had not given up the idea of having a Diet, that they may not be caught unawares, they have desired that some competently learned men of skill and judgment should be present at Smalkald, to lay down the method of procedure. Bucer proceeds thither before the 20th of the present month.
Adieu, much longed-for brother. May the Lord preserve you and all the others your colleagues, whom salute most lovingly in my name, especially Cordier, my preceptor, Thomas, Onerus, and Nicolas. Our friends have requested to be kindly remembered. This letter I send you by Brito, (the Breton,) whom I could have wished to have retained here ayear longer, if I were not forced to approve his reasons.—Yours,
Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva.Vol. 106.]
Strasbourg,29th March 1540.
I have already waited so long for your letter that I may well doubt whether I ought to wait any longer. My anxious wish to hear from you kept alive my expectation, and shall even yet sustain my hope for some few days; but if at length my hope shall give way, you will see how indignantly I have borne this disappointment; and your neglect is all the less to be tolerated, because Geneva at this present time affords you such abundant material for correspondence. Du Tailly, however, has written to me, and yet I do not clearly understand from his expressions what has been the catastrophe of this drama. Michael, also, the printer, has communicated to me at Blecheret, that my return thitherward might be brought about; but rather would I submit to death a hundred times than to that cross, on which one had to perish daily a thousand times over. This piece of information I have wished incidentally to communicate to you, that to the utmost of your power you may set yourself to oppose the measures of those who shall endeavour to draw me back thither. And that I may not appear to be looking in one direction and rowing in another, I will lay open my mind to you whenever at any time you ask me to do so. We are as yet in a state of suspense as to the marriage,[192]and this annoys me exceedingly, forasmuch as the relations of that young lady of rank are so urgent that I may take her unto myself, which, indeed, I would never think of doing, unless the Lord had altogether demented me. But because it is unpleasant to refuse, especially in the case of suchpersons, who overwhelm me altogether with their kindness, most earnestly do I desire to be delivered out of this difficulty. We hope, however, that this will very shortly be the case; and during the next four or five days another engagement will turn away my mind from the subject, and itself will engross all my attention.
In this place hitherto many individuals were in the habit of making a rash approach to the sacrament of the Supper. On Easter-day, when I gave out the intimation that we were to celebrate the Supper on next Lord's-day, I announced, at the same time, that no one would be admitted to the table of the Lord by me, who had not beforehand presented himself for examination. The greatest difficulty will arise in correcting that silly eagerness to press forward which has taken possession of some Frenchmen, so that it can scarcely be driven out of them. You are aware of those regulations that have been made for the Academy, that the young men confining themselves to the distinction of the student's gown must lay aside the wearing of a sword, that they must give up their names to the rector, and such like. Now, in order to evade these rules they renounce entirely the profession of the belles-lettres; but as this bears upon it the face of manifest contumacy, I have resolved on no account to allow it, for I would rather that the whole of them should go away than that they should remain at the expense of discipline. Leo Juda[193]lately requested of me to allow him to publish, in German, with the addition of my name, the first of those two Epistles which I wrote four years ago;[194]that one, indeed, (I mean the one in which I am made to coax and flatter the Popish bishops,) he has published at this fair-time without the name. The answer I gave was very friendly, but at the same time, contained some rather cutting admonition. A little before that I had written almost to the same purpose to Bullinger. If it shallsucceed I will let you know the course I may take. Our friends are hitherto at a standstill as to what they intend to do. The reason of their offputting is because they have not as yet received any certain return by way of answer from the Emperor, who, however, begins to be much more tractable. The meeting of the King of England with our sovereign has somewhat tamed his arrogance, which may have considerable influence in changing the whole of his measures.[195]He made use of this sophism, that he would not bind himself to the King by promise on any account, but that he would inflate him with empty hopes for the future. Already the King seemed to himself to have possession of Milan. Lately, however, when the Emperor's inclination was put to proof by the ambassador, he found that it was not easy to bring him that length. It is said, indeed, that in everything he has given the King his choice, provided only that he does not ask Milan. On that account, therefore, it is that the Constable is gone to him, and if he does not get what he seeks, we suspect that they will be more ready to go to war than ever. Neither, indeed, will the King of England, in such a crisis of affairs, yield in any point, much less the admiral, who is now restored to his former post of honour and favour. Before few months are over we shall see, if I am not mistaken, a wonderful change of scene, but, in the meanwhile, the Lord must be entreated that in this turn of affairs he would both hasten forward the decision and also confirm the resolution of our friends. May the Lord keep you all in safety, continually under his protection. And foremost of them all, adieu, my very excellent and right trusty brother. Capito, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, and my brother, salute you. Nicolas and the others do not know that I am writing.
Calvin.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp., Opera, tom. ix. p. 259.]
Strasbourg,Month of May 1540.
Because I promised to write you fully about every thing, in order that my promise at least in some measure may be fulfilled, I have set aside the whole of this day to you. You will receive, therefore, full and weighty performance, unless perhaps unexpectedly I shall be called away. Concerning the state of the Church at Geneva, we can discourse more at large, when you shall come hither. That news was indeed most delightfully welcome, when I heard that a stop had been put, somehow or other, to these janglings and contentions.[196]For I have always thought no good was to be expected of that unhappy city so long as it laboured under that fatal malady. I could only desire that their reconciliation may prove to be in the Lord. For, as you say, unless Christ is the bond of our agreement it will be cursed. Where is the advantage, then, of union out of Christ? since we know that all such combinations shall be broken up by God. As for me, I do not yet see that they have respect to the will of the Lord as they ought. Indeed, they do not sufficiently reflect upon their past conduct, and as they have no thought of correcting the mischief, now that a reconciliation has been brought about among themselves, nor show any anxiety to make their peace with God, I fear that they will, in the long run, suffer the penalty of that kind of security. They have, it is true, given some show of penitence,in that, after so much discord, they have returned to a good understanding; but they have not yet put on that disposition which they ought to cherish. It is however something, that they have begun to be curable, even although they be not yet quite restored to health.
About the preachers, I cannot yet venture to decide, except that I always find them to be much wanting. But in so far as you consider that the publication of my reply to Sadolet, which has been printed there, is a proof of their being nowise evil-disposed, in that you are deceived, if others have written me the truth. For they have declared that the preachers who opposed it made amends, as far as lay in their power, but that the Senate yielded against their will. And yet I do not attach much weight to that, provided they so conduct themselves in the discharge of duty, that they prevent every occasion of interference either by me or on the part of others. For although, in as far as regards myself, it is of no consequence whatever, for that very reason, I do not care by whom it is that the work of the Lord is carried forward, provided that it is well done; but they are deceived in thinking that they can get on very well without help, seeing that they are scarcely got half-way on their journey, even with the aid of many helpers. As for what I always express, that I am horrified at the mere mention of a recall, for that you know that I have good enough reason. Nor am I so entirely frightened by the consideration that they so obstinately refuse you, although I confess that to me that is the highest consideration of all. But there are many others which it is unnecessary at present to mention, and may better be delayed until your arrival. The farther I advance the more distinctly do I behold out of what a whirlpool of danger the Lord has delivered me.
The Diet of the Princes and free Cities[197]came to this conclusion, to offer to agree to all just proposals, provided that the Emperor would call a Synod of the whole empire. They received an ambiguous reply. In the meantime, the Emperoris informed by the opposite party, that they would not abate one jot of their resolution, but would endeavour by every means to engage others on their side. Therefore, he is trying to devise a method by which he may satisfy both parties; and therefore it is, that among the Papists, and among our friends, he craftily employs the Chancellor Granvelle[198]and two Counts,[199]who are to interpose as mediators, and to sound the views of our friends, that they may be better able to explain to the Emperor, and to obtain what is reasonable. If you do not yet understand the artifice, our friends strove with the utmost earnestness for the Diet which had been promised them. On the other hand, the Papists sounded the alarm with a continued blast of the trumpet, crying out, that it was a very unseemly thing that the Emperor should any longer tolerate the shufflings of our friends. Because his plans have been hindered, seeing that he neither dares to proceed with the war, nor is of opinion that they can have a Synod without turning the whole of Germany topsy-turvy, he tries to restrain the fury of the Papists, while he says, that he wishes to keep a cautious lookout, lest by doing anything rashly and untowardly, they may involve him along with themselves in the war; and he yields nothing to our side. Notwithstanding that they perceived they were merely put off by this pretence, yet they came to the determination, that nothing on that account should be rejected that might seem to favour the peace and tranquillity of the Church. They therefore drew up a joint reply to Granvelle, from which you will understand what may be their courage.[200]Since the Emperor neither understands the Latin language nor the German, it has been thought best to send it written in French. I send it to you, however, on this condition, that you do not openly divulge it. Only two copies besides this which you will receive have been copied out; one, which will be presentedto the Emperor, the other, Doctor Ulrich took with him to Soleure, that it may come to the King, through the ambassador. I wish therefore that you may communicate it only to a few. But I mainly beseech you, on no account to allow it to be copied. Here, moreover, the resolution is unanimous, if they are attacked instantly to advance forward, and not to wait, unless their conscience keep them back; for there is not a single individual who is not quite prepared to undergo all hazards rather than that the free course of Christ's Evangel be stopt, so far is it from their mind that they would suffer anything to be taken from it. Here, at Strasbourg, the Senate having despatched a deputy, has refused the judgment of the Imperial Chamber. If they continue this system of attempted terrorism, they will stir up great commotions. Hitherto the controversies have hung in suspense between the Emperor and the King. That is the reason which delays the Emperor that he does not immediately make an onslaught upon us. The Papists strive with all their might to relieve him of all other business, so that he may gird himself for attacking us. But chiefly the Duke of Brunswick, who has brought over the Duke of Gueldres to the Emperor, that they may treat together about that duchy. Our friends, however, are so well satisfied with their own strength, that they are not at all frightened by these manœuvres. Three of the Electors take a middle course—the Elector-Palatine, of Cologne, and of Treves, and will rather take part with us than suffer us to be oppressed. Two we have professedly on our side. Frederick wished by our means to obtain some advantage from the King of Denmark: he could not succeed, which the Landgrave also considered to be right. Then he is forced to cultivate the friendship of the Emperor. You see at how much Christ is valued where the world has taken such a hold of the soul of man. The English Parliament is now met.[201]We are informed that the spirits of all the pious are raisedto the highest expectation. If the Lord shall now put it into the King's heart, the Gospel will be established in that kingdom. Until we shall have heard that there is some inclination that way, we shall toil in vain with regard to Calais.[202]
My affairs are in the same state in which they were before. Our messenger will be here before the end of the week unless he has deceived us. Therefore I have detained James with me, so if anything happen he can let you know in time. Although (as he had already determined) I shall not longer delay his setting out. I will, therefore, despatch him after Whitsuntide. He had himself intended to start off three days earlier.
As to what you ask me about the Letter of Viret, I can tell you nothing but this, that it has always appeared to Capito, that Viret and all of you prosecuted this cause in a more sour and peevish spirit than was right, or at all events, with great scrupulosity and excess of niceness. They have always promised that they would not combine together to open up an entrance to him in that quarter, but that they would rather throw every obstacle in his path in order to shut up the way. But he was not in the least offended. If you will take my advice, let us delay on both sides to decide about that affair. Therefore, I have suppressed the letter of the Count which you lately sent, that it may not give any offence. For it was so worded, that it could not be at all acceptable; and also, that I may cut off every handle for strife, I shall make no reply.
I am struck with horror when I hear with what cruelty the godly are persecuted in France, at this time, more especially when we can bring them no help, nor do I doubt that it is the best who will be most endangered. For the more any one is right-hearted, and preaches Christ with greater boldness and constancy of spirit, for that very reason he can all the less be tolerated by Satan. Yet somehow it now and then happens that the Lord does preserve in safety some of the excellent ones, while others arehurried off to the stake. A fellow-countryman to James, who was burnt at Sedan or Melun, was here last year, and had requested of me a letter of exhortation to the brethren of that district. I was given to understand for certain, afterwards, that he had been infested with the errors of the Anabaptists, and had been raving worst of all on that head. It has, therefore, grieved me since, that I had opened for him a pathway by my letter to many good people. I am afraid lest by his death the Gospel shall have been rather set on fire than promoted. That I now mention I have not from uncertain rumour, but from his relations. The person whose sister he married makes no secret of what sort of person he was. As for the death of Michael, the statements of one who had been present at the scene of the execution did not fully agree with your letter. In truth, I think that this rule ought to be observed by us, that, even when we feel that we can both speak and think the best concerning those who have suffered for the Gospel, we ought to be on our guard against overdoing, where it does not clearly appear how the persons conducted themselves during life as well as in death.
I am glad that Gaspar[203]has been provided for. He is, indeed worthy of it; and I hope he will have the charge of the school. Toussain[204]has requested to have three or four ministers from me, if I had here such as I could recommend who were qualified for ruling in the churches. He expressly sought to have James, but he rather preferred to reserve himself for you.
What may be the nature of that jurisdiction of Count William[205]I have not yet been able by frequent inquiry to ascertain. When you come hither you will perhaps be better able to inform us. We can also exchange thoughts together about all those matters to which you think that some remedy ought to be applied. If I supposed that Cordier was deliberating whether it may not be expedient to return to Bordeaux,I would willingly declare what I feel, only I do not think he is so great a blockhead as to set consultations agoing on any such question. I will tell you,viva voce, why we ought not to write to these French bishops. I return many thanks to the brethren for having received my advice with so good a grace. As, however, there is some risk that others may take it amiss that you had begun, that affair can be delayed for a little while longer, and I am not sorry for it.
I do not wonder that examination of ours about which I wrote to you has made the worthy brother hesitate; nor is it anything new that the well-disposed should dread lest we fall back into some superstition or other, whenever they hear that we appoint anything which has the slightest affinity or similarity with Popish absurdities. Yet, while I have no wish to drive that zeal of watchfulness out of them, (for in this respect we cannot be more earnest than is right,) on the other hand, I could have wished that they were a little more careful in distinguishing the wheat from the chaff and rubbish. I have often declared to you that it did not appear to me to be expedient that confession should be abolished in the Churches, unless that which I have lately taught be substituted in the place of it. In order that I may the better explain to you my method, let me first of all state the real nature of the case. When the day of the sacrament of the Supper draws nigh, I give notice from the pulpit that those who are desirous to communicate must first of all let me know; at the same time I add for what purpose, that it is in order that those who are as yet uninstructed and inexperienced in religion may be better trained; besides, that those who need special admonition may hear it; and lastly, that if there are any persons who may be suffering under trouble of mind they may receive consolation. But what we have most to guard against is this, lest the common people, who do not sufficiently distinguish between the kingdom of Christ and the tyranny of Antichrist, may think themselves to be brought back under a new servitude. I endeavour, therefore, to dispel any such apprehension. I not only bear witness that I disapprove of the Popish confession, but openly and plainly set forth the reasons why I object to it; then, in general, I declare that not onlyare those superstitions in which the Church was involved to be abhorred, but that no law of practice is to be brought in, which may bind the conscience in its snares; for that Christ is the only legislator to whom we owe obedience. After that, I teach, that this in no way derogates from our Christian liberty, since I enjoin nothing whatever that Christ himself has not appointed. What shameless effrontery would it be for any one not even to condescend to avouch his faith in the face of the Church with whom he sought communion! and how wretched would be the state and condition of the Church if she could be compelled to receive to the partaking in so great a mystery, those of whom she is altogether ignorant, or, perhaps, regards with suspicion! And, to say nothing about the Church, how shall the minister himself to whom the dispensation of this grace is committed, on condition that he may not cast it before dogs and swine, that he must not pour it out to the worthy and the unworthy without any distinction, discharge this onerous duty, unless he proceeds upon some fixed and certain method for separating the worthy from the unworthy communicants? It were mere trifling, however, to insist farther upon these matters with you; time, moreover, would fail me, for what I was afraid of has happened, that I would frequently be interrupted while writing. Last of all, I maintain the necessity and advantage of this course of proceeding, which you will, as thus explained by me, report as my reply to the good man. The three young noblemen, whom you had so hospitably entertained, commend your liberality all the more that you excuse yourself so anxiously for having done less than you wished to do. More than that, they think they see that in this way you extenuate your kindness towards them. Capito, Bucer, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, all the Frenchmen, desire to be remembered in the most friendly manner; there is not one of them who does not most eagerly look for your arrival, not less on my account than that they may get a sight of you, for as they love both, they think of both. Nicolas and Henry are closely pursuing their studies; Nicolas, especially, is quite absorbed. James is staying with me for these few days before he leaves. Every one of these also reverently salute you alongwith my brother. In return, will you greet the brethren very respectfully for me, and tell them from myself that they do truly hold a place in my remembrance? My preceptor Cordier, and Michael, will excuse, or, at least, pardon, that they do not receive any letters from me. Adieu, my most amiable brother. Do not forget to remember me to your family.—Ever yours,
Calvin.
This messenger is a trustworthy person, and therefore I have requested him to go straight to you.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva.Vol. 106.]
Strasbourg,19th May 1540.
At length somewhat has been gained by my expostulation, for I have in some measure broken that unkind silence of so many months; but I do not take it so well, that when you ought plainly to have sought pardon, you chose rather to make a return in kind; for you make out that we are equally to blame except in this one point, that when both had come short in duty, I seized the opportunity and was the first to write. You thought, forsooth, to get out of the scrape in this way, as if in the meanwhile I had not written a hundred times to Farel, on condition that he would communicate with you, during which period I neither received a single letter from you, nor did you send even a salutation, except that which you once wrote at the end of a letter to Bucer. Therefore, true it is and of verity, that I cannot acquit you until you shall have approved your diligence for the future, on condition that if, as you are wont, you begin to grow slack in your correspondence, I shall be entitled to lay a double fine upon you. But that I may not appear to press too severely, I do hereby freely remit whatever there is of failure on your part, provided, for the future, youboth perform your own share of duty, and pardon me if, perhaps, I shall have become too negligent.
Your letter was a very sad one to me, and all the more so because I can well imagine that cruel butchery to boil over without measure, as always happens whenever it has once burst forth, and there is no way of putting a stop to it. I wrote, however, to Farel, under the apprehension that what so long kept us in suspense would at length come to pass. Wherefore, unless the Lord open up some new outlet, there is no other way of helping our unhappy brethren than by our prayers and exhortations, which are, besides, so dangerous to their lives, that it is more discreet to abstain. The only remedy which almost alone remains, therefore, seems to be, that we commit their safety to the Lord.[206]
I read that passage of your letter, certainly not without a smile, where you shew so much concern about my health, and recommend Geneva on that ground. Why could you not have said at the cross? for it would have been far preferable to perish once for all than to be tormented again in that place of torture. Therefore, my dear Viret, if you wish well to me, make no mention of such a proposal. It was, however, most agreeable to me to understand that the brothers La Fontaines were so anxious concerning my safety, and that you also had turned your mind to it; for, indeed, I can scarcely persuade myself that I am worth so much trouble. It is impossible for me, however, not to be rejoiced by that kindness of good men towards me.
Capito, in his lectures, has some things which may be of much use to you in the illustration of Isaiah. But as he does not dictate any part to his hearers, and has not yet reached beyond the fourteenth chapter, his assistance cannot at present much help you. Zuingli, although he is not wanting in a fit and ready exposition, yet, because he takes too much liberty, often wanders far from the meaning of the Prophet. Luther is not so particular as to propriety of expression or the historical accuracy; he is satisfied when he can draw from it some fruitful doctrine. No one, as I think, has hitherto more diligently applied himself to this pursuit than Œcolampadius, who has not always, however, reached the full scope or meaning. It is true that you may now and then find the need of having appliances at hand, nevertheless I feel confident that the Lord has not deserted you.
About our affairs I do not write, in order that there may be more material for writing to Farel. All here greet you in the most friendly manner, Capito, Bucer, Matthias, Sturm, Bedrot. Hedio I have not seen since your letter was delivered to me. In return, on my part, salute Conrad, Corneille, James, Isnard, and the others; your aunt also, and your wife, whom one and all, I wish to see.
The mention of Conrad, which had occurred to me, brings to mind that Gaspar, who lived with him for some time, was lately here, and has complained much to Sturm that I had defamed him in an offensive manner among good people, at the instigation of Grynée. He said nought about it to me, and merely saluted when he left my lecture. I wished you to know this, that in future you may be more on your guard. Adieu, most excellent and kind brother.—Yours,
Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva.Vol. 106.]
Strasbourg,21st June 1540.
After Ferdinand waited about twelve days at Haguenau[207]for the princes, a few of them came who either have the wish to reform matters, or to prove their submission to the Emperor. From among the Electors, he could not succeed in drawing forth a single one except the Elector-Palatine. He of Mayence, as I hear, excused himself more than once, that is, he stoutly refused. The Electors of Cologne and Treves stood in doubt. The Elector of Saxony wished to have it distinctly understood, that his coming should not prejudice the protest which he had put in at the election of the King. He sent letters, however, to the Emperor, in common with the Landgrave, in which both together signified, that they saw no other way of pacification that could be gone into than that which had been set forth at Frankfort; therefore, if for that purpose the Emperor summons a free diet of the empire, that they would willingly attend; that at present they had scarcely time enough allowed them to announce it to their allies; that they had no other alternative than to send their ambassador with a few theologians, that they might not appear in any way to disparage the attempt; that they, on behalf of the theologians and the deputies, and the messengers, whoever they might be, sought the public protection, that they might receive no injury. To-day the deputies have set out; when Philip [Melanchthon] arrives, the theologians will also follow. Blaurer[208]has already arrived; others are daily expected. The Zurichers and those of Berne were invited,but they sent back word that they would not come. This I mention, that you may not suppose that we omitted any part of our duty. It was written expressly to those of Basle not to send Carlostad.[209]The opposite faction are at present consulting by what kind of debate, or on what point to attack us. Our friends will shew that they are prepared for a friendly compromise, provided that no part of the truth be departed from. The Emperor will not be left so completely at his ease by our King as to be able to concentrate his forces against our side. As yet the state of war has not commenced, but the seeds begin to spring up; and that friend of ours is seeking those means of defence which, while he was in terms of friendship with his brother, he despised, and would yet continue to despise if things had remained the same. Baisius,[210]who discharges the office of envoy at the conference, has come hither to sound the depth of the ford, and to see what can be accomplished, as many conjecture. It can scarce be otherwise but that great movements may take place before many months are past. Our friends hope to obtain some advantage, since they perceive our King to be so very unlikely to give any assistance to the Emperor. The King of England is not represented here. I have no doubt, however, that he may be attempting somewhat elsewhere. In the cause of the Lord he does not deal very favourably of late; three men of the commonalty have been burnt, because they had ventured to express themselves on the subject of the Eucharist in other terms than the royal proclamation tolerated. But that which is worst of all is, that while he tries to arrogate to himself the sole authority, and without being scrupulous as to the means, he tolerates nothing which has not the sanction of his own authority. Thus it will come to pass that Christ shall avail them nothing except by the King's permission. The Lord will avenge this arrogance by some remarkable punishment.
The address of the princes I desire, with good reason, may stillbe kept secret by you. We may shortly have a more convenient season when it can be brought to light, or at all events may be imparted to those who have an interest. Lately, in the same way, you have done me much mischief. For you cannot believe how much ill-will Erasmus has kindled against me in that very shallow publication of his, where he says, that a book was printed at Strasbourg, in which both Luther and the Strasburghers were treated with distinction, and that Luther, nevertheless, had sent him a kindly salutation, &c. ... while he thus goes a-begging in all directions in order to procure adherents to his cause, he implicates along with himself others who do not deserve to be mixed up with the affair. And, really, I have very good reason to find fault with you, who have suffered a familiar and confidential letter to get abroad—which ought to have been kept close in your own bosom—and to fly away as far as Berne. Now I come to your letter. I could not take it ill that the bearer of my letter should be despatched by you without a reply, when he told me that you were engaged in a work of so great a necessity. It is something, however, that you really do excuse yourself, provided that you understand that I am satisfied on the condition, that in future you may be more careful. Nor shall I be very easily appeased if you omit or trifle with me at any time. I had not properly understood that Francis had been dismissed, according to your former letter, on account of misconduct. I was rather inclined to be of opinion, that some fair pretence was sought for. At present, in so far as can be surmised from your expressions, I perceive that he is charged with that crime which I was certainly persuaded he abhors with his whole soul. I sometimes wish, however, that we could have you here, where Capito and Bucer might hear all these things from your own mouth. For Bucer seemed not very patiently to hear what I say; but I fear that if you intend to be with me on a certain event taking place, you may have come too late. I have not yet found a wife, and frequently hesitate as to whether I ought any more to seek one. Claude and my brother had lately betrothed me to a demoiselle. Three days after they had returned, some things were told me which forced me to send away my brother, that he might dischargeus from that obligation. As yet, it is not very evident to me what the matter is about which the Genevese are either making a disturbance among themselves, or are disquieted by those of Berne. I foresee, however, that it will have the very worst consequences, unless the Lord comes to their help by some wonderful method of deliverance. You know, I believe, what Marcourt wrote in that letter which was delivered to me along with yours. He avers solemnly that it never entered his mind to say that the epistle of Sadolet had been tampered with, and, therefore, earnestly requests that I may not allow this impression to settle upon my mind. I shall so reply as that it may appear that I by no means seek for causes of complaint, and that there is nothing in which I take less delight than in strifes and variance.
I will take an opportunity of inquiring whether the Count is possessed of those territories in Burgundy which you have mentioned. In France, he certainly has nothing left. There you labour in vain about Pont de Veyle[211]and other places. If war shall take place, I know not whether it will be restored. I cannot enough express my astonishment where or when Cressonnière could have dreamed what he related to Guerin about my recantation, nor do I know what to say to it, unless either that he must have been drunk or out of his wits when he gave utterance to such an absurdity. To Guerin himself, who I see is somewhat disturbed about it, I will write satisfactorily by the first opportunity. Nicolas and Henry have excellent appetites; therefore, unless you make haste to come yourself, you must think of some way of sending them money. The case of our excellent friend Zebedee,[212]or rather the state of our own Church, where at present there is no discipline, grieves me beyond measure. Some method must be fallen upon by which we may restrain these furies from such an unwarrantable interference. Since, however, for the present we have nothing better, I advise that what he spoke about the very prevalent ignorance of Christ, he may confirm by the testimony of such persons whoseauthority will have weight at Berne. Among the ancients he has many supporters; but he cannot do a greater despite unto his opponents, than when he puts forward Luther, Bucer, Brentz, and others, as authority. Above all, it is important that it be demonstrated how impertinent and unbecoming it is that a handful of unlearned and inexperienced men, in a dark corner of the land, should dare to accuse of heresy men who are actually of the highest distinction and authority in the Church; and it will be well to write to Konzen, and to assure him of the odium which he will inevitably draw down upon himself if the eminent persons above named shall come to know how and with what impunity their writings are cut and carved on. Take my word for it, he will kindle a fire about the ears of these rascals which shall not easily be extinguished, if he only applies himself to it with the talent which he possesses.
Adieu, my sound-hearted brother; for indeed I am obliged here to break off my discourse, since I have been too late in rising up. Will you remember me in the most friendly way to all the brethren—Chaponneau, Cordier, Thomas, Michael, Fatin, and the others? Blessed be the Lord, who was present in his strength for the subduing of that beast which had lifted up the horn against his glory! Salute also, for me, your brother Walter, with his wife. The Lord have you in his safe keeping. All our friends salute you.—Yours,
Calvin.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva.Vol. 106.]