[General and Mrs. Grant spent the next two years in a tour around the world.]
[General and Mrs. Grant spent the next two years in a tour around the world.]
Chicago, Ill.,April 12th, 1877.
DEAR MR. CORBIN:
To-morrow evening Mrs. Grant and I start for Washington, Pa., where we will spend a few days, then go to Harrisburgh, Washington, D.C., and toward the last of the month get around to Elizabeth to spend a few days with you before taking our departure for Europe. We have not entirely decided whether to take the American line from Philadelphia or the Inman line from New York City. Both have tendered pressing invitations, and both present good accommodations. If we take the former we will sail on the 9th or 16th of May, if the latter on the 19th.
We had a very pleasant trip West but a little hurried. There is much complaint of dull times but really appearances do not justify it. Kindest regards of Mrs. Grant and myself to Mother and Jennie.
Yours truly,
U.S. GRANT.
Ragatz, Switzerland,August 13th, '77.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
Before leaving England I had accepted invitations to visit cities and country houses in Scotland—and places in England not yet visited by me—to take up all the month of September and part of October. I thought there was time for me to visit this interesting country and to make a run through Denmark, Sweden and Norway and get back to Scotland in time to keep my engagements. But I have found so much of interest here, and the modes of conveyance so slow in reaching the points of greatest interest, that it is already too late to go even to Denmark, leaving out Norway and Sweden. Already we have spent eight actual days in carriages in getting from point to point, exclusive of other modes of travel. We have visited most of the lakes and crossed the principal passes in Switzerland and Northern Italy. It has all been exceedingly interesting to me, the greatest regret being that I had not more time.
I intend yet to visit Denmark, and the countries north of it, but whether this fall or next season is not yet determined. Probably about next June. I am sorry not to be able to see Mary before she returns to America. I do not expect to return there before next July a year, and possibly not so early.
All send love to Mary and the children with kindest regards for yourself.
Yours truly,
U.S. GRANT.
DR. M.J. CRAMER,United States Minister,Copenhagen, Denmark.
BRISTOL HOTEL,BURLINGTON GARDENS,LONDON, W.
Aug. 26, '77.
MY DEAR MR. CORBIN:
We arrived here from the Continent yesterday, and found awaiting us your very acceptable letter. On Wednesday we start again to visit Scotland where I have had many invitations from both corporations and from private gentlemen. We will take about three weeks for this trip, after which we will visit some portions of England not yet visited, and Nellie at her home, and get to Paris the latter part of October. The papers no doubt will keep you advised of our movements in advance of anything I could write to go by mail. Our visit has been most agreeable in every particular. People everywhere, both travellers and residents, did all they could to make everything pleasant for us. How long we will remain abroad is not yet determined, but I think for two years yet if the means to do so hold out.
During my visit to the Continent I saw but few American papers so that I am now somewhat behind in information as to what has been going on in the United States. All the foreign papers however have been full of the great strike which has taken place on our roads. It must have been serious but probably not so serious as it seemed at a distance. My judgment is that it should have been put down with a strong hand and so summarily as to prevent a like occurrence for a generation.
We have made a short visit to Nellie at her home. She lives in a delightful part of the country.
All join me in love to Mother and Jennie as well as yourself. I will be glad to hear from you as often as you may feel like writing.
Yours truly,
U.S. GRANT.
We met Mrs. Clark and Roberts in Switzerland. It was like being back home to meet old acquaintances. Except Senator Conkling and some of our Government officials they are the only Americans I have met that I felt I knew very well. Please remember me to Senator Frelinghuysen and such other friends as you meet.
A.R. CORBIN, ESQ.,Elizabeth, N.J.
HOTEL BRISTOL5 PLACE VENDÔME.
Paris,Oct. 25th, '77.
MY DEAR MR. CORBIN:
Our trip has been a most agreeable one though the time seems long. I can scarcely realize that but little more than five months have passed since we sailed from Philadelphia. But we have received nothing but kindness wherever we have been. In England, as you may have seen, our reception has been as enthusiastic as anything in the States directly after the war. We are now in Paris for the first time. As yet I have seen but little of it, though enough to know that it is a most beautiful city. We shall probably remain here over a month, and then make a trip through Spain and Portugal, and up the Mediterranean, in a naval vessel, stopping at all points of interest on both sides. Mrs. Grant finds she has brought too much baggage with her and proposes to send two or three trunks back, clothing brought from the States, and wants to send them either to Jennie or Mrs. Sharp to keep until our return. If they are sent to you I will advise you when they are shipped.
We were disappointed in not getting to Copenhagen while Mary was there. But Switzerland was so agreeable, and there were so many points of interest to visit that I found it impossible to get there and return to Scotland at the time I had promised. It is now very doubtful whether we will not have to abandon the idea of going there altogether. That will depend however upon whether we remain over another year. This winter we propose to go up the Nile, and may keep on east and return by San Francisco. But if we return we will stop in Italy until the weather begins to get warm in the Spring and then go north through Austria, North Germany, Russia, Sweden, Norway and back by Denmark and Holland, spend the latter part of the summer again in Switzerland, and go east the following winter. Jesse will hardly go with us unless we go through this winter. He does not wish to leave another year before beginning the battle of life.
Give Mrs. Grant's, Jesse's and my love to Mother and Jennie, and Mary if she is with you.
I keep very little track of political matters at home, knowing from experience the trouble a "new hand at the bellows" has. I hope all will be smooth and satisfactory before my return. I have not yet experienced any discomfort from lack of employment after sixteen years of continuous care and responsibilities. I may however feel it when I once settle down, though I think not.
Very truly yours,
U.S. GRANT.
P.S. Direct letters to the care of Drexel, Harjes, & Co., Bankers, Paris, France.
Paris France,Nov. 27th, '77.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
I am just in receipt of your letter of the 21st inst. enclosing one from the Portuguese Minister to Denmark recounting the cause of his brother-in-law's removal from the diplomatic service. I know Baron de S——, and the Baroness very well and esteem them very highly. There was never any difficulty with him and the State Department, or with any official at Washington that I have any recollection of. I am very sure that no cause of complaint could have existed on our part without my knowing it. It would afford me the greatest pleasure to meet the Baron and his wife during my European tour, but I fear I shall not be able to do so. My trip through Spain and Portugal has been put off, or at least postponed, for this year. On Saturday we leave here for the South of France, from there to take a naval vessel to visit all points of interest on the Mediterranean. We shall probably go up the Nile, and spend the winter in a warm climate, to be ready for our northern tour in the spring. It is barely possible that when we return from up the Nile we may go on East, through China and Japan to San Francisco. But this is not probable for another year. This will probably be the last opportunity I shall ever have of visiting Europe, and there is much to see that I have not seen, and cannot see this winter.
I hear from home occasionally, but not as often, probably, as you do. All were well by the last advices received two days ago from Orville.
Please assure your colleague that I have no recollection of other than the most pleasant relations between U.S. officials and the Baron de S.
With kind regards of Mrs. Grant, Jesse and myself, I am,
Very truly,
U.S. GRANT.
Cairo, Egypt,Jan'y 13th, '78.
MY DEAR MR. CORBIN:
I am in receipt of your letter of December '77 at this remote, but historically interesting quarter of the globe. We have been in Cairo since last Tuesday. This is Sunday. I have seen the city very thoroughly; visited the pyramids; the Virgin Mary's tree where she took shelter some twenty centuries ago; the spring which became sweet from being saline, on her quenching her thirst from it, and which remains sweet to this day,—while I was there water was being pumped from it, by ox power, with a revolving wheel, to irrigate the neighboring ground—; Heliopolis, the great seat of learning in the days of Moses, and where he was taught, and where the father-in-law of Joseph was a teacher. The tree and the well are at Heliopolis, about six miles from here.
On Tuesday we start up the Nile on a special steamer provided by the Khedive. We expect to go as far as to the first rapids stopping at all the points of interest on the way. This will probably take three weeks. On our return we expect to go to Suez, thence by Canal to Port Said, and then take our steamer again. From Port Said we will go to Joppa and out to Jerusalem. Returning to Joppa we will go to Beirout, and out to Damascus—possibly diverging to visit Baalbec, thence to Smyrna from which we will visit Ephesus, thence to Constantinople. Returning we will stop a few days at Athens, thence to old Syracuse on the island of Sicily, then to some convenient point on the Italian coast from which to reach Rome. We will remain in Rome for several weeks. Should you write me any time within six weeks from this directed to the care of our Minister at Rome, the letter will reach me.
Altogether we have had a most pleasant visit. Our return to America during this year depends somewhat on circumstances, principally the means to stay away longer. It is likely this will be the last opportunity I shall ever have of travelling abroad and I am desirous of making the most of the pleasant opportunity.—Give our love to Mother, Jennie and Mary, and accept my thanks for your kind offers.
Very truly yours,
U.S. GRANT.
Constantinople,March 5th, '78.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
On my arrival here I found your letter inquiring especially about the time I expect to be in Copenhagen. My plan is to be in Sweden by the middle of June, and after visiting that country and Norway, to return by way of Copenhagen. It is not likely that I shall be there before the fifth to the tenth of July, and it may be that I shall like the northern country so well that my visit to Copenhagen will be postponed even a month longer.
We have had a delightful winter. Over a month was spent in Egypt, visiting the old ruins of that country under the most favorable circumstances. Leaving Cairo we visited Suez and passed through the Suez Canal to Port Said. From the latter place we went to Joppa and out to Jerusalem. Since then we visited Smyrna and Ephesus and are now here. The Russians are outside of the city but do not come in. A stranger would not detect from appearances that an enemy was so near. In fact I think the Turks now regard the Russians as about the only people in Europe from whom they can expect anything.
When you write home give my love to Mother, Mary and children, and Jennie.
I will inform you later, when I know definitely, about the time to expect me in Copenhagen.
Very truly yours,
U.S. GRANT.
Rome, Italy,March 29th, '78.
MY DEAR MR. CORBIN:
Mr. Young, of the New YorkHerald, has been with us from the time we went on shipboard until we arrived here. His letters published in the papers are all good, and save me writing descriptive letters. Presuming that you have read them I will say nothing further than that my winter travels, in the Mediterranean, on the Nile, and in the Levant generally have been the pleasantest of my life. I should enjoy doing it over again next winter. We have been in Rome eight days. It is a city of great interest. But one should visit it before making the Nile trip. Here you see modern and comparatively insignificant ruins, not dating back many centuries before the beginning of the Christian era. On the Nile one sees grand ruins, with the inscriptions as plain and distinct as when they were first made, that antedate Moses by many centuries.
It was our plan on leaving Suez to go to Florence, Venice, Vienna, Berlin, Dresden, St. Petersburgh, through Sweden, Norway, back to Denmark, through Holland to Paris, reaching the latter place about the middle of July, and to spend six or eight weeks there to see the Exposition and the people that will fill the city. I think now I will change my plan and go from Venice, by easy stages, to Paris, reaching there early in May, and make my visit while the weather is pleasant. I will then go north in the summer, taking Holland first, Denmark next, and Sweden and Norway in August. I fear from present indications that Mr. Cramer and Mary will not be there.
It looks to me that unless the North rallies by 1880 the Government will be in the hands of those who tried so hard fourteen—seventeen—years ago to destroy it. B—— is evidently paving a way for re-organizing an army favorable to such a change.
I think now we will not return to the States until about a year from May. I have no idea where we will live on our return, and if we should go back in the fall we would have to determine the question without delay. We can go back in May and occupy our Long Branch house and have all summer to prepare for the winter.
I was getting some little mosaics—specialties of Rome—to-day and I bought, among other things, what I think a very pretty pin and earrings for Jennie. I have also got bracelets for Clara Cramer and Jennie Grant. If I see an opportunity of sending them home before going myself I will send them. I have written to Buck to come over and spend his vacation with us. I can send them with him.
Give our love to Mother, Jennie, Mary and the children.
Yours very truly,
U.S. GRANT.
P.S. It is very kind in Mr. Clark, and the gentlemen associated with him, to send the message you convey from them; but they must recollect that I had the harness on for sixteen years and feel no inclination to wear it again. I sincerely hope that the North will so thoroughly rally by next election as to bury the last remnant of secession proclivities, and put in the Executive chair a firm and steady hand, free from Utopian ideas purifying the party electing him out of existence.
Hotel Liverpool, Paris,May 25th, '78.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
I am now for the first time able to fix approximately the time of my visit to Copenhagen. We shall leave here on Saturday, three weeks from to-day, or on the following Tuesday. We shall stop at The Hague three or four days. Jesse leaves for home so as to take the steamer of the fourth of June from Liverpool. Our party therefore will consist only of Mrs. Grant with her maid and myself. If your arrangements are made to be away from Copenhagen at the time mentioned above, I beg that you will not change your plans. Should you be there, we shall probably remain over about one week. Should you be away, we shall stop only a couple of days.
I have not heard directly from Elizabeth for some time; it is probably my own fault, for Mr. Corbin is very prompt in answering every letter; but Bucky writes regularly every week from New York, so I hear indirectly. When you write home give my love to all of them at Elizabeth.
Very truly yours,
U.S. GRANT.
P.S. I go from Copenhagen directly to Stockholm. I am not personally acquainted with our present Minister there, though I once appointed him to a South American Mission.
U.S.G.
Paris, France,June 3d, '78.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
Your letter of the 31st of May is just received. I should have written to you within a day or two to inform you of a slight change of plan, which will bring me into Copenhagen from ten days to two weeks later than I wrote you I should be there, even if I had not received your letter. To save retracing my steps, as I should be obliged to do by the routes laid out in my last letter, I now intend to go from The Hague to Berlin and visit a few of the German cities before going to Denmark. From Copenhagen I shall go by water to Norway, thence to Sweden, St. Petersburg, Moscow, and to Vienna.
I shall be very glad indeed to see Mary and the children and hope they may be back by the time I reach Copenhagen, about from the fifth to the tenth of July.
Jesse sails from Liverpool to-morrow for home. He has been very homesick for some time.
With best regards of Mrs. Grant and myself, I am,
Very truly,
U.S. GRANT.
Hanover, Germany,June 25th, '78.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
Mrs. Grant and I are now here on our way to the German capital. We shall probably remain in Berlin until Monday, the first of July. We shall stop over by the way from Berlin to Copenhagen, particularly at Hamburg, so as to reach Copenhagen about the fifth of July. If you will drop me a line to the Kissenhof Hotel, Berlin, to let me know if Mary will be home at the time designated I shall be obliged. If she is not to be at home I may change my plan and go direct to Sweden, thence to Norway, and return thence by Denmark.
Mrs. Grant and I are both well and send much love to Mary and the children.
Very truly yours,
U.S. GRANT.
Paris, France.Dec. 10th, '78.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
Since leaving Copenhagen Mrs. Grant and I have visited every capital in Europe not previously visited by us.
I can say with great earnestness that no part of our journeyings gave us more pleasure than that through the Scandinavian countries, and no public have impressed me more favorably. If I were going to remain over another year I should go back to Norway at least and far enough north to see the midnight sun. But we expect to leave Paris about the middle of January, to return to the States by the way of India, China, and Japan. The Secretary of the Navy has been kind enough to invite us to go on a man-of-war which leaves the United States to-day for the Chinese squadron, via the Mediterranean and Suez. I first declined but since cabled my acceptance. This will probably bring us around home about next October or November.
I am sorry to say that I do not get favorable news from Orvil. He does not seem to improve.
Julia joins me in love to Mary and the children and in kindest regards to yourself.
I hope you did not forward the stones presented by the Consul.—Julia says to tell Mary that she got a very rich fur cloak in Paris and hopes she got one also. Is there anything we can do for you in Paris?
Very truly yours,
U.S. GRANT.
Rangoon, Burma,March 20th, '79.
MY DEAR MR. CRAMER:
We have now been very well through India and are this far on our way to the farther East. The weather has been pleasant until within the last few days. But now it is becoming very warm, and as we have yet to go through the Straits of Malacca near the equator before turning north, we must expect some discomfort. I have been very much pleased with English rule and English hospitality in India. With that rule two hundred and fifty millions of uncivilized people are living at peace with each other, and are not only drawing their subsistence from the soil but are exporting a large excess over imports from it. It would be a sad day for the people of India and for the commerce of the world if the English should withdraw. We hope to be in Hong Kong by the middle of April, and farther north in China as soon thereafter as possible. When a good climate is reached we shall regulate our further movements by the reports of weather on seas to be traversed, and climate of places to be visited. At present, however, we expect to reach San Francisco about the first half of July. Although homesick to be settled down I dread getting back. The clamor of the partisan and so-called independent press win be such as to make life there unpleasant for a time.
Mrs. Grant joins me in love to you, Mary, and the children.
I have to-day written a letter to Mr. Corbin.
Very truly yours,
U.S. GRANT.
P.S. Julia asks me to add, to tell Mary that the English speak in the highest terms of the work being done all through this country by the missionaries, especially in an educational way. They say they are doing much good.
[To his niece, Clara Cramer.]
[To his niece, Clara Cramer.]
New York City,Sept. 27th, 1883.
MY DEAR CLARA:
On my return from the trip over the North Pacific Railroad to the Pacific Coast last Friday, I found your excellent and welcome letter, with enclosures. Your aunt was very much pleased with your letter and poetry as well as with your essay. They all do you great credit, and I think you can well sustain yourself as a writer with any young lady of your age in this or any other land.
My trip over the northern route to the Pacific about completes my personal observation of every part of our country. I was not prepared to see so rich a country or one so rapidly developing. Across the continent where but a few years ago the Indian held undisputed sway, there is now a continuous settlement, and every ten or fifteen miles a town or city, each with spires of the school house and the church. The soil for almost the entire distance is as fertile as that of Illinois. I saw your Aunt Jennie yesterday. She is quite well. All my family are well and join in love to you. I think neither your Aunt nor I will ever visit Europe again. We may, however, change our minds. But we are getting a little too old to enjoy travelling, and then we have such pleasant homes for both summer and winter.
Love to your father and mother.
Yours truly,
U.S. GRANT.
3 East 66th Street,June 10th, '84.
DEAR CLARA:
Your letter, with one from your Aunt Jennie, reached me a few days since. I regret that I have not more cheerful news to write you than I have. Financially the Grant family is ruined for the present, and by the most stupendous frauds ever perpetrated. But your Aunt Jennie must not fret over it. I still have a home and as long as I live she shall enjoy it as a matter of right; at least until she recovers what she has lost. Fred is young, active, honest, and intelligent, and will work with a vim to recuperate his losses. Of course his first effort will be to repay his aunts.—We go to Long Branch this week. We expected to live with Fred this summer in Morristown, N.J. But failing to rent our cottage we will occupy it and Fred will live with us and rent his if he can.
All send love to you, your father and mother and Aunt Jennie.
Yours affectionately,
U.S. GRANT.
[To Mrs. Cramer. General Grant was then writing hisMemoirs. Dr. Cramer was United States Minister to Switzerland from 1881 to 1885. Simpson is U.S. Grant, son of Orvil Grant. Reference is made to the customary resignation of diplomatic officials of the party opposed to the incoming political party. Cleveland became President in 1885.]
[To Mrs. Cramer. General Grant was then writing hisMemoirs. Dr. Cramer was United States Minister to Switzerland from 1881 to 1885. Simpson is U.S. Grant, son of Orvil Grant. Reference is made to the customary resignation of diplomatic officials of the party opposed to the incoming political party. Cleveland became President in 1885.]
New York City,Jan'y 13th, 1885.
DEAR SISTER:
I am just in receipt of Jennie's letter of the 2nd of January. I am busy on my book which Fred is copying for the press. I hope to have it ready for the press by May next. But I may fail in this on account of weakness. My mouth has been very sore, but not so bad I think as the papers have made out. But it has been bad enough. The rest of the family are all well.
My advice is that Mr. Cramer does not resign until he is asked to. Simpson I do not suppose will be disturbed in his position. He is very competent, and the soul of honor, both qualities wanted in the Sub-treasury.
All send love.
Yours affectionately,
U.S. GRANT.
PROCLAMATION TO THE CITIZENS OF PADUCAH!
I have come among you, not as an enemy, but as your friend and fellow-citizen, not to injure or annoy you, but to respect the rights, and to defend and enforce the rights of all loyal citizens. An enemy, in rebellion against our common Government, has taken possession of, and planted its guns upon the soil of Kentucky and fired upon our flag. Hickman and Columbus are in his hands. He is moving upon your city. I am here to defend you against this enemy and to assert and maintain the authority and sovereignty of your Government and mine. I have nothing to do with opinions. I shall deal only with armed rebellion and its aiders and abettors.
You can pursue your usual avocations without fear or hindrance. The strong arm of the Government is here to protect its friends, and to punish only its enemies. Whenever it is manifest that you are able to defend yourselves, to maintain the authority of your Government, and protect the rights of all its loyal citizens, I shall withdraw the forces under my command from your city.
U.S. GRANT,Brig-Gen. U.S.A., Commanding.
PADUCAH, Sept. 6th, 1861.
[The following letter is from the secretary of General Grant's aunt, the Aunt Rachel referred to on page twenty-seven. It is included in this volume as a historical curiosity.]
[The following letter is from the secretary of General Grant's aunt, the Aunt Rachel referred to on page twenty-seven. It is included in this volume as a historical curiosity.]
Chestnut Hill, Va.,June 5th, 1861.
MISS GRANT:
I have not often written to "incog." correspondents, nor should I have the presumption now to address you, unknown to me (unless by reputation), but that peculiar circumstances have so combined as to induce the experiment. Your Aunt, Mrs. Tompkins, has been prostrated by illness for many days, and, for a while, closely confined to her couch; thus rendering it at least inconvenient to respond to your elaborate epistle, and, having permitted me the pleasure (?) of its perusal, she requested me to act as her Amanuensis. In compliance, then, with her desire I shall proceed "ex abrupto" to discuss the various points you have presented; hoping you will pardon whatever of presumption there attaches to me in taking up a gauntlet thrownnot directlyat my own feet.
First, then, you deplore the deep distress that pervades our land, in anticipation of a conflict such as the civilized world never witnessed, and even the annals of barbarous history scarce recd; together with the inevitable consequence, that, our once (thoughmany years ago) happy Union must befor ever dissolved. Viewing it from our standpoint I unite my voice of lamentation with yours; for it seems truly a mournful sight to behold, spread out to the gaze of the world, the history of a nation's folly, written in letters of blood. But I look at the brighter side of this distorted photograph. With the eye offaithat least I can discern the hand ofProvidenceshifting the scenes. This may seem strange, that a partition wall should be erected in the Temple of Liberty, once an asylum for an oppressed world. That the "Stars and Stripes"—the (once) badge of freedom, gracing the bosom of every sea—should be riddled from its staff and another substituted in its stead. Not less strange, however, did thousands of good Englishmen deem it, to behold the proud "British Lion" quail before his foe of "the wilderness," and the "Magna Charta" rent in twain. We must look upon it then as an exercise of God's retributive justice for our Sins as a people, or, that He designs that He shall ultimately be the more glorified by the separation. In the former case of course I take it that theNorthwill receive the awful visitation, for although offences must needs come, yet, woe be unto him through whom they come! In the latter condition the South is destined to become what (& indeed far more than) the whole Americaoncewas to the world. This Government was far too large to prosper well for many years; or at least compdto England (prosper), France and Spain, & Russia itself; but especially should we be divided into 2 great gov's since we havevirtually been so, as to our domestic institutions, and many of our social customs, for many, many years. It is true we did exist many years also in commercial and social prosperity, & might have continued to maintain such a happy condition had not the "green-eyed monster, jealousy, reared his horrid front." Yes, it was in great partjealousy. You yourself have admitted (& rightly) that our great Ancestors were wiser than we. Well when they formed theOriginal Confedythey were the Rep's[3]ofSlave States, withone exception. They did not deem itwrongin itself, or they would have abolished it—at least would not have made the "Fugitive S. Law"for its protection. After a while, however, itdid not payto keep Slavery in Northern climates, & it was abolishedinstanter. Why then was it that it became such a monstrous crime in their eyes? Wherein was the consistency? Partisans became jealous of the wealth & power of Southern planters & Southnpoliticians, elevated to their powerthrough their wealth—a thingunavoidablein a Republican government. Thus, through demagogues at the North an animosity was aroused. It slumbered long in the germ, but being assiduously cherished from year to year it at last budded and bloomed in a clime congenial to its nature, & is now bringing forth its venomous fruit, even to a "hundred fold." It was the consuming of this pernicious fruit that brought death upon our "Body Politic" and produced all our woe. Would to God that woe should fall upon none but those who "planted & watered" it! I am perfectly conscious and cognizant of the manner in which this spirit of enmity has been fostered. I am aNorthernbybirthandeducation, & can testify to that which I know. I have also been in theSouthsufficiently long toknowthe sentiments of the people here, and how they coincide (or rather disagree) with theNorthern conceptionsof them. I have spent almost 8 years here—certainly long enough to learn thecharacterof the "peculiar institution" as well as itspractical workings & effecton society. And as I came with somewhat of prejudice against it, you must be frank enough to acknowledge me a fair judge in the matter. Among the first books put into my youthful library, was a work calledCharles Ball, orThe Trials of a Run-Away Slave. This was a horrid thing, and formed an impression on my young mind that has only with the utmostdifficultybeen eradicated. I am conscious that its contents are false. About the same time, & repeatedly, I was taken to witness a panorama ofUncle Tom's Cabin—another book whose leaves have furnished much fuel to infernal flames. At the same time, & ever since, I have had my ears grated with the harsh jargon of fanatical tirades against the institutions & people of the South. Of course then my mind waspoisoned & prejudiced. And this has not beenmypolitical training alone but that of a majority of your youth at the North—no furtherNorth too thanPenna. How then is it possible that the North can entertain amicable feelings toward the South? Add to this, what you rightly remark, that the popular mind is continually influenced by the issues of thePress—an instrument that has scattered the seeds of discord broadcast over the land. And here you either ignorantly or designedly intimate a slander against the South. You say "all papers have free issue at theNorth & notso at theSouth." Now do you not know enough of Southern affairs to see that the South by theirvery Constitutioncannot admitincendiarydocuments to be cast into their midst—it were suicidal. If the South should publish papers uttering sentiments detrimental to Northern manufactories (in general) & in favor of foreign manufac's, how long would the North permit such papers to pass into their territory? Again, just as you say you "wish that Northn. papers could circulate South," so alsodo I wishthat I need notbar my doors of nights. And both our desires could be accomplished ifall men were honest. But, first, as I can't expect robbers to pass by my unbarred treasury, so I can't expect to receive Northern papers uncrammed withincendiary items. Again, however, the Southnpapers havevirtuallyno circulation at the North. I have heard men, reputable for their knowledge & conservatism even, denounce such Publins.[4]as "unworthy to be touched." In the Reading Room of Princeton Theo. Seminary there were taken, last winter, 12 weekly papers, and about 8 periodicals from the South & scarcely 3 of these were touched byany but Southern Studentsduring the Session, unless some exciting discussion were going on in their columns. Thus much as to newspapers. I confess they have been the cause of many erroneous impressions on both sides, but the North is no purer from crimination on this score than the South;—one stubborn evidence of this is the numerical dif. in popln.[5]
You next remark that Abolitionism does not predominate at the North. I admit that for many years itdid not, but lately it has acquired an ascendency & is now wielding its baneful influence on the minds of the masses. It is true there are many good people there whose minds are too pure to be tainted by such an almost infidel spirit as pervades the breasts of Abolitionists; yet the party in power has been elevated by such vast majorities of the people,in that section, that, to one investigating the matter, it seems the public sentiment at the North has greatly changed in the last few years. In such a country as ours—a democratic one—the masses are governed by a few great leaders; these leaders, whether in power or not, are still the almost despots who rule us. Their actions give fruit and coloring to the character of the sections over which they sway their autocratic sceptres. Who then can doubt the Abolinpropensities of the N. when such men asBeecher, Greeley, Webb, Phillips, Sumner, & a host of kindred spirits, are the giant levers in the machinery of their society? It will not do to say that these are disregarded by sensible people there, for I know too well their power for evil. I know thatDr. Hodge—a man whom I love next to my Father—stated, in his article on "the state of the Country," that he did not know of 12 abolitionists "within the circle of his acquaintance." But the Dr. was either woefully mistaken or he didn't consider hispupils as belonging to that circle; for to my certain knowledge there were twice that number within the walls of "Princeton" at the time he made the assertion, and many of these avowedly such—men who, I was astonished to see, withheld their names when the same Dr. H. came round with a petition to Congress for "the restoration of the Mis. Comp." & the repeal of the "Personal Liberty Bills." These young men were embryo Ministers—men whose moral influencemustbepowerfulforgoodor forevil. How is it then you can assert that the North don't want the extinction of slavery when such men as I have mentioned exert every effort to prevent its extension & not that only, but theoperationof thefugitive S. law?I am aware that you stated thecontraryin your letter—that the North are ever "rigorous" in its execution; nor am I so ungallant as to doubt your veracity; but I think you have not fully informed yourself on this point, else you would have learned that in scarcely an isolated case has the Master ever recovered his property without being put to more expense & trouble than the negro was worth; although I am free to admit, that at the same time it cost the U.S. gov. an equal if not greater Amount. Of course I refer to those negroes who havenot merelycrossed thelimitsof a Slave State, & thus been caught, but gone some distance North. Now the obligation to restore a fugitive Slave is aconstitul& moral obligation;and those laws designed to prevent such restoration are unconstl& criminal—and worthy of all condemn—and unbecoming the dignity of any SovnState. If people of any State can't conscientiously submit to the Constitution there are only 2 courses: they should endeavor to have it peaceably altered, or shouldmove out of the Country. This is the opinion of the most learned and liberal men.They have no rightto live under the protecnof a Constn& yetrefuseto submit to itsstipulations. True enough, as you say, the North wishnotto have the Negroes set freein their midst, to overrun and disturb them—this they declare by their actions, for they take no care for or interest in the poor free (almost) brutes in their midst;—yet how soon will they be ready toresistyou most violently should you attempt to take even one of them back, from his then wretched abode, to his former happier place in the service of a kind Master? "Oh! consistency, thou art a jewel!" This then has beenoneof thetwo great causesof the present troubles. The other—the denial of equal rights in the Territories—is still agreater, because it involves a principle; the former was more a matter of personal interest. The territories being purchased in common, were the com. pos. of North and South. Each had a Constlright to emigrate thitherwith their property& demand for it the protectionafforded bythe Constn. It became, in course of time, a matter of dispute whether the South could take their slaves there asproperty. (As a matter of course this arose fromjealousy—the N. having no such prop, to take.) This great quest. was decided, however, by theChief Justicein the highest Tribunal in the world, in favor of the South; viz. thatslaves were property. I refer to the "Dred Scott" Case. This should have been sufficient, as it came from the highest authority in the Govt. But some parties and people arenever satisfied. Full in the face of this high official the RepubnParty declare by theirPlatform orators, & Press, that slavery shall never enter another foot of territory. Now if the South admit this principle they acknowledge their inferiority to the North—an act that, even in the eyes of the North, would not comport with their dignity & honor as an independent & free people. The South being thusoppressedthen I assert they have a right (not to secede, for no such right exists in my conception, as it would be an elementsubversiveof any, & especially of a Republngov.,)to revolt—a right inherent in & beyond the control of all earthly governts. Yes I coincide with the great Lord Chatham when he says that "RebellionagainstoppressionisobediencetoGod." Our Ancestors rebelled against the tyranny of British usurpation, & the Texans revolted against a like despotism exercised by a Mexican Autocrat. Why then are theSovereignStates ofAmericanot justifiable in throwing off the yoke or rather resistingto have put upon them, the yoke, of Northern Tyranny? To make the argument still clearer, however, as to the Territories, let us illustrate it: Suppose a Repubn. Congress decides that slavery shan't beprotectedin theTer.asprop. I take my slave thither. An indictment is brought against me. I am tried and condemned by the territorial court. I appeal from its decision to the Sup. Court of the U.S. What then? FromanalogyI conclude that I shall be acquitted, i.e., recover my property. For one Chief Justice has already decided thus; and is not his decision final? Here then is an end of the matter; since the Sup. Court is the Sole Arbiter in determining theConstitutionalityof any of Congress' acts.
As to the North not making use ofslanderous epithetsagainst the South, I know nothing aboutyour particular sectionof the North, but I do know that when I have been in Penna. & N.J., I have heard all classes utter the vilest insinuations against the people of the Southindiscriminately. Yes, it often seemed as if they could find no language too harsh, no comparison too base, no denunciation too bitter to apply to those whom in their ignorance they deemed their inferiors in wisdom and sense. Such have I heard from the lips of distinguished citizens in all departments & professions of life. Even hoary-headed ministers have entered the sacred desk with their MSS. reeking with filth from the cesspool of political slander. Dr. Brown, with whom you are doubtless acqutd, is now in Philadat the Gen. Assem. of the Pres. Ch. He wrote home lately that he never saw a mob that made use of viler language than did the best of citizens there in their denouncings of the South. I confess, however, that this is not aone-sidedaffair; for I have heard equally abusive language applied to the North by the people South. As before, then, let us "strike hands" on this point also, for both sections are equally culpable. As to thestrengthofindividualsin the two sections, it must be tested on the battle-field, and there alone. Our war of words can never decide anything on this point. I should be sorry to admit the men in the North could not fight, had they a real enemy to contend against—a war of "justice, reason, orhumanity" to wage. But to arm themselves against their brethren, and in such an unholy cause as that in which they are engaged now, I must confess that their true metal can never be exhibited.Oneman whose heart is in the war can always conquertwowho are fighting from someimpure motive. And now let me candidly ask you to as candidly tell me whether or not youthinkafterseeingthe thing progress thus far, and having, as you say, been, & still continue to be, well-informed as to appernsonboth sides, the North are engaged in the cause of "Justice." Admitting that some of them are actuated by pure and lofty motives, do you not acknowledge that thevast majorityareblindedbyprejudice, led onby a desire formilitary fame, prompted by theprospectofplunder, or actuated by the still more ——? but I refrain—my very pen shudders at the thought of expressing myself further. Yes, I think you must confess that is the case. I refer, of course, to the Armies of Lincolnthus farmade up. Are they not composed of aMercenary horde, made up generally of the lowest rabble of the Country, & thousands of those thrown out of employment in the manufacturing cities—who have resorted to camp-life for self-sustenance—indeedtheir only resource?Whether you admit this or not, it is emphatically true to a great extent, for the Northern papers themselves have made such statements as would lead me to believe so, & more, I have correspondents in the North, who confirm my suspicions on this score. My own Father who does not justify the attack on Sumter, yet denounces Lin's army as a set ofMurderers!He lives in Penna. & this is the opinion of many good citizens there. And now can such men be justified in their present purposes and activities? If so, upon what principles? We have shnthat it is not in accordance with sound reason & the "inexorable logic" of the Constitution, since that noble edifice was attacked in two points simultaneously by the Repubcnparty: 1°. by abrogating the Fugitive Slave Law; 2°. by depriving the South of eqlrights in the Territories. These are 2 points in which the North has transgressed the limits of immutable Justice, and nothing which is unjust can bereasonable, for, they (Just. & Reas.) are twin sisters. Moreover, the Bible justifies no war but that of self-defence. Then are the North invaded? No, nor never will be, by the South, for all they ask is peace within their borders. While they hold in one hand the sword of self-defence, they present the "Olive Branch" with the other; and so God grant itmay be ever.
You lament the inconceivable disasters "inaugurated by the attack on Sumter." True enough they may have beeninauguratedby thatact, but their unconcealed cause liesfarback of that, as we have shown. That was only a raising of the curtain, or rather a forcing of it to be raised by the Abolitionists—a beginning of the bloody drama. Who caused the attack? What meant thosehuman cargoesthat approached so close to its walls the day before the battle? Why did the worthy (?) Lincoln so long deceive the SouthrnCommissioners by promise after promise not to make war, but toevacuatethe fort, & meet them, as a sensible Pres. would have done, in friendly negotiation for peace? S.C. was right, and acted nobly in the affair, and was as justifiable therein, as wasAndersonin occupying the Fortbeforehe had a reason for doing so, declaring by his overt act that the U.S. forces under him were atenmitywith S.C. But then you say S.C. should havefirst triedLincoln before determining to secede. I think she saw with prophetic vision the end from the beginning. She took Lincoln at his word—that itself was oppression & tyranny sufficient to burst asunder the closest ties of Union that could exist in any Country. You say we shdgive everything a fair trial. I disagree. If I saw aserpentin my path & it shdattempt to make battle, or declare its hostility by displaying its horrid fangs, do you think I would coolly stand by & give it a fair trial, & test its friendship? I would be impelled, even had I never seen or heard of such a creature before, to crush it immediately, & so S.C. has sensibly said to the Administration "Serpent, bite a file!" As to your Eulogium on Lincoln I have not much to say. If he pleases you, well enough, you're easily satisfied.Itake it that he is a disgrace to the Chair he occupies; and to judge from his conversations, he is devoid of all sense of refinement & etiquette; to look at his executive powers as displayed thus far, he had better bea Beythan helmsman of the "Old Ship"; and what of hiseffortsat speeches? In the language of Logan, "I appeal to any white man" to say if they would not be a disgrace to many a "Country 'Squire"! And yet such a man elevated to the highest position in the gift of the American people! There was a time when the soundest and most learned men of the land were made Presidents, now a man's capacity for the office seems to depend on the meanness of his intellect & thenumber of rails he can split in a day. And so great were his "maul & wedge" propensities that he withheld not his hand from splitting the Tree of Liberty. But let us inquire upon which side "humanity" stands in this contest. You complain much of several (local) depredations comtdby South on privateboats&c. I ask, in candor, if it was not in retaliation for like outrages comtdby the North. I am certain as to its being so in several cases. The very 1st boat thus ill-treated was one belonging to the South on its way down the Miss. & attacked at Cairo. To retaliate they determined to attackNorthenboats coming up the river. And what have your nobleOhioansdone lately & repeatedly with ourKa.boats atGallipolis? Thrice have they overhauled the same boat and twice kept every pound of freight on her timbers. But this is not all; yourhumane Lincolnhas closed the Southern ports, & is dailyrobbing vesselson their way in & out of the same. During the last week he stole $150,000 worth of Southern Tobacco, & thus the programme continues.Very humane indeed!Again, he isno invader!No indeed! by no means! yet hundreds of Citizens are now fleeing from Wheeling, & other towns invaded, for personal safety. Scarce a day passes but some one stops here who has thus escaped. If they remain on their own soil and round their proper hearthstone the (very) humane doom of a murderer awaits them! The North don't intend to make invasion at all, yet4000 Fltroops are now inParkersburg, breaking up printing presses, putting innocent people in jail, and doing otherhumaneacts, "too numerous to mention." According to my letter from Father I understand they don't have the first principles ofCivilized warfare—they intend tohangall their prisoners. Oh!humanity!HUMANITY!
And now that we have seen that neither Reason, Justice, nor Humanity is on the side of the North, let us look at the subject in the light ofExpediency, admitting, for the sake of argument the while, that itwereright or just to wage the war. And viewing it from this standpoint, we ask, what does the North expect togainby it? Does there live a man so lost to reason & common sense as to imagine that the Union of the seceded States with the N.S. can ever be effected again?And if it could be done by force, how long could a RepubnGov. exist as a military despotism? And who would not preferbanishmentordeathtosuchalife?What Satisfacncould the North themselves have in such an event? They would live a life of misery; provoke the sneers of the civilized world; and draw down upon their heads the terrible wrath of an offended God.
But this war willnotbe permittedthus to terminate, the South cannever be conquered. You yourself know their "spirit" too well to believe otherwise. Rather than besubjugatedthey willdieatriple death. Like their mightyHenrythey cry, "Give us liberty or give usdeath!" And still moreIdon't think they can beexterminated. 8,000,000of people, armed in the holy cause of self-defence; struggling for theirliberties, honor, interests, & lives, with a laudable ambition, & anunyielding perseverance, areinvincibleby any force the North can raise to send against them. Besides (to continue the sentiments of Henry), the battle is not to thestrongalone, it is to thevigilant, the active, thebrave. Especially so when, as I said before, the forces of Lincoln are not composed generally of men of the first rank of Society (except a few Officers desirous of Fame), but the "offscouring" & rabble of the land—men who have nothing at stake, not even their own lives we might say, since they care so little for anything. So that notwithstanding the immense number (and here let me remind you of thedisparityofforces, of which you said so much, atSumter)—"stubborn facts"—of which you speak, the South has nothing to fear. And, moreover, as certainly as I believe there exists a God of Justice & Mercy, so certainly & conscientiously do I believe He will defend the South from the Vandals of the North. Yes, dark as they seem, the clouds of gloom do not shut out the star of hope, and they are beginning to be spanned by a radiant bow of promise; the fall ofEllsworth& the shattered walls of theonce presumed impregbleSumter, abundantly testify thatGodis on their side, and "if the Lord beforthem,who can be againstthem?" So I heartily say "God speed" them—they shall have my prayers.—But let us take one more glance at theexpediencyof this matter. Are not the North fighting for a Patroclus' grave in this struggle? What matters anabstract banner?especially to the"matter of fact" Yankee?And then behold the inconsistency of the North in another point; they have through their Representatives, for many years, cried "no more slaveterritory"; and indeed many of them, such as Seward &c., have declared that slaverymust be abolished, as both can't exist under thesame gov.;yet,nowthey arefighting to the deathtokeeporget back slave territory!!!"Oh! consistency!" And,finally, at this point, will it not costmyriadsoflives & millionsofmoneyto accomplish their infernal designs, evencouldthey do it? And can the North afford this? Even now it is costingLincoln's Anarchy(for I can't call itgov.)$1,000,000per day—amatterofrecord!Suppose then the war shdlast a year, what then? Union or dis-union? Alas,farther separation. Continue it then two years more. What then?Ditto & dittoit willbeshould it last as long as the "War of the Roses," for we have no houses of York & Lancaster tounite, sign and settle the dispute by marriage—oneorbothannihilated!—And now I ask how, in the name of Reason, Justice, or Humanity, can you lift up your voice in defence of the North when they are the cause of all this accumulating misery?—when they have deprived the South of her Constitnrights, driven her to the necessity of a separation, and now raise their arm against her as an enemy, declaring either to subjugate her, to overrun her with their vandal hordes, or exterminate from her soil every living creature?—& when, "Oh bloodiest picture in the book of time!" they are ready to repeat with a triple vengeance the untold horrors of the Spanish Inquisition? They are madly, blindly rushing, they know not where. The blame of dissolution rests upon her. And the still more awful responsibility of a civil war will hang as an everlasting incubus upon her shoulders. Then let her beware ere she "cross the Rubicon"—let her "pause long upon its brink." And shall we all perish by her fratricidal hand? Shall the blood, shed by brother in deadly war with brother, flow ignominiously through our rivers to the ocean & be carried by its waves to stain the shores of Nations that for long years have been centring their fond hopes on America as thegrand idealof the gov. they too would some day enjoy? Shall such hopes be blasted as soon as fondly cherished? and now that Italy has trampled upon the tyrannical "Mitre"—torn from her long subdued neck the yoke of Papal bondage—passed from the darkness of superstitious bondage into the light of religious freedom, shall we sink back to what she was, by casting ourselves into the whirlpool of civil war? Shall we not only put out, but shatter, the lamp of liberty, a lamp whose effulgence was beginning to scatter the shades of despotism from off the earth? Shall we extinguish the brightest star in the constellation of human freedom? The united voices of Humanity, Justice, & Reason answer,No!The cries of myriad free men living, & of millions yet unborn, rend the air with a universal negative! and from the vaulted canopy of heaven there swells back the solemn echo, "God forbid!" As if augmented by the mournful strain of 10,000 angels hovering in amazement over the conflicting scene!Oh! then let the North beware!
Mrs. Tompkins says that ifyoucan justify your Bro. Ulysses in drawing his sword against those connected by the ties of blood, and even boast of it, you are at liberty to do so,but she can not. And should one of those kindred be stricken down by his sword the awful judgment of God will be meted out to him, &, if not repented of, the hot thunderbolts of His wrath will blaze round his soul through eternity. On the contrary, if thevice versashould occur, she thinks "those kin" would be justified, because inself-defence. As to Mr.John Marshall'sbeingpromotedin the army of Lincoln, she thinksthat fact explains itself:he spent much of his timepreviouslyseeking, or at leastexpecting, promotion, & failing in alaudable way,—in defence of his own kindred & the home of his bosom companion!—he resorted toYankeedom, and sold as it were his birthright for a mess of Abolition pottage. This helps confirm my view, that many take positions in Lincoln's Army with the expectation of military promotion, & the hope of an easy conquest of the South. Oh, how deluded! But as for many of them, "God forgive them, for theyknow not what they do."
But I must bring these desultory remarks to a break-off. So, begging pardon once more for transgressing the limits of formality, and hoping you may live to see the verification of many of my remarks, I have the pleasure of signing myself
THE SECRETARY OF YOUR AUNT RACHEL
P.S. If you shdwrite again, please use white paper; it almost gives me the "blues" to read your letter.
Footnotes:
[1]Grant's conviction that the essential purpose of the war was not the abolition of slavery as an end in itself, but the preservation of the Union at all costs was identical with that of Lincoln. This letter can properly be compared with the well-known letter written by Lincoln to Greeley on the third of August, 1862, in which Lincoln says: "My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and it is not either to save or to destroy slavery." Lincoln understood that the task accepted by him as President as the leader in the contest for national existence made the maintenance of the Union his chief, if not for the time being his only responsibility. He had, however, placed himself on record in many utterances to the effect that if the republic were to be preserved, slavery must be, in the first place, restricted, and finally destroyed. It is probable that in this matter Grant did not go so far as Lincoln. In any case, in common with the President, he devoted himself simply to the duty immediately before him.
[2]Slaves.
[3]Representatives.
[4]Publications.
[5]Population.