The presidency of the College has always been, and still is, a problem. The president should not be an autocrat, beyond control and irresponsible, and he should be absolutely fitted for his high post. On account of the uncertain status of the institution, it is possible for its president to do what he pleases without check or hindrance. When it suits his own convenience, he takes refuge behind the fact that it is a chartered institution, responsible to a foreign board of managers to whom alone he owes allegiance; he may thus refuse to recognize the Superintendent of Public Instruction and to conduct the financial affairs of the Institution as if he were without responsibility to the government from which, however, the school receives financial aid. Again, this high position hasseemed, sometimes in the past, to be merely a political football. When a man has served a term of office, when he has been defeated in an election, when for a moment he is without a job, he may become the president of Liberia College. This is all wrong. That presidency should be a position demanding a man’s full time, and filling his whole horizon; it should be a position to which he willingly devotes a lifetime, and through which he may justly hope to gain a lasting reputation. It is true that great names in Liberia’s history have been associated with it; Roberts, Gibson, Blyden, Barclay, Dossen, and others have occupied it with credit to themselves, and no doubt with advantage to the school; but the position should be a position for men withoutotherambitions, men not in politics. Perhaps it is necessary at this stage to import a head for the institution? If so, it is not for lack of competent Liberians already in the Republic—but because there is no competent man there but what has other ambitions.
Here we believe is an actual opportunity for wise American philanthropy to exercise itself. Vast gifts of money could be properly employed in these two institutions of higher learning—the Higher Agricultural School and Liberia College. The one will have to be founded and developed from foundation up; the other needs development, re-organization, and continuous and wisely exercised interest and sympathy. Suitable but flexible restrictions should justly be imposed in connection with any gift, but the future ought not to be bound too tightly. The absolutely different character of the two institutions should be recognized and emphasized. If both were energized with gifts from our country, it would be just that both should be headed by American presidents. If so, Tuskegee might supply the president for the Higher Agricultural School, Atlanta that for Liberia College. In any event, only the best men that the institutions could furnish should be sent; they should be men of ideals, ideas, and devotion; they should beteachable men, who would recognize that much of good already exists in the Republic, and who would aim to utilize everything helpful and hopeful which is already there; they should be men who will co-operate, rather than men who will eradicate; they must be wise men; theirs will be no easy task; and they should realize that it is frequently best to “make haste slowly”—if only progress is made surely.
“I am an African, and in this country, however unexceptional my conduct, and respectable my character, I can not receive the credit due to either. I wish to go to a country where I should be estimated by my merit, not by my complexion, and I feel bound to labor for my suffering race.”—Lott Carey.“There never has been an hour or a minute; no, not even when the balls were flying around my head at Crown Hill, when I could wish myself in America.”—Lott Carey.
“I am an African, and in this country, however unexceptional my conduct, and respectable my character, I can not receive the credit due to either. I wish to go to a country where I should be estimated by my merit, not by my complexion, and I feel bound to labor for my suffering race.”—Lott Carey.
“There never has been an hour or a minute; no, not even when the balls were flying around my head at Crown Hill, when I could wish myself in America.”—Lott Carey.
The original settlers in Liberia were for the most part aided in their immigration by the American Colonization Society. The whole business of shipment, transportation, and reception soon became quite thoroughly systematized. Those who had funds of their own made use of these in getting to the “Land of Promise” and settling; but many were quite without resources. Such were sent out passage free by the Society; on arriving at Liberia, they were transferred to “receptacles”—houses especially constructed for the purpose,—where, for six months, they were provided with board and medical attendance. During these six months the immigrants usually passed through the acclimating fever, and were sufficiently restored to begin the serious task of establishing themselves in their new homes. To each adult person a piece of land was given, either in the town or country; the Society had already supplied an outfit for farming and housekeeping purposes. With land assigned and outfit ready, the newcomer proceeded to adjust himself as well as possible to his new surroundings. In the very nature of things, many of the early settlers were undesirables; it is true that much was made of the care with which they were selected before they were shipped to Africa; such claims, however, deserve little more belief thanmight have been expected under the circumstances. It was not strange that many weak, undesirable, even vicious, individuals were sent; the remarkable fact is that the mass was as good as it actually was. While much allowance must be made for partisanship, and the desire to make a good showing, there is remarkable uniformity in the reports concerning the decency, neatness, and progressive character of the settlers. Among the newcomers there were indeed a number of exceptional men, men who, in any time or place, would be recognized as superior; they were men of ability who, in the old home, had felt themselves subject to the most unjust discrimination; they had chafed under the disadvantages and inequality of their situations; they felt that in Liberia there was indeed a chance for black men. Such were Lott Carey, Elijah Johnson, Hilary Teague, Amos Herring, and others. The new colony owed much to the presence of a few such men. It has always been so, it will always be so; there isnocommunity where the number of leaders is large; there isnocommunity where the rank and file are honest, respectable, ambitious, and progressive. It is unreasonable to expect in Liberia what we could not find in any civilized land of white men. An interesting fact regarding Liberia is that the supply of leaders has never failed. The “fathers” died; the sons have followed; the first settlers have gone to their reward; new settlers with the qualifications of leadership have always come. When the colony gave place to the Republic, it had leaders like Roberts, Hilary Johnson, and Stephen A. Benson. To-day there are, all things considered, a remarkable number of men of ability; the little land with Arthur Barclay, Daniel E. Howard, J. J. Dossen, F. E. R. Johnson, T. McCants Stewart, Bishop Ferguson,—and plenty more—is not badly equipped for grappling with national problems.
In the early days every one had to suffer the acclimating fever; many died. Such, however, hasbeen the experience in the settlement of all new countries, even outside the tropics. Our own pilgrim fathers lost severely in taking possession of New England; mastery of the Mississippi Valley was achieved only at a frightful loss in life; to the outsider, who only reads the death list, Liberian settlement seems horrible; but, to the one who knows the price eternally paid for colonization, it appears less bad. After passing through the fever, and settling down to work, the question of success was one for each man to settle for himself. The two opportunities were trade and agriculture. We have seen repeatedly that, on the whole, trade had the greater attractiveness. Still, numbers went to farming and the development of plantations. Opportunity was really large and success was not infrequent. The number of early settlers who promptly secured comfort, and even modest wealth, was great.
If there is to be immigration on any considerable scale, there must be easy communication between the United States and Liberia. The original settlers were sent when opportunity offered; sometimes in private sailing vessels, sometimes in government ships. There has been very little direct sailing between the two countries since our Civil War. For a long time it was necessary for passengers who desired to go from the United States to Liberia, to go first to Liverpool, Hamburg, Rotterdam, or Antwerp, and from there to take a steamer for the West Coast; such an arrangement of course involved considerable expense and much loss of time. There have been efforts at various times to establish direct lines of communication. Thus, in 1838, Judge Wilkinson submitted a project. He recommended that a vessel should be purchased and sold to such free persons of color as would agree to man her with colored seamen, and navigate her as a regular packet between Liberia and the United States. Regular passenger rates would be paid to the conductors of this enterprise for the conveyance of emigrants sent out by the Society. Theplan was approved and the money promptly raised; $3000 was subscribed by the New York Colonization Society, $1000 by the New Jersey Colonization Society, and $400 by individuals. Judge Wilkinson, at once, on his own responsibility, purchased the Saluda for $6000; she was a vessel of 384 tons; a fast sailer; in good order; she had passenger accommodations for 150 persons.
A few years later, in 1846, a joint-stock trading company was established by the Maryland Colonization Society under the name of the Chesapeake and Liberian Trading Co. It was to maintain a line of packets for taking out emigrants and bringing in produce; it was expected that the colonists would invest in the shares; $20,000 was considered necessary for the enterprise, and there was considerable difficulty in raising it, only $16,000 having been subscribed when the first vessel was completed and ready for sailing. The first voyage took place in the month of December. TheLiberian Packet, as it was called, made many voyages. It was found necessary to increase the size of the vessel employed, but the whole enterprise received a severe check with the wreck of theRalph Cross. It was in several respects a real success, but there was considerable disappointment felt because of the little interest taken in this line by the colonists themselves; it was hoped that the bulk of the stock would be taken by them—as a matter of fact, only about one-eighth was so purchased. Commodore Foote, in his interesting book, Africa and the American Flag, emphasizes the fact that the one great advantage resulting from this line was the ease with which Liberian settlers revisited the United States for short periods, thus forming and keeping up connections with their mother country.
When Thomas was along the West Coast in 1857, direct communication appears to have ceased. He says: “The day is not distant when steam communication will be established between the United States and Liberia, and her exhaustless fields be broughtwithin fourteen days of our shores. Already the interests of American commerce demand the establishment of such a line, and the general government should extend its aid in such an enterprise, before England and France take the field from us. Already the steam-liners between England and Fernando Po touch at Monrovia, and it is said that arrangements are being made with the company to have them stop at Cape Palmas also. Of the 125,000 gallons of palm oil annually exported from this place, American producers get 50,000. The other exports are pepper and camwood. The revenue of Maryland, the year previous to its annexation to Liberia, was about $2000, derived from a light duty on certain classes of imports.” In 1850 an effort was made in the American Congress to establish and develop a trading line between the two countries. Since that time there have been occasional suggestions looking in this direction; thus, in 1904 a company was established under the name of theNew York and Liberian Steamship Co.with a capital stock of $50,000; at about the same time, there was organized theAmerican and West African Steamship Co.with head-quarters at New York, a capital of $600,000, and the apparent endorsement of many of the most prominent colored men of the United States. Many such schemes have been broached, some with brilliant promise; for one reason or another, however, they have failed. There is no question that such a company under conservative management might make a success; the difficulty so far with most of them has been that they have started with too high hopes of large, immediate returns and with insufficient capital. In the long run, good returns might be expected; but there should be anticipated a considerable period during which there would be little, if any, income. Very recently an experimental arrangement has been made by the two great steamship-lines of West Africa to connect New York with Monrovia. At present a vessel sails once every two months from New York for the west coast ofAfrica. The first stop is at Las Palmas, Canary Islands; the second, Monrovia; the time from New York to Monrovia is nineteen days; the vessel then proceeds south along the western coast of Africa, returning to Monrovia at the end of about nine weeks; on the return the only point of call is St. Vincent in the Cape Verde Islands. The return voyage occupies eighteen or nineteen days. The vessels making these runs are alternately German and English, of the Woermann and the Elder Dempster Lines.
This arrangement is the best that has been offered for many years. It is relatively easy by means of it for Americans to visit Liberia, and for Liberians to see our country. It is to be hoped that the arrangement will be continued—or even improved; if there is anything in this trade at all, it should not be long before sailings will take place monthly instead of one in two months.
Does Liberia wish immigration from America? Liberians say so, but they usually qualify the statement by saying that it should be “of the right kind”. They assert that they will welcome thousands. Presidential messages, congressional action, local resolutions, all express one sentiment; they want Americans, they will welcome them, they will give them every opportunity. This is no doubt true theoretically and in the abstract. As a matter of fact, however, they do not really want American settlers. There are many reasons for this attitude, and all are natural. The new-comer from America is apt to be supercilious and condescending; he is critical and makes odious comparisons; he knows little of the history of the country, has no sympathy with its achievements, sees only its crudities and errors. He is full of grand schemes for his own advancement; he is in Liberia for exploitation; a man of some little prominence in his home community with us, he expects to be a leader in the new surroundings; he wishes to be a new broom, sweeping clean. He would brush away all that already exists, and construct atotally new edifice; but when one brushes away what already exists, the task before him is worse than that of “making bricks without straw”. It is no wonder that the new-comer is promptly looked upon with dislike.
Again, there are not many paying “jobs”; those that exist are already occupied by native sons and old settlers; the coming of a considerable number of new immigrants will not increase the number of these “jobs” in proportion to the influx of population. The new-comers will crowd those who are already located; lack of opportunity, scantness of educational facilities, inability to secure a proper preparation—all things which are in the nature of Liberian conditions and for which the individual can not be held responsible,—give to those already in possession a sense of inferiority and unpreparedness which makes them fear the coming of the outsider who has had a wider training. Whatever they may say to the contrary, however much they may express the desire that highly trained and competent Americans should come to the aid of the Republic, the whole official and governing body will look with natural suspicion and jealousy upon intruders.
It is commonplace to be told by Liberians that there is plenty of work in the Republic for carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, and wheelwrights. This is said so readily that it sounds like a recitation learned for repetition. That there may be room for carpenters and masons is probable; but the need of blacksmiths in a country where there are no real vehicles or horses is less evident; and exactly what a wheelwright would do to fill his time is questionable. There are at present in Liberia almost no manufactories; it will surely be some time before there is need of such. There are in Liberia no opportunities for day labor for American negroes; the “bush nigger” is there and will work for wages which no American colored man could think of receiving if he were able to work at such labor in that country. It has been suggestedto me that thousands of American negroes might be employed in road-building; there is indeed much need for roads; but the work of road-building is likely to continue to fall to the native. Newcomers are almost certain to go into professional life, politics, trade, or agriculture. Professional life and politics are already fairly full—trade and agriculture remain as legitimate opportunities for the newcomer. The American negro who comes to Liberia for trade must have capital, and he must realize that he enters into competition with old established white trading houses as well as with experienced Liberians who know the country and its needs. If the newcomer goes into agriculture, he must expect to make some outlay in securing land, constructing buildings, buying outfits; curiously enough, even in this field, where it might be supposed that he would meet with little, if any, opposition, he is quite sure to encounter hostility from neighbors. Into whatever field of legitimate enterprise the American immigrant may plan to enter, he should not come to Africa unless he is healthy of body, young, of active mind, fairly educated, and with money for tiding over a period of non-productiveness and opposition more or less frank and open.
Yet many succeed. Conspicuous examples are not wanting. Three recent cases may be considered typical. There is J. H. Green, who came to Liberia from Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1902; a lawyer by trade, he had been interested while still in the United States in the promotion of Liberian immigration; he carried with him into the new region his paper,The African League, which is a monthly periodical largely devoted to the encouragement of Liberian immigration. At first in Monrovia, since then at Buchanan, he has continued to print his paper which has the longest continued existence of any genuine newspaper that has been printed in Liberia for many years; he has encountered constant opposition; he is a fighter from way back and has the courage of hisconvictions. He has made good. He practices law, has been a local judge, conducts a successful, influential, and outspoken paper, has his printing-house, and conducts a shop for trade. Judge T. McCants Stewart is justly respected as one of the leading men of the Republic. He first went to Liberia thirty years ago, in connection with Liberia College; he stayed but a short time, returning to the United States; while in this country, he published an interesting and useful little book upon Liberia; later he went to Honolulu, Hawaii; returning to America from our newest territory, he closed out his affairs in this land and went again to Liberia; as a newcomer, he necessarily had prejudice and opposition to encounter; he has rooted there, however, and, respected and influential, is now one of the associate justices of the Supreme Court. One of the most interesting men in Liberia to-day is Jeff Faulkner; he is active, enterprising, pushing, indefatigable; he is the only handy, all-around mechanician in Monrovia; he is absolutely one of the most useful men in the Republic; he is depended upon by the government in many a time of need; when “the Lark” goes to the bottom, Jeff Faulkner is the only man to raise her; he has a keen eye for business, and develops every opportunity; he has recently established an ice-factory, and his ice-cream parlor—a novelty in Liberia’s capital—is popular. This very useful man, though well appreciated, has literally had to fight his way to success. These men are well established, but they have succeeded only because they were men of ideas, conviction, purpose, determination. Weak men in their positions would have failed. Liberia is no place for weaklings; there is no demand for immigrants who leave America because they have been failures there.
For years Green has been agitating for “the negro city”. In theAfrican League, in 1903, he carried a page announcement regarding it. From it we quote some extracts: “The negro cityto be built inLiberia, Africa, by 1000 American negroes. Liberia Citywill be the name. Foundation to be laid upon the arrival of the great colony early in 1904. Let all be ready and fully prepared for the great corner-stone laying of a great negro town in aHIGH AND HEALTHY PLACE. Stones wanted for the foundation. What kind of stones? Stones in the form of men! Self-sacrificing, vigorous, fearless, strong-hearted, self-supporting, brainy, brawny, God-fearing men? Men fitted for the sub-stratum of the great town in the great country where lynching is not known, and freedom reigns supreme! Where your son may be a beggar or a ruler—at his own election. Come and make him a ruler. . . . A city built in a day. The foundation of this new settlement with the town as the centre, will be laid upon the arrival of the colonists from America upon the ground. . . . A high and beautiful location, too high for the coast fever that is so much dreaded by the one who has heard about it—a location for work in a country where gold and other precious metals abound. . . . This place is especially inviting to the mining negro. The artisans are needed, too, along with the farmers and other workmen, for all these are needed in building up a great republic; only let them bring some capital. This is a great place for merchants. . . . Let all who want to join this colony and want a town lot and a farm in the section, free of charge, write.” So far the great negro settlement does not actually exist. The idea has been often ridiculed; but it deserves consideration. At the time in question, Mr. Green made an extended journey in which he claimed to be looking for the best site for his settlement. Such a city, with anywhere from three hundred to one thousand inhabitants, would promise a more speedy and durable success than the trickling in of the same number of immigrants as individuals. There is strength in numbers; a common interest would bind the newcomers to each other; if they really representeda variety of trades and industries, the community might be sufficient to itself; individual jealousies of old settlers would be reduced to a minimum of harmfulness. There would naturally be, in case such a settlement were established, strong jealousy between it as a whole and longer established communities. Such has always been the case in Liberian history. There has always been feeling between Monrovia, Grand Bassa, Greenville, and Maryland. Such jealousies are natural and unavoidable. The only way in which they can be reduced is by the establishment of so many communities that the distance between them would be small; close contact would develop at least a fair degree of harmony.
There are prominent negroes in our own country who have urged an exodus of black men from the United States. The difficulties of transporting our millions of black men, women, and children to Africa, if they care to go, are so great as to render the scheme actually impracticable. Nor is the difficulty of transportation the only one. The limited range of promising occupations makes it unlikely that great numbers will ever go thither; more than that, pronounced success in the United States,—and pronounced success to-day is by no means rare among our colored population,—will hold the majority of colored people in this country. There is, however, room in Liberia for many thousands of settlers and opportunity for those among them who have no foolish notions and who possess the qualities which Green demands from those whom he invites to come. Bishop Turner and Dr. Heard urge migration on the largest possible scale; Dr. Ernest Lyon who, at the time when the excitement in regard to Liberia City was at its height, represented our government as minister to Liberia, discourages “indiscriminate immigration”. His report sent late in 1903 to Secretary Hay, of our Department of State, was a dash to the high hopes of the encouragers of immigration. His letter was called out by the proposed large emigration from theUnited States in 1904. He says: “From my knowledge of the conditions of affairs here, I beg to inform you that Liberia is not prepared for indiscriminate immigration in 1904. If immigrants come here who are unable to support themselves for at least six months, they will die from starvation and the rigor of the African climate—there are no houses here, even of a temporary construction, to protect them until they can build for themselves.” As might be expected, this report of the resident Minister called forth a vigorous reply from Mr. Green. He closes his answer with an actually able burst of feeling. He says: “As to indiscriminate immigration, it was that that planted the colony of Liberia; it was indiscriminate immigration which gave birth to a Republic to which the Rev. Dr. Lyon might be accredited United States Minister; it was this immigration scheme that gave us a President Roberts, a Benson, a Gardner, a Coleman. It reinforced, succored, perpetuated the Republic in its infancy. It was indiscriminate immigration which gave Liberia the grave and distinguished statesman, His Excellency, President A. Barclay, our present and honored incumbent. Yes, and more than that, even America is a child of indiscriminate immigration which yet constitutes the greatest increase of American humanity. It made America great. May it not make Liberia great?” Thousands of American black men might no doubt move to Liberia with advantage and profit to themselves and to their adopted country. The Republic offers a rich field. But it needs no idlers, no paupers, no criminals. No one should go without having clear ideas as to his plans; the questions of “receptacle”, location, temporary support, must be looked into and provided for. And the newcomer who is to be successful must be forceful, self-reliant, and ready to meet with temporary prejudice. While the conditions of many blacks might be improved by removal to Liberia, the black population in this country would be advantaged by the elimination; if a considerablenumber of emigrants were to go to Liberia, pressure here would be relieved and conditions would be improved.
There will of course be a constant trickling of newcomers from this country to Liberia; there may very well be a constant stream. Such a stream indeed is necessary, if the vigor and vitality of Liberia is to be maintained; new blood is desirable—whether welcome or not. Know-nothing-ism is not confined to Liberia or to any one place. In the United States we have a condition which is comparable to that which Liberia presents. Here, too, the old population is barely holding its own, if it is doing so; the old families of New England and the eastern seaboard have largely run to seed; it is absolutely necessary that a great and steady immigration of European whites pour in to maintain our life by the infusion of new blood. Such immigration of course is not welcomed by our “true Americans”. If rigid exclusion could be practiced, we should soon face a condition much like that of France. If we are to live and occupy a significant place among the nations of the world, we must accept this constant incoming of population from outside. The mixture of these newcomers with our own people, fagged and worn out by new and unfavorable conditions, produces a new stock with sufficient vigor to carry on our national development. The hope of Liberia lies largely in a considerable immigration of black people from our southern states.
One of the most serious dangers of Liberia lies in its isolation; it needs contact; everything that tends toward an increase of contact with the outside world is good. Liberia needs ideas, friends, interchange; otherwise stagnation is inevitable—and death. She must receive these aids either from Europe or from America; she will of course receive them from both; but the source of the greater part of her inspiration and ideals must be on this side of the Atlantic andfrom our people of color. Immigration from America, whether small or great, must necessarily be helpful. If great and constant, difficulties will be lightened and helpful bonds strengthened.
If the temporary management in the hands of others of a part of our governmental machinery will result in actual and permanent independence and international respect, which I firmly believe will be the outcome, then it becomes our imperative duty as patriotic citizens to make such a necessary and noble sacrifice.—Daniel E. Howard.
If the temporary management in the hands of others of a part of our governmental machinery will result in actual and permanent independence and international respect, which I firmly believe will be the outcome, then it becomes our imperative duty as patriotic citizens to make such a necessary and noble sacrifice.—Daniel E. Howard.
On January 26, 1870, the Legislature authorized President Edward J. Roye to negotiate a loan not exceeding £100,000, at not more than 7 per cent interest; the bonds were to run for fifteen years, and three years’ interest advanced might be deducted. Of the sum to be received upon this loan £20,000 was to be used in buying up all the checks, scripts, currency debentures, and government paper of whatever kind then afloat; £20,000 more was to be deposited securely as a basis for the issue of a paper currency in what were to be known as Treasury Notes; the balance of the proceeds of the loan was to be deposited in some reliable bank as an emergency fund to be drawn upon at need by special act of the Legislature.
At the time when this action of the Legislature was taken, President Roye was about to go to England; it was supposed that he would attend to the business while in London, and that considerable expense would be saved to the nation by his personal attention to the details of the arrangement; for some reason or other, he did not take up the matter while he was absent. On his return to Monrovia, however, he proceeded to secure the loan. He appointed David Chinery, at that time consul for Liberia in London, Henry V. Johnson, Sr., and W. S. Anderson, commissioners—thetwo latter being sent to London for the purpose—to negotiate the loan. President Roye should of course have submitted this whole matter to the Legislature; there was considerable objection to the loan, and no serious steps should have been taken regarding it without the authorization of the legislative body. The commissioners succeeded in negotiating the loan for £100,000 at 7 per cent interest, at 30 per cent below par; three years’ interest were deducted from the £70,000, leaving a balance of £49,000 to be placed to the credit of the commissioners. “Then followed,” to quote the words of President Roberts, “a system of charges, speculations, and frauds unparalleled, I presume, in any public loan transactions of modern times.” No sooner had the news of the negotiation reached President Roye, than he commenced to draw against it for himself and others, not waiting for any part of it to be paid into the treasury of the Republic for the purposes specified in the act, and before the Legislature had accepted the loan or taken any action in regard to it. More than that, without legislative authority, he sent an order drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury—a member of his own family—approved by himself for £10,000 value of merchandise, alleging that this was on account of the government. Mr. Chinery, in filling this order, sent merchandise invoiced at more than £14,000, including transportation, shipping-charges, freight, insurance, etc., most of the articles being charged at amounts in excess of their market value, many of them inferior in quality, and some nearly, and others entirely, useless in Liberia. How much was actually realized of this loan no one knows; Sir Harry Johnston says £27,000; Ferguson (from whom we draw most of the particulars regarding this transaction) says £17,903. In return for it, at least £80,000 in bonds were issued—Sir Harry Johnston says perhaps the whole £100,000.
The moment was one of political disturbance. In 1869 there had been an effort to amend the constitutionso as to extend the office of President from a term of two years to one of four; the effort failed. In May, 1871, when his two years had elapsed, Roye attempted to continue himself in power for two years longer; a shadow of an excuse for this usurpation was found in this attempted passing of an amendment. This bold coup, together with the dissatisfaction regarding the loan, led to his being hurled from power. Notice of the disturbed condition of the Republic was at once sent to the representative of Liberia in London, and to the bondholders; the newly established government ordered all drafts, etc., for money received on account of the loan to be stopped, countermanded the orders for goods, and demanded astatu quountil the Legislature should have a chance to act; legal proceedings were taken against Commissioners Johnson and Anderson; Chinery was discharged from his office as Liberian Consul in London; Mr. John Jackson was appointed Consul-General in his place and took charge of matters. So palpable was the mismanagement of this whole transaction in London, and so extravagant had been the charges and other outlays connected with it, that Consul Jackson took legal proceedings to protect the interests of the Republic.
Through a period of almost thirty years, the matter of this loan was constantly agitated, and it was only in 1898 that the Liberian Consul, Henry Hayman, was able to bring about a final arrangement of the unhappy affair. At that time the Liberian Government recognized its responsibility to the amount of £80,000; it agreed to begin payment at once upon the bonds—paying interest at the rate of 3 per cent the first three years, 4 per cent for the following three years, and 5 per cent thereafter until both the principal and interest be fully paid; after that, the back interests would be assumed at 5 per cent. Since this adjustment, the Liberian Government has regularly and honorably met its interest payments. Sir Harry Johnston, in his great work on Liberia, speaksvigorously and frankly regarding this loan of 1870, which was a disgraceful operation for British financiers.
It is curious that, in connection with the next financial undertaking of the Republic, which was little, if any, more satisfactory than the loan of 1870, Sir Harry himself should have played a significant part. When President Barclay and his companions were in London in 1906, they made arrangements for a new loan, also of £100,000. An interview was held at the office of Consul-General Hayman, at which were present Sir Harry H. Johnston, chairman of the Liberian Development Co., Limited, together with some of this company’s officers, Mr. Clark of the Foreign Office, Emil Erlanger, and Consul Hayman. Mr. Erlanger represented the brokers through whom the Liberian Development Co. were to secure a loan of £100,000 for the benefit of Liberia. Excellent discussions of this loan by Mr. Ellis, who was so long connected with our Legation at Monrovia, and Mr. Scott, who was a member of the United States Commission in 1909, have been printed. It is from these articles that we draw our details.
The proceeds of the loan of 1906 were to be applied in the following manner: (a) $25,000 was to be used for pressing Liberian obligations; (b) $125,000 was to be employed in the payment of domestic debts; (c) $35,000 was to be loaned to the Liberian Development Co.; (d) the balance was to be devoted to the development of banking, and for road schemes by the Liberian Development Co. in Liberia. As security for this loan, two British officials, as chief and assistant inspectors of customs, were to have charge of the Liberian customs revenue; the chief inspector was to act also as financial adviser to the Republic; $30,000 annually (in semi-annual payments) was to be turned in as interest until the whole loan was repaid; 10 per cent of any excess over $250,000 incustoms revenue per year was to be received by the Liberian Development Co. The “company was charged with the responsibility of returning the loan to Erlanger and Co. by the payment of 50 per cent of the net profits derived from the exercise of the powers and privileges of the charter of the former company, together with profits from the banking and road schemes to be undertaken in Liberia.”
The loan was actually applied as follows: (a) to the extinguishment of domestic debts, £30,000; (b) loaned to the Liberian Development Co., £7000; (c) in carrying out road schemes, £32,776.11.3; (d) obtained by Liberia on ratification of tripartite agreement of 1908, £30,223.8.9; total, £100,000.
Friction soon arose in the administration of the customs. The Liberian Development Co. constructed fifteen miles of automobile road in the Careysberg District, bought a small steam launch for the St. Paul’s River, and purchased two automobiles; it then announced that its road fund was completely exhausted, after having spent, on an ordinary dirt road, about $163,882. Liberian dissatisfaction was great, and question was raised regarding the “balance of the £70,000 which had been entrusted without security to the management of the company.” In the investigation which followed in an attempt to rearrange affairs, considerable feeling appears to have been shown. Sir Harry Johnston had repeatedly ignored the requests of President Barclay for an accounting by his company; in the interview in which efforts at adjustment were made, he is said to have conducted himself in a supercilious manner and to have expressed his surprise “that the President should have required the company to furnish him with a statement of accounts, and disclaimed any responsibility for the manner in which the money had been expended”. Under the tripartite arrangement which was entered into between the Government of Liberia, Erlanger and Co., and the Liberian Development Co., Chartered and Limited, it wasfinally arranged that “Liberia assume direct responsibility to Messrs. Erlanger and Co. for the loan of 1906, and, aside from obtaining some advantages in the new Agreement, secured from the Liberian Development Co. the residue of the loan, amounting to £30,223.8.9, and practically dispensed with the future services of this company in the solution of the new Liberian problems.”
Mr. Emmett Scott makes some pertinent observations in connection with this affair. He says: “Sir Harry Johnston, in his book, quite spiritedly criticizes the agreements under the loan of 1871. It is hard to determine, however, how less one-sided they were than those of his own benevolent corporation, even if his company had in perfect good faith carried out their part of the bargain. The suggestion that the customs should be collected by European experts, Englishmen being understood, introduced, of course, the feature of external control into the customs service . . . of the so-called experts sent to Liberia under the agreement, the first one’s selection was, to say the least, unfortunate. He all but confessed his utter failure after two or three months to understand what he was about, although he had been granted a salary of about $3500 a year, much more than he had received in the British service in Sierra Leone. The second one appointed has developed into a somewhat capable official, although his chief claim to being called an expert was, it is said, that he had successfully raised oranges in California. He was certainly no customs expert, and, I learn, had probably never been inside of a customs house. He received £500 a year. The present chief inspector of customs is a wholly efficient man, but while doing similar service at Freetown, Sierra Leone, the neighboring country, he received a salary of £300 or $1500 a year, while the Liberians are called upon to pay him a salary of £1000, or $5000 a year. This salary, perhaps I should state, is twice that received by the President of the Republic. Efforts to reduce this salary to £700 or$3500 have recently been made, but with what success I cannot chronicle.”
Again: “The company’s high-handed manner of expending the money on hand, however, engendered so much bad blood, that at last President Barclay applied to Sir Harry Johnston, managing director of the Liberian Development Co., for an accounting. The latter, it is said, expressed the greatest surprise that such a demand should be made upon him, and disclaimed any and all responsibility to the Liberian Government for the way in which the money had been or was to be expended. He persistently refused to render any accounts until he found the position he maintained was so untenable that he could not depend upon his government for support; he also found that President Barclay was about to sever all relations with his company, maintaining, in the absence of any accounting, that the Government of Liberia would hold itself responsible only for the cash actually received. About $200,000 of the amount raised on the credit of the government, it is said, had been frittered away on badly managed schemes.”
And finally: “In dismissing this loan of 1906, may I say that no one now contends that the Liberian Development Co. has, or has had, any money aside from that raised on the Government’s credit; to-day it is practically bankrupt. The relations between the Government and the Company have been severed, and under the agreement of 1908 with Messrs. Erlanger, London, the Liberian Government is responsible for the whole loan.”
Conditions became desperate; there were now two obligations to British creditors, each for a handsome sum, and both drawing interest; more than that, there had grown up a considerable domestic debt; real bankruptcy seemed to threaten the nation. As a result of the visit of the American Commission to Liberia in 1909, the United States used its goodoffices in favor of the Republic, and arrangements were perfected whereby certain banking institutions of the United States, Germany, France, and Great Britain furnished the Republic of Liberia with a loan of $1,700,000; this loan was to be used in the payment of its domestic and foreign debts. According to the official report of the Commission, the public debt of Liberia in 1909 amounted to the sum of $1,289,570.60. Mr. George W. Ellis has prepared an excellent paper regarding this loan, and from it we abbreviate our own statement. In order to secure the loan, the Liberian customs revenues are temporarily to be placed in charge of a customs receivership, with a general receiver appointed from the United States by the President, and holding office during his pleasure, and three receivers, one each from Great Britain, Germany, and France, appointed by, and holding office during the pleasure of, their respective governments. As further security for the loan, the revenues from exports and imports, duties on rubber, and all head moneys are pledged. Five per cent gold bonds in denominations of $1000, $500, and $100, for a period of forty years, interest and principal payable in New York, are to be issued by the Liberian Government. The Liberian revenues subject to the loan are transferred for its service and are termed “assigned revenues”; these assigned revenues are in charge of the receivership. The majority of the receivers have the power to suspend customs officials, make temporary appointments, make rules and regulations relative to the assigned revenues; they have a right to adequate patrol for land and sea, and in case such is not furnished, to supply it themselves. The general receiver has a salary of $5000, the others, $2500. A monthly report of accounts is to be rendered to the government. As a condition of the loan, the frontier police force is to be maintained; the President of the United States is to assign training officers, to be paid from the assigned revenues. The General Receiver is also the Financial Adviser ofthe Liberian Government; he is to systematize the finances of Liberia; and to approve statements before submission to the legislature. Appropriations must not overrun the revenues; after the legislature adjourns, the President, Secretary of the Treasury, and the Financial Adviser must revise the appropriations if they have overrun; their act is binding to the Secretary of the Treasury. The Financial Adviser co-operates with the government in establishing economical and efficient administration and expenditure. The debts of the Republic are to be at once paid—by bonds where the creditors chose to receive them. The bankers are to receive for their services their out-of-pocket expenses, legal charges, commission on the face value of the 5 per cent bonds, and 5 per cent on the bonds purchased by themselves. Residue bonds are to be held by the fiscal agents to meet approved, unadjusted indebtedness: final residue bonds will be sold and the money paid to Liberia for public improvements approved by the General Receiver. In order that this agreement should go into effect, it was necessary that the Liberian Legislature should pass all necessary measures of approval before January 1, 1912. This was done. There was some delay in finally placing the funds at the disposition of the Liberian Government, but at present everything has been arranged and the new loan is in effect. This arrangement caused general joy throughout the Republic; it was felt not only that it released the people from a heavy and dangerous obligation to unfriendly creditors, but that it probably began a period of closer relationship between the United States and Liberia. It is possible that too much of a feeling of security existed. It is likely that more joy was felt over the receipt of $1,700,000 than of responsibility for its ultimate repayment. On the whole, it must be admitted that the loan is favorable to the Republic. The government has realized a much larger percentage of actual funds than in any of its preceding financial undertakings. There are,however, some weak points in the plan. It is unfortunate that the loan was theoretically made through banks of different nations; as a matter of fact, it was an American enterprise, and should have been so in word as well. There is no reason why foreign nations should be interested—except indeed that Great Britain should experience a sentiment of joy in having the interests of her citizens secured. The sum of $1,700,000 is so small that it could have been easily supplied by American houses and considered a little matter with no actual political relations. That the loan should have been secured by a receivership is just, but it would have been much better to have appointed a single American receiver instead of four men of different nations. In this international receivership there lies considerable danger. Friction is likely. France, England, Germany are suspicious of each other. The simplest act is liable to misconstruction, and one or another of the three sub-receivers is likely to feel his dignity and that of his nation affected, and squabbles are certain to arise. The American receiver, as is proper, is given the position of leadership. Suppose he were to die or be unfit for service; which of the other three receivers will take his place? There appears to be no arrangement made for such a contingency, yet it is quite certain to arise, and if it should, the man who temporarily assumes the duties, will be particularly likely to find himself in trouble. The question as to location of the four receivers may some time or other raise difficulties. Suppose, for example, the British receiver were placed at Cape Mount, adjacent to British territory, and the French receiver were to be located at Cape Palmas, close to French authority; opportunity for unfaithfulness to the Republic would be very great. There is nothing in the history of the past to warrant us in assuming that these officials would be men of such high spirit and principle as to resist temptation. The possibility of difficulties between the General Receiver and the Liberian Governmentis also very great. He is given large powers; unless he is a man of extraordinary ability and well-balanced character, it is certain that complications will arise; there will be constant risk of his inter-meddling in every field of governmental affairs. Some of these difficulties of course are inherent in a receivership, and as a receivership is absolutely necessary, their risk must be accepted.
On the whole, the American loan should be a great help to Liberia. Friends of the Republic hope for the best results. The government is given a breathing spell, and time and opportunity for the re-adjustment of its economic interests. There is no danger, if the receivership is competent, but that the income of the nation will easily carry the loan with all its obligations, and leave ample funds in balance for the legitimate enterprises of the government. It is reasonable to hope that Liberia has entered upon a period of prosperity.