Chapter 39

[595]Letters, 243. Cf. also Preface to vol. xiii. pt. i. of the Calendar, pp. 37–38.[596]Cal. xiii. (i) 1355, 1405, 1451, 1496; xiii. (ii) 77, 232, 277.[597]Cal. xiii. (i) 995, 1147, 1355.[598]Letters, 244.[599]Cal. xiii. (i) 1486.[600]Cal. xiii. (i) 367.[601]Baumgarten, vol. iii. pp. 343 ff.[602]Burnet, vol. i. pp. 316, 409, 435.[603]Cal. xiii. (ii) 165, 298, 497.[604]Cal. xiv. (i) 92, 147.[605]Cal. xiv. (i) 62.[606]Letters, 286.[607]John Lambert, moreover, had been tried and burnt, for denying the Real Presence, in November, 1538. The doctrines of the Lutherans in this matter were probably almost identical with those of the King at this time, but the Germans certainly disapproved of the violence of Henry’s measures for enforcing them.[608]Cal. xiv. (i) 103.[609]Letters, 287.[610]Throughout the negotiations for the Cleves marriages Cromwell made desperate efforts to assert the dignity of the King, which he could not help feeling was a little lowered by approaching vassals of the Emperor with matrimonial offers. Mont was especially directed to confer with Burckhard about the sister of the Duke of Cleves, ‘not as demaunding her, but as geving them a prick to stirr them to offre her, as the noblest and highest honourthat could come into that noble house of Cleves, if they could bring it to passe.’ Of course nothing could induce the mighty King of England to demean himself by asking any favours of the petty princes of Germany; it was their place, not his, to be the suitor.[611]Cf. Ulmann, vol. i. pp. 579, 580; Ranke, vol. i. pp. 226–229.[612]Life of Duke John of Cleves in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xiv. p. 214.[613]Ranke, vol. iv. p. 128; Heidrich, 1, 2.[614]Heidrich, 21.[615]Heidrich, 4.[616]Ranke, vol. iv. p. 129.[617]Heidrich, 34, 35. Driven by political necessity, William in 1543 finally took the decisive step, and declared himself ready to introduce the new religion into his dominions, in the hope of gaining aid from his brother-in-law against the Emperor. But the offer came too late. The political situation had changed once more, and the overcautious Elector now definitely and unconditionally refused the aid which he had before made dependent on William’s acceptance of Lutheranism. The lands of the Duke were invaded by the Imperial forces, and William was forced, at the treaty of Venlo, Sept. 7, 1543, to renounce all claims to Gelderland and Zutphen, to return to the Church of Rome, and to permit no religious innovations in Juliers and Berg. Subsequently, however, encouraged by the milder attitude of the Emperor Ferdinand towards the Reformers, he devoted himself with partial success to an attempt to effect a sort of compromise between the two faiths in his own possessions, and to establish there a purified and enlightened Catholic Church, ‘Erasmian’ in its tendencies, and in many respects approaching very closely to the tenets of the Augsburg Confession. Cf. Heidrich, 91–94, and the Life of William of Cleves in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xliii. pp. 107–113.[618]Letters, 287.[619]Letters, 295.[620]Cal. xiv. (i) 489.[621]Heidrich, 32.[622]Cal. xiv. (i) 433, 440.[623]Letters, 291, 301.[624]Letters, 297; and Cal. xiv. (i) 584.[625]Cal. xiv. (i) 570.[626]Letters, 288.[627]Cal. xiv. (i) 398–400, 529, 564, 615, 652–655.[628]Cal. xiv. (i) 669–670.[629]Cal. xiv. (i) 908.[630]Cal. xiv. (i) 804.[631]Cal. xiv. (i) 520, 573.[632]Cal. xiv. (i) 655.[633]Burnet, vol. iv. p. 499.[634]31 Hen. VIII., c. 14.[635]Cal. xiv. (i) 1137. The martyrologist Foxe tells an amusing and characteristic story of Cromwell’s saving Cranmer from punishment for a book which he had written against the Six Articles. There appears to have been a bear-baiting on the Thames before the King, which Mr. Ralph Morice, Cranmer’s secretary, was watching from a small boat: and the secretary, it seems, had the Archbishop’s book in his girdle for safekeeping. The bear broke loose from the dogs and upset the wherry in which Morice was; in the tumult which ensued he lost the precious book. It was subsequently picked up by the ‘bearward,’ who perceiving what it was, and being himself a violent papist, gave it to a priest of his religion, who told the bearward that whosoever wrote it would be hanged if the King should see it. The bearward endeavoured to give it to some influential Catholic at the Court, utterly refusing to listen to Morice’s entreaties that he should return it to Cranmer. At this juncture Cromwell appeared upon the scene, and so ‘shaked up the bearward for his over-much malapertness’ that the latter was glad to return the book to the secretary, and so escape without further punishment. Foxe, vol. ii. p. 428.[636]Appendix I.at the end of this chapter.[637]Cal. xiv. (i) 208, 440.[638]Bezold, p. 686.[639]Cf.Appendix I.at the end of this chapter.[640]Cal. xiv. (i) 441, 442, 955–958.[641]Cal. xiv. (i) 1273.[642]Cal. xiv. (i) 1278.[643]Cal. xiv. (ii) 59.[644]Cal. xiv. (i) 920; Heidrich, pp. 17, 18.[645]Cal. xiv. (i) 603.[646]Cal. xiv. (ii) 218, 300, 545.[647]Bezold, p. 686.[648]Cal. xiv. (ii) 63, 127, 128.[649]Cal. xiv. (ii) 33. Minute inquiries and sometimes indelicately full replies concerning the appearance and bearing of intended brides seem to have been authorized by all Tudor traditions. The report of Wotton is but meagre in details when compared to that of the ambassadors of Henry VII. concerning Joanna of Naples, whom the English King had once thought of marrying in 1505. Anne of Cleves was certainly considered beautiful in Germany. Sleidan, vol. ii. p. 150, refers to her as ‘eleganti forma virginem.’[650]Now in the Louvre.[651]Cal. xiv. (ii) 664. Cf. also the Chronicle of Calais, pp. 167–179. In the latter, Gregory Cromwell’s name is erroneously written ‘George Crombwell.’[652]Cal. xiv. (ii) 634, 677.[653]Cal. xv. 14.[654]Cal. xiv. (ii) 753.[655]Cal. xv. 14.[656]Hall, pp. 832 ff.[657]Letters, 349–350.[658]Hall, p. 837. It appears that the fashion changed in England at the time of the arrival of Anne. In telling of her wedding, the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London (p. 43) informs us that ‘thene beganne alle the gentyl women of Yngland to were Frenche whooddes with bellementtes of golde.’[659]Cf.Appendix II.at the end of this chapter.[660]Lenz, vol. i. pp. 409–410, 420–421.[661]Cf.Appendix II.at the end of this chapter.[662]The truth of Baumbach’s statements is confirmed by Seckendorff, who obtained his information from the report of Burckhard on this same interview. Speaking of Cromwell Seckendorff says:—‘Lutheranum fuisse Burnetus pro certo habet, nec dissentiunt Saxonicorum Legatorum de eo relationes. Ex iisdem tamen et historiarum documentis constat, hominem fuisse non saltem solida doctrina minime imbutum sed eius ingenii ut Regis favorem omnibus rebus anteponeret. Ultima sane Burcardi ex Anglia relatione de 11 Jan. scripta. . .diserte dicitur, ilium de religione ita disseruisse ut se cum Evangelicis in Germania consentire non negaret, necessarium tamen sibi esse diceret ut Regis voluntati sese conformaret, etiam cum vitae suae periculo, id quod eventus paulo post comprobavit. Non est itaque, ut hunc pro martyre Evangelicae religionis habeamus, et ipse in loco supplicii mori se professus est in religione Catholica. Hoc, etsi ex D. Burneti sententia de Romana minime intellexerit, indicat tamen animum infirmum et aequivocationes sectantem.’ Seckendorff, s. lxxviii, p. 261; liber iii, sect. 21.[663]Von Freyberg, vol. iv. p. 264. Cf. also Life of Philip of Bavaria in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xxvi. pp. 16 ff.[664]Cal. xiv. (ii) 657.[665]Life of Philip of Bavaria in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xxvi. p. 18.[666]Cal. xiv. (ii) 719; xv. 76.[667]Cal. xv. 177.[668]Cal. xiv. (ii) 733, 737.[669]The words, as given in the life by Ottheinrich, are: ‘Herzog Philipp soll dem khönig wider menigklich, ausgenommen wider das Römisch Reich, 1000 wohl geriste Pferdt Und 4000 wohl geriste fuesknecht zufiehren.’ Von Freyberg, vol. iv. p. 266.[670]Transcribed from the original document in the Archives at Marburg.[671]sic, for ‘freundlichen.’[672]sic, for ‘dasz.’[673]sic, for ‘er.’[674]Transcribed from the original document in the Archives at Marburg.[675]sic, for ‘wyr.’[676]sic.[677]Cal. xiv. (ii) 717.[678]Martin, vol. viii. p. 260. Cf. also Guiffrey, pp. 276–318.[679]Cal. xiv. (ii) 524.[680]Cal. xv. 38.[681]Cal. xv. 186. Bonner and Wyatt moreover were on very bad terms at this time, owing to mutual jealousy. It would have been impossible for Henry to carry his intrigues very far, as long as the two rivals remained together at the French Court. Cf. Nott’s Wyatt, vol. ii. pp. 44–52.[682]Cal. xv. 161.[683]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 241.[684]Cal. xv. 145, 202.[685]Cal. xv. 222.[686]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 257.[687]Cf. Gaillard, vol. iii. pp. 77, 78.[688]Letters, 338, 340.[689]Bradford, pp. 515 ff.[690]Cal. xiv. (ii) 400.[691]Cal. xiv. (ii) 688.[692]Cal. xv. 306.[693]Cal. xiv. (ii) 750 (p. 279).[694]Cal. xv. 486.[695]Cal. xv. 429.[696]Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 129.[697]32 Hen. VIII., c. 24.[698]Cal. xv. 540, 541.[699]Cal. xv. 543.[700]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 323.[701]Heidrich, p. 43.[702]Soames, vol. ii. p. 408, informs us that ‘in order to fan the rising flame Gardiner invited the King to an entertainment at Winchester House. Katherine Howard was among the company assembled on this occasion, and she then achieved the conquest of her amorous sovereign’s heart.’[703]Cal. xv. 658.[704]Letters, 345.[705]Cal. xv. 735.[706]Cal. xv. 736, 737.[707]Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 143.[708]Cal. xv. 766, 767.[709]Cal. xv. 804, and Kaulek, pp. 193, 194.[710]Cal. xv. 766, and Kaulek, p. 189.[711]This letter stated that Cromwell being put in great trust by the King in matters of religion had ‘not only of his sensual appetite, wrought clene contrary to this His Graces most godly entent, secretly and indirectly advauncing thone of thextremes and leaving the meane indifferent true and vertuous waye, which His Majestie sought and soo entierly desired; but also hathe shewed himself soo fervently bent to the mayntenaunce of that his oultrage, that he hath not spared most prively, most traitorously, to divise howe to contynue the same and plainly in termes to saye, as it hathe been justified to his face by good wittenes, that, if the King and all his Realme wold turne and vary from his opinions, he wold fight in the feld in his oune personne, with his sworde in his hande against Him and all other; adding that if he lyved a yere or two, he trusted to bring thinges to that frame, that it shuld not lye in the Kinges power to resist or let it, if He wold; bynding his wordes with such othes, and making suche gesture and demonstration with his armes, that it might wel appere that he had no lesse fyxed in his harte, thenne was uttered with his mouth.’ State Papers, vol. viii. pp. 349, 350.[712]Henry, however, used every means in his power to support the main accusation, with other charges of a different nature, which if possible were even more unjustifiable. The King was not ashamed to write to Wallop in France to try and get confirmation of the old rumour (circulated on the Continent by a certain Portuguese ambassador two years before, and probably as a result of the letters of Chapuys) that Cromwell had intended to marry the Princess Mary and to make himself King. Cal. xv. 792, 801, 842.[713]Cal. xv. 770.[714]Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 145.[715]Cal. xv. 804.[716]Cal. xv. 847.[717]Cal. xv. 926.[718]Letters, 348.[719]Cal. xv. 822.[720]Cal. xv. 825.[721]Letters, 349, 350.[722]Foxe, vol. ii. p. 433. If this story be true, the interest which the King evinced in Cromwell’s letter is to be explained rather by his anxiety concerning his divorce, than by his sympathy for his fallen minister. Certainly there is no reason to think the closing scene of the ‘Life and Death of Thomas Lord Cromwell,’ in which a reprieve is brought from the King by Ralph Sadler after Cromwell’s head had fallen, has any foundation in fact.[723]Cal. xv. 898.[724]It is somewhat significant to note that in this case Henry had practically acknowledged facts considered by the canonists as ‘sufficient proof’ of consummation in the case of Arthur and Katherine, and that the King had been glad to accept as such at the time of the trial of his first divorce. This is merely one of those suspiciously convenient changes of opinion one encounters so often in dealing with the personal history of Henry VIII. Cf. Burnet, vol. i. pp. 163–164.[725]Cal. xv. 825.[726]Lords’ Journal, pp. 154, 155.[727]Cal. xv. 899, 901, 953. Part of Anne’s income was derived from the manor of Canbery, previously owned by Cromwell, and at his attainder confiscated to the use of the Crown. Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 713.[728]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 421.[729]Cal. xv. 765, 792, 794, 841.[730]Letters, 351.[731]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 392.[732]Cal. xv. 794, 811.[733]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 412.[734]Cal. xv. 498, p. 217.[735]Cal. xv. 926.[736]Holinshed, p. 817; Hall, p. 839; Foxe, p. 433.[737]Cal. xvi. 40.[738]Cf.Appendixat the end of this chapter.[739]Cf. Collier, vol. ii. p. 181. ‘I readily grant Cromwell was no Papist at his Death. But then, it is pretty plain he was no Protestant neither.’[740]Cal. xv. 940.[741]Cal. xvi. 379 (34). Gregory Cromwell died in 1557, and was succeeded by his eldest son Henry. The latter’s grandson Thomas, fourth Baron Cromwell, was created Earl Ardglass in the Irish peerage, April 15, 1645. The earldom of Ardglass expired in 1687, and the barony of Cromwell became dormant in 1709. Life of Thomas Cromwell, in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xiii. p. 202.[742]Hall, p. 839.

[595]Letters, 243. Cf. also Preface to vol. xiii. pt. i. of the Calendar, pp. 37–38.

[596]Cal. xiii. (i) 1355, 1405, 1451, 1496; xiii. (ii) 77, 232, 277.

[597]Cal. xiii. (i) 995, 1147, 1355.

[598]Letters, 244.

[599]Cal. xiii. (i) 1486.

[600]Cal. xiii. (i) 367.

[601]Baumgarten, vol. iii. pp. 343 ff.

[602]Burnet, vol. i. pp. 316, 409, 435.

[603]Cal. xiii. (ii) 165, 298, 497.

[604]Cal. xiv. (i) 92, 147.

[605]Cal. xiv. (i) 62.

[606]Letters, 286.

[607]John Lambert, moreover, had been tried and burnt, for denying the Real Presence, in November, 1538. The doctrines of the Lutherans in this matter were probably almost identical with those of the King at this time, but the Germans certainly disapproved of the violence of Henry’s measures for enforcing them.

[608]Cal. xiv. (i) 103.

[609]Letters, 287.

[610]Throughout the negotiations for the Cleves marriages Cromwell made desperate efforts to assert the dignity of the King, which he could not help feeling was a little lowered by approaching vassals of the Emperor with matrimonial offers. Mont was especially directed to confer with Burckhard about the sister of the Duke of Cleves, ‘not as demaunding her, but as geving them a prick to stirr them to offre her, as the noblest and highest honourthat could come into that noble house of Cleves, if they could bring it to passe.’ Of course nothing could induce the mighty King of England to demean himself by asking any favours of the petty princes of Germany; it was their place, not his, to be the suitor.

[611]Cf. Ulmann, vol. i. pp. 579, 580; Ranke, vol. i. pp. 226–229.

[612]Life of Duke John of Cleves in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xiv. p. 214.

[613]Ranke, vol. iv. p. 128; Heidrich, 1, 2.

[614]Heidrich, 21.

[615]Heidrich, 4.

[616]Ranke, vol. iv. p. 129.

[617]Heidrich, 34, 35. Driven by political necessity, William in 1543 finally took the decisive step, and declared himself ready to introduce the new religion into his dominions, in the hope of gaining aid from his brother-in-law against the Emperor. But the offer came too late. The political situation had changed once more, and the overcautious Elector now definitely and unconditionally refused the aid which he had before made dependent on William’s acceptance of Lutheranism. The lands of the Duke were invaded by the Imperial forces, and William was forced, at the treaty of Venlo, Sept. 7, 1543, to renounce all claims to Gelderland and Zutphen, to return to the Church of Rome, and to permit no religious innovations in Juliers and Berg. Subsequently, however, encouraged by the milder attitude of the Emperor Ferdinand towards the Reformers, he devoted himself with partial success to an attempt to effect a sort of compromise between the two faiths in his own possessions, and to establish there a purified and enlightened Catholic Church, ‘Erasmian’ in its tendencies, and in many respects approaching very closely to the tenets of the Augsburg Confession. Cf. Heidrich, 91–94, and the Life of William of Cleves in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xliii. pp. 107–113.

[618]Letters, 287.

[619]Letters, 295.

[620]Cal. xiv. (i) 489.

[621]Heidrich, 32.

[622]Cal. xiv. (i) 433, 440.

[623]Letters, 291, 301.

[624]Letters, 297; and Cal. xiv. (i) 584.

[625]Cal. xiv. (i) 570.

[626]Letters, 288.

[627]Cal. xiv. (i) 398–400, 529, 564, 615, 652–655.

[628]Cal. xiv. (i) 669–670.

[629]Cal. xiv. (i) 908.

[630]Cal. xiv. (i) 804.

[631]Cal. xiv. (i) 520, 573.

[632]Cal. xiv. (i) 655.

[633]Burnet, vol. iv. p. 499.

[634]31 Hen. VIII., c. 14.

[635]Cal. xiv. (i) 1137. The martyrologist Foxe tells an amusing and characteristic story of Cromwell’s saving Cranmer from punishment for a book which he had written against the Six Articles. There appears to have been a bear-baiting on the Thames before the King, which Mr. Ralph Morice, Cranmer’s secretary, was watching from a small boat: and the secretary, it seems, had the Archbishop’s book in his girdle for safekeeping. The bear broke loose from the dogs and upset the wherry in which Morice was; in the tumult which ensued he lost the precious book. It was subsequently picked up by the ‘bearward,’ who perceiving what it was, and being himself a violent papist, gave it to a priest of his religion, who told the bearward that whosoever wrote it would be hanged if the King should see it. The bearward endeavoured to give it to some influential Catholic at the Court, utterly refusing to listen to Morice’s entreaties that he should return it to Cranmer. At this juncture Cromwell appeared upon the scene, and so ‘shaked up the bearward for his over-much malapertness’ that the latter was glad to return the book to the secretary, and so escape without further punishment. Foxe, vol. ii. p. 428.

[636]Appendix I.at the end of this chapter.

[637]Cal. xiv. (i) 208, 440.

[638]Bezold, p. 686.

[639]Cf.Appendix I.at the end of this chapter.

[640]Cal. xiv. (i) 441, 442, 955–958.

[641]Cal. xiv. (i) 1273.

[642]Cal. xiv. (i) 1278.

[643]Cal. xiv. (ii) 59.

[644]Cal. xiv. (i) 920; Heidrich, pp. 17, 18.

[645]Cal. xiv. (i) 603.

[646]Cal. xiv. (ii) 218, 300, 545.

[647]Bezold, p. 686.

[648]Cal. xiv. (ii) 63, 127, 128.

[649]Cal. xiv. (ii) 33. Minute inquiries and sometimes indelicately full replies concerning the appearance and bearing of intended brides seem to have been authorized by all Tudor traditions. The report of Wotton is but meagre in details when compared to that of the ambassadors of Henry VII. concerning Joanna of Naples, whom the English King had once thought of marrying in 1505. Anne of Cleves was certainly considered beautiful in Germany. Sleidan, vol. ii. p. 150, refers to her as ‘eleganti forma virginem.’

[650]Now in the Louvre.

[651]Cal. xiv. (ii) 664. Cf. also the Chronicle of Calais, pp. 167–179. In the latter, Gregory Cromwell’s name is erroneously written ‘George Crombwell.’

[652]Cal. xiv. (ii) 634, 677.

[653]Cal. xv. 14.

[654]Cal. xiv. (ii) 753.

[655]Cal. xv. 14.

[656]Hall, pp. 832 ff.

[657]Letters, 349–350.

[658]Hall, p. 837. It appears that the fashion changed in England at the time of the arrival of Anne. In telling of her wedding, the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London (p. 43) informs us that ‘thene beganne alle the gentyl women of Yngland to were Frenche whooddes with bellementtes of golde.’

[659]Cf.Appendix II.at the end of this chapter.

[660]Lenz, vol. i. pp. 409–410, 420–421.

[661]Cf.Appendix II.at the end of this chapter.

[662]The truth of Baumbach’s statements is confirmed by Seckendorff, who obtained his information from the report of Burckhard on this same interview. Speaking of Cromwell Seckendorff says:—‘Lutheranum fuisse Burnetus pro certo habet, nec dissentiunt Saxonicorum Legatorum de eo relationes. Ex iisdem tamen et historiarum documentis constat, hominem fuisse non saltem solida doctrina minime imbutum sed eius ingenii ut Regis favorem omnibus rebus anteponeret. Ultima sane Burcardi ex Anglia relatione de 11 Jan. scripta. . .diserte dicitur, ilium de religione ita disseruisse ut se cum Evangelicis in Germania consentire non negaret, necessarium tamen sibi esse diceret ut Regis voluntati sese conformaret, etiam cum vitae suae periculo, id quod eventus paulo post comprobavit. Non est itaque, ut hunc pro martyre Evangelicae religionis habeamus, et ipse in loco supplicii mori se professus est in religione Catholica. Hoc, etsi ex D. Burneti sententia de Romana minime intellexerit, indicat tamen animum infirmum et aequivocationes sectantem.’ Seckendorff, s. lxxviii, p. 261; liber iii, sect. 21.

[662]The truth of Baumbach’s statements is confirmed by Seckendorff, who obtained his information from the report of Burckhard on this same interview. Speaking of Cromwell Seckendorff says:—

‘Lutheranum fuisse Burnetus pro certo habet, nec dissentiunt Saxonicorum Legatorum de eo relationes. Ex iisdem tamen et historiarum documentis constat, hominem fuisse non saltem solida doctrina minime imbutum sed eius ingenii ut Regis favorem omnibus rebus anteponeret. Ultima sane Burcardi ex Anglia relatione de 11 Jan. scripta. . .diserte dicitur, ilium de religione ita disseruisse ut se cum Evangelicis in Germania consentire non negaret, necessarium tamen sibi esse diceret ut Regis voluntati sese conformaret, etiam cum vitae suae periculo, id quod eventus paulo post comprobavit. Non est itaque, ut hunc pro martyre Evangelicae religionis habeamus, et ipse in loco supplicii mori se professus est in religione Catholica. Hoc, etsi ex D. Burneti sententia de Romana minime intellexerit, indicat tamen animum infirmum et aequivocationes sectantem.’ Seckendorff, s. lxxviii, p. 261; liber iii, sect. 21.

[663]Von Freyberg, vol. iv. p. 264. Cf. also Life of Philip of Bavaria in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xxvi. pp. 16 ff.

[664]Cal. xiv. (ii) 657.

[665]Life of Philip of Bavaria in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xxvi. p. 18.

[666]Cal. xiv. (ii) 719; xv. 76.

[667]Cal. xv. 177.

[668]Cal. xiv. (ii) 733, 737.

[669]The words, as given in the life by Ottheinrich, are: ‘Herzog Philipp soll dem khönig wider menigklich, ausgenommen wider das Römisch Reich, 1000 wohl geriste Pferdt Und 4000 wohl geriste fuesknecht zufiehren.’ Von Freyberg, vol. iv. p. 266.

[670]Transcribed from the original document in the Archives at Marburg.

[671]sic, for ‘freundlichen.’

[672]sic, for ‘dasz.’

[673]sic, for ‘er.’

[674]Transcribed from the original document in the Archives at Marburg.

[675]sic, for ‘wyr.’

[676]sic.

[677]Cal. xiv. (ii) 717.

[678]Martin, vol. viii. p. 260. Cf. also Guiffrey, pp. 276–318.

[679]Cal. xiv. (ii) 524.

[680]Cal. xv. 38.

[681]Cal. xv. 186. Bonner and Wyatt moreover were on very bad terms at this time, owing to mutual jealousy. It would have been impossible for Henry to carry his intrigues very far, as long as the two rivals remained together at the French Court. Cf. Nott’s Wyatt, vol. ii. pp. 44–52.

[682]Cal. xv. 161.

[683]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 241.

[684]Cal. xv. 145, 202.

[685]Cal. xv. 222.

[686]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 257.

[687]Cf. Gaillard, vol. iii. pp. 77, 78.

[688]Letters, 338, 340.

[689]Bradford, pp. 515 ff.

[690]Cal. xiv. (ii) 400.

[691]Cal. xiv. (ii) 688.

[692]Cal. xv. 306.

[693]Cal. xiv. (ii) 750 (p. 279).

[694]Cal. xv. 486.

[695]Cal. xv. 429.

[696]Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 129.

[697]32 Hen. VIII., c. 24.

[698]Cal. xv. 540, 541.

[699]Cal. xv. 543.

[700]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 323.

[701]Heidrich, p. 43.

[702]Soames, vol. ii. p. 408, informs us that ‘in order to fan the rising flame Gardiner invited the King to an entertainment at Winchester House. Katherine Howard was among the company assembled on this occasion, and she then achieved the conquest of her amorous sovereign’s heart.’

[703]Cal. xv. 658.

[704]Letters, 345.

[705]Cal. xv. 735.

[706]Cal. xv. 736, 737.

[707]Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 143.

[708]Cal. xv. 766, 767.

[709]Cal. xv. 804, and Kaulek, pp. 193, 194.

[710]Cal. xv. 766, and Kaulek, p. 189.

[711]This letter stated that Cromwell being put in great trust by the King in matters of religion had ‘not only of his sensual appetite, wrought clene contrary to this His Graces most godly entent, secretly and indirectly advauncing thone of thextremes and leaving the meane indifferent true and vertuous waye, which His Majestie sought and soo entierly desired; but also hathe shewed himself soo fervently bent to the mayntenaunce of that his oultrage, that he hath not spared most prively, most traitorously, to divise howe to contynue the same and plainly in termes to saye, as it hathe been justified to his face by good wittenes, that, if the King and all his Realme wold turne and vary from his opinions, he wold fight in the feld in his oune personne, with his sworde in his hande against Him and all other; adding that if he lyved a yere or two, he trusted to bring thinges to that frame, that it shuld not lye in the Kinges power to resist or let it, if He wold; bynding his wordes with such othes, and making suche gesture and demonstration with his armes, that it might wel appere that he had no lesse fyxed in his harte, thenne was uttered with his mouth.’ State Papers, vol. viii. pp. 349, 350.

[712]Henry, however, used every means in his power to support the main accusation, with other charges of a different nature, which if possible were even more unjustifiable. The King was not ashamed to write to Wallop in France to try and get confirmation of the old rumour (circulated on the Continent by a certain Portuguese ambassador two years before, and probably as a result of the letters of Chapuys) that Cromwell had intended to marry the Princess Mary and to make himself King. Cal. xv. 792, 801, 842.

[713]Cal. xv. 770.

[714]Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 145.

[715]Cal. xv. 804.

[716]Cal. xv. 847.

[717]Cal. xv. 926.

[718]Letters, 348.

[719]Cal. xv. 822.

[720]Cal. xv. 825.

[721]Letters, 349, 350.

[722]Foxe, vol. ii. p. 433. If this story be true, the interest which the King evinced in Cromwell’s letter is to be explained rather by his anxiety concerning his divorce, than by his sympathy for his fallen minister. Certainly there is no reason to think the closing scene of the ‘Life and Death of Thomas Lord Cromwell,’ in which a reprieve is brought from the King by Ralph Sadler after Cromwell’s head had fallen, has any foundation in fact.

[723]Cal. xv. 898.

[724]It is somewhat significant to note that in this case Henry had practically acknowledged facts considered by the canonists as ‘sufficient proof’ of consummation in the case of Arthur and Katherine, and that the King had been glad to accept as such at the time of the trial of his first divorce. This is merely one of those suspiciously convenient changes of opinion one encounters so often in dealing with the personal history of Henry VIII. Cf. Burnet, vol. i. pp. 163–164.

[725]Cal. xv. 825.

[726]Lords’ Journal, pp. 154, 155.

[727]Cal. xv. 899, 901, 953. Part of Anne’s income was derived from the manor of Canbery, previously owned by Cromwell, and at his attainder confiscated to the use of the Crown. Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 713.

[728]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 421.

[729]Cal. xv. 765, 792, 794, 841.

[730]Letters, 351.

[731]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 392.

[732]Cal. xv. 794, 811.

[733]State Papers, vol. viii. p. 412.

[734]Cal. xv. 498, p. 217.

[735]Cal. xv. 926.

[736]Holinshed, p. 817; Hall, p. 839; Foxe, p. 433.

[737]Cal. xvi. 40.

[738]Cf.Appendixat the end of this chapter.

[739]Cf. Collier, vol. ii. p. 181. ‘I readily grant Cromwell was no Papist at his Death. But then, it is pretty plain he was no Protestant neither.’

[740]Cal. xv. 940.

[741]Cal. xvi. 379 (34). Gregory Cromwell died in 1557, and was succeeded by his eldest son Henry. The latter’s grandson Thomas, fourth Baron Cromwell, was created Earl Ardglass in the Irish peerage, April 15, 1645. The earldom of Ardglass expired in 1687, and the barony of Cromwell became dormant in 1709. Life of Thomas Cromwell, in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xiii. p. 202.

[742]Hall, p. 839.

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