On June 4, 1781, a royal cabinet order was sent to Bailiff von Bielcke, Bürgomaster Wulf, and Regimental Quartermaster Schiött, all of Nestved, to seize Chamberlain von Beringskjold, on whom a strong suspicion rested of carrying on a very treasonable correspondence, and sequestrate his papers. These gentlemen enticed the chamberlain, by a business pretext, to the town, read him the king's order, and the bürgomaster at once conveyed him under escort to Copenhagen, where he was handed over to the commandant of the citadel, who locked him up, and informed him that a dollar a day was allowed for his maintenance. In the meanwhile, the two other commissioners went to the prisoner's estate, packed up all the papers they found there in a trunk, sealed it up, and the quartermaster immediately started with it for Fredensborg, where the court was residing at the time. Simultaneously with the order of arrest, the postmasters of Nestved and Ringstedt received instructions, during the next eight days, to stop all letters addressed to Rönnebeksholm, and send them to the royal cabinet. A similar order was sent to Bürgomaster thor Straten and the postmaster of Flensburg, concerning all letters arriving for, or despatched by, a certain Comptroller Wildgaard.
On June 9, Bailiff von Bielcke and his fellow-commissioners were instructed to restore to Frau von Beringskjold all the papers not retained from the trunk which had been examined at Fredensborg, and to give her and her sons, in the king's name, the assurance of his Majesty's lasting favour. Frau von Beringskjold was allowed to remain on her estate, and was only advised, in all future affairs, to consult with her son, Conferenz-rath von Beringskjold.
After a survey of the sequestrated papers had proved the "continued bad designs of this man"—such were the royal words about Beringskjold—a commission of inquiry was appointed on November 13, 1781. In order that this affair which, owing to its nature, demanded the greatest secrecy, should be discussed with all due justice, the king selected those men as judges of whose insight and integrity he and the whole country were convinced, namely, the Justiciary of the Supreme Court, Privy Councillor of Conferences von Rosenörn, the Director and Attorney-General of the General Chancery, Privy Councillor Carstens, the Minister of Finances, Privy Councillor von Stemann, and the Professor of Law, Etats-rath Colbjörnsen.
The commissioners were ordered to assemble, after giving a solemn pledge of secrecy, and, in accordance with the royal instructions, form an opinion, from the papers laid before them, whether Chamberlain von Beringskjold had not proved himself one of those restless subjects who ought to spend the rest of their lives in imprisonment.
The choice of the commission in itself proved what weight was attached to Beringskjold's detected conspiracy. It was a peculiar circumstance, too, that secret instructions were given to the Hamburg post-office, which led to the tolerably correct supposition, that the person related to the royal house was no other than the king's brother-in-law. As early as 1773, Juliana Maria had felt alarm about Christian VII.'s sister, and was very glad at that time that the latter consented to accompany her husband, when appointed generalissimo of Norway, to that distant country.[61]At the period when the conspiracy was detected, Prince Charles was a highly esteemed volunteer in the Prussian army, so that he must naturally have been consulted by letters which must goviâFlensburg, after passing through Schleswig and Louisenlund. The result of the investigation was, however, carefully kept private, and it is, up to the present day, one of the state secrets of the Danish archives.
In the Beringskjold affair, a great number of witnesses was examined who had been connected with the prisoner of state, and even persons who had dined with him were asked what their host had said about the government at dinner. After the witnesses had all been examined, the prisoner's turn arrived, and his crimes, among which a conspiracy against the government was the chief, were brought before him, and helearned for the first time that his own son had denounced him. Beringskjold handed in his counter-declaration, and requested, during the trial, the assistance of Advocate Colbjörnsen, brother of the commissioner.
Finally, when all the regulations of the law, so far as the peculiar nature of the affair allowed it, had been exhausted in the examination, the commission sent in, on December 31, 1781, their opinion upon the point laid before them by the king, which was to the effect, that Chamberlain von Beringskjold was proved to be a restless man, and dangerous to the general welfare and public order, and, as such, ought to be imprisoned for life under a strict guard, according to the law.
When the king was on the point of confirming the sentence or opinion of the commissioners, but at the same time of granting the accused a considerable sum for his maintenance, the discovery was made that the prisoner, in spite of his strict arrest, had carried on a secret correspondence, and undertaken "another attempt at his old wickedness." After such "mad disobedience of all royal orders,"—so says the royal re-script of February 20, 1782,—all the proofs against the prisoner were to be gathered, and laid before the commission for a final judicial sentence.
On March 3, the sentence of the commissioners was made known, which decreed the highest criminal penalty against Chamberlain von Beringskjold, that is,like Struensee and Brandt, loss of honour, life, and property.
The king resolved on this that Beringskjold, although he had added more than one offence to his original crimes, should be spared the extreme penalty, but as a dangerous criminal remain in secure arrest; be degraded from his dignity as chamberlain; and be told that, on the slightest attempt to renew his designs, he would suffer death. This penalty, however, was in no way intended to degrade or humiliate his innocent wife or her sons.
On April 9, the convict was informed of the royal pardon, and the chamberlain's key taken from him for the second time. He was left in the citadel under arrest, but no one was allowed access to him but Dean Thybring. For all that, early in May he found means to write a letter to his wife, which really reached its destination. In this letter he complains of the "incredible godless treatment he had endured;" dropped hints about the charges brought against him; and gave instructions for further correspondence; stating, in conclusion, that he had already written twice, for which purpose paper and pens were given him by special orders of the commandant.
When Frau von Beringskjold received this letter, she was so affected by its contents, that she was attacked by a mortal disease. In her dying moments, however, she handed the letter to Quartermaster Schiött, who at once forwarded a copy to Eickstedt, and shortly after, by the general's orders, the original to Guldberg.
Beringskjold was now removed to Munkholm, where he took the place of Falckenskjold, who had been overthrown by his machinations, and was kept in the strictest arrest in the rock fortress. When, two years later, the government passed into other hands, Beringskjold fancied that the hour of his deliverance had arrived. He therefore hastened to send a petition to Copenhagen, in which he requested a revision of his trial, but naturally gained no hearing from the son of Caroline Matilda. However, the gentle young prince allowed the originator of the conspiracy of 1772 to walk about the fortress and pay visits, and his sons were ordered to give him a portion of what they had inherited from their mother.
A few years later, Beringskjold obtained his removal to the fortress of Bergenhuus, where he remained as a prisoner till 1795, but lived in incessant contention with the commandant, Major-General de Mothe, and the officers. In the last-named year he obtained the regent's permission to end his days in the unfortified town of Stavanger, in Southern Norway, where he was placed under the supervision of the bailiff. He lived here eight years, and died in 1803, at the great age of upwards of eighty years.
Count von der Osten, who became minister of foreign affairs through the palace revolution of 1772, did not occupy his post long, but was banished to Jütland in 1774, when, on the recommendation of Landgrave Charles, Count Bernstorff's nephew, the afterwards socelebrated Peter Andreas Bernstorff, was summoned to Denmark, and the foreign affairs were entrusted to him. A few years after, however, Von der Osten was recalled from his bailiff's post in Aalborg, and appointed president of the Supreme Court; a little later, chief president of Copenhagen; and, shortly before the downfall of the usurping government, was decorated with the order of the Elephant. This participator in the conspiracy also attained an age of upwards of eighty years, and died in 1797.
All that is left now is to describe the fate of the fifth principal conspirator and actual manager of the palace revolution, Cabinet Secretary Guldberg, after whom the misgovernment, from January 17, 1772, to April 14, 1784, has been called the Guldberg Ministry.
Always keeping behind the scenes so long as he had any one to fear who might contend with him for the supreme power, Guldberg accepted no seat in the privy council established immediately after Struensee's fall, but temporarily contented himself with his position as cabinet secretary to the hereditary prince and intimate adviser of the queen dowager, though he at the same time decided everything. But when the younger Bernstorff undertook the foreign ministry in 1774, and Guldberg was alarmed at the influence of this respected man, he effected his own appointment to the hitherto vacant post of privy cabinet secretary to the king, which ensued on the birthday of the hereditary prince. In this way, the cabinet government,which had been charged as the highest crime against Struensee, was re-established, and Guldberg granted official interference in all higher affairs of state. External dignities speedily followed; for the king, in 1777, raised him to the Danish nobility, with precedence from January 29, 1773, the king's birthday, and granted him the name of Höegh-Guldberg. In his new post of honour, he very soon made Bernstorff tired of his ministerial functions;[62]so that the latter sent in his resignation in 1780, and it was accepted. Immediately after, Höegh-Guldberg was appointed a privy councillor, and it was at the same time published that the king had also selected him as a member of the privy council of state.
After three years' working in the dark, the cabinet secretary, who occupied Struensee's post, had thus acquired the governmental authority. The revolution was ostensibly undertaken with the object of bringing the sovereign power again into the hands of the king alone; but as the mental condition of Christian VII. did not permit this, Queen Juliana Maria assumed Struensee's part, though only indirectly, and through the medium of her other self, Guldberg, as her sexdid not permit her to preside in person over the council of state. For the hereditary prince, who held this presidency, was regarded in public as a mere puppet, and, according to the testimony of an eye-witness, valet Franz Goos, passed most of the sessions in sleeping. Höegh-Guldberg, however, did not carry on so aristocratic a rule as Struensee, but cleverly left the current affairs of the administration to the several colleges. But the higher affairs of state were entrusted entirely to his guidance.
Advancing gently, he contrived, by his defence of the principle of nationality, to acquire some degree of respect among his countrymen, and in this way concealed his utter want of statesman-like talent. In this respect the introduction of what is called the Indigenate law of January 15, 1776, remains a lasting merit of his, for he was the concipient and proposer of this law, even though he asked the advice of the two learned brothers Colbjörnsen. By virtue of this law only natives could henceforth hold office, though the king could naturalise deserving foreigners. The motive for the law was so attractive as to gain its concipient great praise. Justice demanded, the introduction said, that natives should eat the bread of the country. The experience of all ages had proved that in countries where the education of youth was attended to, there was never any lack of useful people, if the regent sought them. In this respect, the history of the country might be referred to with pleasure, whichcould display men of all classes who had served the country, maintained and saved its honour, and, with noble courage, sacrificed themselves for their kings.
The consequences of this regulation led to a perfect Danish administration in both kingdoms, so that every failing Struensee had committed in this respect was removed. If this was just, however, it did not compensate for the errors which constantly brought the state nearer to ruin in other points, as all Struensee's beneficial arrangements were revoked through sheer hatred of him, in so far as too evident proofs of their value did not prevent the reactionary party from doing so. The final sanction of the exchange of territory, by which the former Russian share of Holstein was acquired by Denmark, was not Guldberg, but Bernstorff's merit. On the other hand, the former deserves praise for having effected the liberation of Falckenskjold.
In the meanwhile, the crown prince grew up; but his education was so neglected under the coarse hands of Eickstedt and by the over-learned Sporon, that, in truth, he only acquired a decided preference for the Danish language, but never even learned to write it correctly. Although the kings of Denmark are declared to be capable of governing at the commencement of their fourteenth year, the confirmation of the crown prince was deferred till his seventeenth year, and was only then performed in the palace chapel onApril 4, 1784,[63]because it could not be delayed any longer. To this was joined the entrance of the crown prince into the council of state, but the precaution was taken of appointing, on April 6, Minister of Finance von Stemann and Secretary of State Höegh-Guldberg, state ministers and members of the privy council, so that these faithful adherents of the queen might check any possible influence of the young crown prince. But the reckoning had been made without the host.
The crown prince, who was endowed with sound sense and a strong will, had already formed his resolution. As early as autumn, 1781, he had suffered an insult from Guldberg, which he never forgot. He had expressed himself in terms of dissatisfaction about the cabinet orders re-introduced by Guldberg, which had been regarded as a crime in Struensee. Guldberg observed to him, in reply, that the cabinet orders were the sole sign of the sovereignty, as without them there would soon be as many kings as there were colleges in the land, and then told him, through the tutor Sporon, that, were it not for the cabinet decrees, he, the prince, would himself be not worth more than the cat of Slangerup. The brutal Eickstedteven forced the prince to make Guldberg an apology in writing. From this moment, the crown prince formed the fixed resolution to render himself independent, ere long, both of Guldberg and the other holders of the power.
After carrying on a secret correspondence with Bernstorff, who had retired to his estate of Borstel, near Hamburg, and receiving his ready assurance that he would resume his ministerial functions in the event of a change of government, the knowledge of the queen's ambitious plans induced the prince to confide in other trustworthy opponents of the Guldberg ministry, especially Privy Councillors Schack Rathlau and Stampe, General Huth, and Count Reventlow, and arrange with them the execution of his plan.
Thus arrived April 14, 1784, on which day the crown prince was to enter the council of state. When the members assembled, and the king had taken his presidential seat,[64]the two excellencies, Höegh-Guldberg and Von Stemann, appointed ministers of state on April 7, and Count Rosencrone, who had been granted a vote in the privy council, advanced, in order to hand to the king the formulary of the oath, signed by themselves; but the crown prince prevented them, and calmly requested them to desistuntil his Majesty had most graciously permitted him to make a proposition. As all remained silent in expectation, the crown prince produced a paper, and read from it that he gratefully recognised the favour shown him by the king, in his appointment as member of the privy council, but requested his father to dissolve the cabinet, by which the intention expressed in the declaration of February 13, 1772, would be fulfilled. He also begged that two hitherto pensioned men—Privy Councilors von Rosenkrantz and Von Bernstorff—might be recalled to the council of state; and, further, Lieutenant-General von Huth and Privy Councillor Stampe be appointed councillors of state.
After reading this proposal, the crown prince laid the paper for signature before the king, who at once seized a pen, in order to fulfil his son's wish; but the hereditary prince tried to prevent him, by saying that the king must not be allowed to act with precipitation. Christian did not allow himself to be checked by this objection, and tried to complete his signature; but ere he could manage it, the pen fell from his fingers. The crown prince handed it to him again directly, and the king not merely completed his signature, but added his sanction, on his son saying, "Will not my gracious father show me the affection of writing 'approved,' here?" When this was done, the hereditary prince attempted to seize the paper; but the crown prince was too quick for him, and put it in his pocket. Startled by this scene, the king hurried tohis apartment, whither the hereditary prince followed him with equal speed and shot the bolt, so that the crown prince could not gain access to his father. Embittered by this, the heir to the throne turned to the four privy councillors, Moltke, Höegh-Guldberg, Stemann, and Rosencrone, with the declaration that the king no longer required their services, and at the same time announced the dismissal of the Supreme Marshal von Schack, Conferenz-rath Jacobi, and Cabinet Secretary Sporon; and added, that the first of them must not show himself before the king again.
After this, the crown prince retired in order to reach his father by another route, but found that also barred against him. He was about to have the door opened by force, when his companion, Marshal von Bülow, contrived to appease him, and immediately after the door opened, and the hereditary prince appeared, leading the king by the hand, and trying, as it seemed against his wish, to conduct him to the queen. The crown prince leaped forward, seized the king's other hand, and most earnestly begged him to return to his apartment, and feel convinced that nothing should be done without his gracious sanction, and only that be effected which would prove to the advantage of the subjects and the country. As the weak king was more inclined to respond to his son's wishes than go with the hereditary prince, the latter so greatly lost his self-command as to seize hold of the crown prince's collar and try to tear him away from the king by force.But the son held his father so tightly with the left hand, and used his right so energetically against the hereditary prince, that the uncle was soon obliged to yield, especially when the crown prince laid his hand on his sword for the purpose of driving him back. The crown prince's page of the bed-chamber, Von Mösting, afterwards so well known as minister of finances, ran up, however, and ere the hereditary prince knew what was being done to him, he found himself at the other end of the corridor. The terrified king took advantage of this moment to fly to his apartment, and thus the victory of the palace revolution of April 14, 1784, was decided. For, if the hereditary prince had succeeded in carrying the king to his step-mother, the recently approved ordinance would certainly have been revoked, and the humiliating announcement which the queen had made to the crown prince just before he entered the privy council, that henceforth Guldberg would report to him the king's orders, would have become a truth.
We can imagine into what a fury Juliana Maria was thrown when her beloved son told her of what had occurred in the council of state, and the treatment he had undergone. She raved, wished to go to the king even if it cost her life, called Count Reventlow, who threw himself at her feet and implored her to be calm, a traitor, and said to the crown prince that he was a treacherous gentleman, who always had honey in his lips but poison in his heart, and thatit was his intention to kill his father. The hereditary prince, however, had so thoroughly lost all courage for further resistance, that he wished himself dead. If we take into consideration the energy of the intriguing lady, and the nimbus of sovereignty which had surrounded her for twelve years, we must applaud the precaution that the artillery under General Huth, and the palace guard, were held in readiness, in case any further resistance should be offered to the downfall of the late government, or the refusal of the king to sign the order, had rendered the proclamation of the crown prince as regent, which had been fully decided on, necessary. Still, all ended with the fury and passion of the deposed Juliana Maria, and she had rendered herself so odious to the nation, that the change of government was greeted with universal joy, and the crown prince everywhere received with applause. But the fury of the angry lady also became appeased when the crown prince threatened serious measures and arrest.
In the meanwhile, the king's commands had been sent to the colleges and courts, and Bernstorff invited by the crown prince to return immediately.[65]Early in May, the future foreign minister and president of the German Chancery arrived in Copenhagen. His practised diplomatic pen communicated to foreigncourts the overthrow of the Guldberg ministry, and of the rule of Juliana Maria, with the postscript that the government firm would still remain that of Christian VII., but the government of the crown prince as regent had commenced on April 14, 1784.
Höegh-Guldberg was called on to pacify the old queen, and the regent considered the deposed secretary of state's merit in effecting this so great, that he contented himself with sending this concoctor of the conspiracy against his mother, into the usual banishment in Jütland, as bailiff of Aarhuus. The sudden removal from dignities held so long, and from the sovereign authority, demanded resignation. The God-fearing Höegh-Guldberg displayed it, at least externally, and retained his post up to the year 1802, when he was dismissed, and retired to the fine estate of Hald, near Viborg, which he had purchased, and where he died in 1806. He did not venture to present an order on the Treasury for 100,000 dollars given him as a reward by the queen dowager, possibly because, as a judge of Struensee, he felt his conscience prick him too strongly; and when, after his death, his sons had the courage to bring forward this claim on the government, the crown prince laughingly referred their impudent demands to the Greek Calends.
The enlightened statesman, Bernstorff, who afterwards acquired world-renown by his decree of neutrality, was, from this time forth up to his death in 1797, the adviser of the young, inexperienced, and, unfortunately,poorly-educated crown prince. As such, he opposed all odious measures in a reactionary sense, and it was to this mild conduct that the queen dowager and Prince Frederick owed their security as members of the royal house, though they were entirely excluded from all participation in affairs of state. When the fire of 1794 completely destroyed the splendid Christiansborg Palace, these two royal conspirators against Struensee and Caroline Matilda were left without a roof in the capital, and were obliged to seek shelter with private persons until their future abode was prepared for them in the Amalienborg Palace. Here, mother and son lived quietly till their death: the former, engaged with penances, for which her crimes against her own daughter-in-law and an innocent minister were sufficient reason; the latter, more honourably, in promoting the arts and sciences, for which the appanage of 12,000 dollars, granted him on the exchange of territory for resigning the coadjutorship of the principality of Lübeck, afforded him the means. By his consort, a princess of Mecklenburg, he had two sons and two daughters; of the latter, the youngest, the grandmother of ALEXANDRA, PRINCESS OFWALES, is, in spite of her great age, still remarkable for her beauty and grace.
(Extracts from the Correspondence ofMr. N. W. WRAXALL, Jun.,with his Father, relative to the Restoration ofCAROLINEMATILDA).
(Extracts from the Correspondence ofMr. N. W. WRAXALL, Jun.,with his Father, relative to the Restoration ofCAROLINEMATILDA).
No. 1.
LONDON, ADELPHI,Saturday Night, Jan.21st, 1775.
I shall now endeavour to give my dearest father some idea of my present views and plans. I have, after much time, labour, and trouble, deciphered the letter pretty well. The Danish nobility wish impatiently my return, and implore me not to delay it a day which I can prevent. They wait in eager expectation of my arrival, with his Majesty's compliance and support, to strike the blow, or lose all in the attempt. I went with this letter to the Baron de Lichtenstein. He received himself a letter yesterday from the queen, which orders him to give me another £100 from her own moneys here, and superadded to these two sources, his Majesty has promised to give an order on his Hanoverian Treasury, in case of necessity, to supply me still further. So you seetheyare all now in earnest. I went to the merchant to-day, on whom my bill (received from the Danish nobility yesterday) was drawn, and he gaveme instantly a bank note for £100 sterling, which I now have in my pocket book. How much longer I shall stay in this kingdom I cannot say, nor can the Baron de L—— say with any more certainty than myself. It absolutely and fully depends on his Majesty's orders and pleasure. The baron will see him next Tuesday morning (it is impossible sooner, two councils being held Sunday and Monday at the queen's palace on American affairs), and communicate to him my letter received from the Danish nobility. I shall write a number of queries likewise forHimon Monday, though I should not be surprised ifHesees me before my departure. The baron thinks that I shall not be sent away before the 6th or 7th of next month, when his Majesty will have had time to give his full, clear, and mature reply, and some letters are expected from Copenhagen, which will give a little light how to act. I shall be glad if I am delayed yet some 2 or 3 weeks, as the spring opens, and winter will begin to retire every day. 'Tis terrible to cross Westphalia and Hanover at this season of the year; but that is nothing.
I presume you will now begin to imagine my scheme less romantic, and my views more probable, than they have hitherto appeared; but believe me, my dearest sir, on my honour, I am no more elated now than I was depressed 12 days ago, when things had a very dubious, uncertain aspect. If I return, and if the queen should be reinstated, I may, and I think, must be rewarded in some way—honorary, or otherwise; but I depend on nothing, and hold it as loose as ever I did; yet I now hope and believe I shall go back to Zell, Hamburgh, and perhaps Copenhagen; but still I can positively assert nothing till I haveHisreply and commands for my departure.
Though I have this hundred pounds now in my possession, yet I consider it a sacred deposit, not to be touched or infringed on till I begin my journey from hence, or the expenses immediately necessary to it. Even my own interest would lead me to be very scrupulous and honourable on this point. My reward is not yet come: it is to come, perhaps, bye-and-bye.
No. 2.
Jan.23rd, 1775.
And now respecting the grand affair. I conversed two hours with the baron this morning. He hopes to see his Majesty to-morrow evening, or Wednesday morning. I then shall know his ultimate pleasure and commands. The baron has, however, requested me to write in cypher to the Danish nobility to-morrow, that "I have received their money: that, according to all appearances and probability I shall leave London on my return about the first day or week in February, and shall take the direct road to Zell, and thence to Hamburgh." He likewise writes the same to Her to-morrow. I have drawn up a paper of articles to be presented to his Majesty by the baron when he obtains audience, which will contain his reply and argument. In my own opinion, I own, it seems as far as human foresight can now determine, that I shall be sent away in the course of next week: but nothing is sure, nothing to be depended on, till his Majesty's answer and orders are known. Then, I've demanded four days or five, to be ready and prepare my little affairs. A carriage I must buy in Rotterdam or Utrecht, as no carriage can pass by the packet from hence. I've a servant in readiness, whom I can engage the minute I've my despatch or orders to be gone. 'Tis very probable I shall be sent on from Hamburgh to Copenhagen, to give notice then to the party of his Majesty's full consent. Then business will begin. God grant it may be successful! If we are, I may then presume to hope and think I shan't be forgotten.
No. 3.
Jan.31, 1775.
I went to the baron. He was with the king last night, but the queen being constantly at their elbow, he could not say one word toHimrespecting audience. The king said: "venez Mercredi à onze heures." So, to-morrow morning, at 11, he will see Him. I askedhim if I might not, as 'twould be very agreeable to me in many respects, stay till Monday next; he said "Imightdo it: but he must request me not to stay beyond Friday, if it could be avoided by acquiescence, as the Danish nobility, and the queen of Denmark, would expect me impatiently according to my promise, and I should not fail to execute it, if to be done. Besides, I am sure," said he, "the king won't delay for an hour, and will expect you to begone before next Monday. Pray be ready! I hope to send you word to-morrow evening all is done. So try, if you can, to be ready for Friday." I was obliged, therefore, to submit, and expect surely to be gone next Friday afternoon, though then I shall be confoundedly hurried and driven.
No. 4.
Feb.2, 1775.
I am just returned from the baron's: I have received my ultimate despatches: a letter from his Majesty to her Majesty the queen, and lastly, the articles to which the king consents. All therefore is done, finished completely. The baron wished me joy, bade me farewell, wished me a very happy journey, and all success! I must, 'tis his Majesty's pleasure, begone to-morrow night for Harwich, and must be at Harwich by or before 3 in the afternoon, as the packet sails (unless the wind is directly contrary) Saturday evening.
No. 5.
ZELL,Feb.19, 1775.
Indeed, my dearest father, neither you nor I had any idea of the tremendous roads through which I have passed, the continued and wondrous chain of dangers, amid which I have as yet escaped unhurt. Imagination cannot paint anything more horrid than the roads of Westphalia, of Holland (beyond Utrecht), of Hanover, to the gates of Zell. But let me continue my recital from Osnabrück.I quitted that city last Monday at noon, and got to Diepenau by miracle almost next morning at daybreak. I would willingly have gone round to Minden, or to Nienburg, two cities situate on the river Weser, and at each of which there are bridges across it—but this was impracticable. The river was so amazingly swelled by the deluges of rain as to exceed all belief, and absolutely to cut off all communication, in or out, with these two places. I had, therefore, no partie left, but that of going on straight to Stolzenau, putting my carriage into a boat, and crossing over at all events. I did so, and succeeded. I arrived safe on the English bank of the Weser, Thursday morning, after navigating more than a mile through fields and meadows, the hedges of which only began to appear above water. It put me in mind of Deucalion's deluge. Thence I had only 40 miles to Hanover. What signifies it to repeat to you that I expected a hundred and a hundred times to be lost! That I passed deep pieces of standing water, half a mile in length! That several times I believed myself gone, and thought never to see Zell alive! Here I am notwithstanding, unhurt, undismayed, and ready to meet these dangers, if commanded, all again! Nor think that I am unmindful of, or ungrateful to that Being, who protects the race of man, and preserves us in every situation! I am not so wanting in the noblest feeling of the human bosom; but as I feel, so I express myself about it in very different language from you. I got here Friday night by the kind assistance of the moon, without which 'twould indeed have been an absolute impossibility ever to have got here in the mire; since 'twould be neither more nor less than madness and frenzy to attempt to travel during a dark night. You may depend on it, my dear sir, I am not desired to do this, and never shall, till the roads mend. As to the rest, I know your parental anxiety will be all awake for me, and will make you tremble for my preservation; but fear nothing. I have a noble presentiment which never quits me, of future elevation! Some protecting genius shelters me from danger, and averts every fatal accident from me. I have no doubt I shall return to you bye-and-bye,—I cannot promise you a richer man,but I can promise you, a wiser man. What passed last night I cannot now mention to you. I may not trust to this uncertain, dangerous conveyance. It is enough to say that all goes more than well, that I am approved by my queen, that I am promised to share in the future happy prospects, if we can realise them. That be my endeavour! I have devoted myself to the enterprise. I have passed the Rubicon, and won't retreat. If ever virtuous glory had power to animate a young man's bosom, it ought to do so in mine!
This night, or rather early in the morning, by moonlight, I begin my journey. It is only about 80 English miles; but I don't expect to reach Hamburgh before Wednesday noon, as I shall only travel during that part of the night when the moon lights me on the way. You may depend, my dearest father, that I will indeed take every care of my safety possible. They implore me here to do so.Shehas laid her commands on me to be careful of myself, forHersake. What more forcible motives can I have? I half think I shall go on to Copenhagen; but 'tis dangerous, and that point's not settled yet. At Hamburgh I shall know all. Hitherto, all success attends us: nor do I doubt that it will attend us to the end. "'Tis not in mortals to command success:" we must do our utmost, and leave the rest to fate.
And now, my best, kindest, dearest father, I bid you and my mother farewell! I am just going to set out for Hamburgh. Pray let me hear of her story from you: 'twill be very inspiriting to a poor traveller, amid the horrid roads of Westphalia and Lower Saxony.
No. 6.
HAMBURGH,Feb.23, 1775.
I have received no money yet in repayment of the £100 I spent last autumn; butShehas not only promised me, in the fullest terms, that sum, but superior marks of her bounty, if all goes well. We must have patience, my dear father: time will do morefor us than anything else. Hanbury wonders what the deuce has brought me here. I told him I came by Osnabrück and Bremen, and said not a word of Zell or Hanover. "You're a wicked fellow," he said to me. "You've done some mischief: some man's wife, now, or some lady or other. You had better be candid, and tell me, for your father will, I am sure, bye-and-bye." 'Twas just the pretext I intended to screen myself with. So I told him that a little affair of gallantry, harmless enough, had induced me just now to travel, and that my intentions were for Berlin.Thathas satisfied him.
Now, to continue my narrative. I wrote you from Zell. I left it on Sunday at midnight, and arrived, though through a thousand hair-breadth escapes, at this place, the day before yesterday. The country is an ocean. I passed through towns so completely environed, as to resemble an island, amid a vast lake or sea. Guess, then, what the roads must be. Surely, I am protected from any harm in an extraordinary manner. I passed through waters so deep, so long, so broad, that 'twas not in human nature to be quite unmoved. I passed the Elbe very safely, about 20 miles higher up than Hamburgh. 'Tis very, very happy, sir, yet here; for the rains have begun afresh, and 'twill be impossible to travel for some time in these countries. Here are not less than a dozen gentlemen now in Hamburgh, who do not dare, though pressed by their affairs, to set out for Holland and France. All the danger which threatened us, is, however, over: aye, I believe I shan't quit this city this four weeks or more, and then the spring will have mended the face of things. I have seen the Danish nobleman to whom I am sent. To-morrow we shall have a long interview. Then, as I can write with more certainty, I'll finish this letter.
Feb.24.
At present, my dear sir, I am a little more in the light than I was yesterday. I shall not assuredly be sent to Copenhagen, but remain here at least 14 or 16 days, as a messenger is sent with what I brought. What will be done in consequence I can't yet say; and ifI could, cannot communicate to you by this conveyance. Some few weeks are requisite to ripen matters. I am promised on all hands to have my fortune made if we succeed: but, as Hamlet says, there's the rub! Meanwhile, they supply me with money for all my expenses; so, at the worst, I am taken off your hands for the present. Even that is somewhat, you must allow. My expectations are neither languid nor sanguine. If they succeed,Sheneither can nor will forget me. If they fail,Shewon't have it in her power. That's exactly the case! So, I repeat, patience! The post which ought to have arrived to-day from England is not come. No wonder, when the rains continue, and all the country is deluged with water. I am happy to find I shall have 15 days' respite from such perilous journeys.
No. 7.
LONDON, 7th April, 1775.
As the Baron de Lichtenstein had left orders for me to wait on the Hanoverian Envoy with what letters I might have for his Majesty, I waited on him this morning. He received me with distinguished politeness. I gave him three letters; one from the queen, one from the Danish nobility, and a third from myself; all addressed to the king. He said he had received his orders to forward them instantly to the queen's palace to his Majesty, which he would not delay one moment. So, I suppose, in the course of 4 or 6 days I shall receive some orders or message fromHim. 'Tis a most delicate and difficult affair in which they have engaged me; but, as I exactly and minutely know my instructions, and the genius of the party, I fear nothing; but, on the contrary, am conscious of being able so to act, as to approve myself to those who have honoured me by so noble a deputation. As soon as I know anything, I shan't fail to inform you; but I shan't be surprised if I should be sent back again to Germany in less than 12 or 14 days. Yet I know nothing, and can draw no certain inferences at present. All depends on his Majesty's replies and pleasure.
No. 8.
JERMYNSTREET,April11, 1775.
I would willingly give you a little light into the exact situation I am in, and the views I have at this time. The nobility who sent me back this second time to represent their requests, and notify their desires to his Majesty, all men of the highest rank and eminence in Denmark and Holstein, but being at present in a species of exile, unpensioned and unofficed, were by no means capable of raising a large sum of money, or supplying me with anything beyond the "de quoi vivre." They only give me 600 ducats, or near £300 per an.:—I mean, after that proportion, during my stay in England as their agent or envoy. It is not from them—I mean strictly, and in their own persons—that my reward must ultimately come. It is from her Majesty the queen. If she returns to her kingdom, she can highly honour and reward me, herself. If she does not, she can yet recommend me so powerfully to her brother, that I shall be at least in some manner or way taken care of. I do not account the money they give me to procure bread and wine, while employed in their immediate service, as in the minutest degree rewarding me. Neither dotheyesteem it so. Fond as I am of travelling, I am not desirous of repassing the circle of Westphalia, at the continual hazard of my life and limbs; nor would I do it in any cause less honourable, less noble, than that of seeing a young and charming princess, whose graciousness and condescension have attached me more to her, than any hopes of interest or even ambition. Whether his Majesty rejects or consents to their request, alters not in any degree the intentions of the party. His consent will accelerate the blow; his refusal may retard, but cannot, never will change the design. They ordered me to tellHerMajesty—and I did tell her so—that if the executioner should strike off ten heads, or if the plague should destroy as many more—enough would still remain alive to reseat her on the throne, and doubted not to effect it. The time when cannot be fixed. It must depend on many circumstances.
Her Majesty has written to the king, particularly requesting him, as the nobility are poor, and cannot allow me much, to make me some genteel present while in England—not as any reward to me, but to lighten their burden. Whether he will, however, comply with this request, I very much question. If I hear nothing in 8 or 10 days, I shall write to her Majesty and the nobility, and request them to send more minute and precise commands how to proceed. But surely I shall hear from the king in some way or other within that time; at least, I can't but apprehend so.
No. 9.
April10, 1775.
I sent the three letters to his Majesty last Friday. I've yet heard nothing in answer. If I hear nothing in ten days from this time, I shall then write to two of the nobility, and likewise to the queen (for she expressly and personally enjoined me to write to Herself, and to address all my letters immediately to her). This gracious and condescending permission I won't fail to profit by. If his Majesty sees me, and gives me a favourable answer to the request made him, I think, I believe, and imagine, he will send me instantly back with it to Zell and Hamburgh. Nay, the Queen has even requested him in her letter, in that case, to honour me with some employ, or charge me with some ostensible message or commission, to hide my real and actual errand. Her Majesty, in the last interview I had with her at midnight, in an apartment of the castle of Zell, where I was brought disguised, was most graciously pleased to assure me that it was not only on account of my services that she would endeavour to reward me, but that she was evenpersonallyattached to a man who would have rushed on certain death, to have had the glory of sacrificing his life at such a shrine.
No. 10.
COCOATREE, PALLMALL,April14, 1775.
I have finished my packet for Germany to the nobility, but I don't write to her Majesty till Tuesday next, as 'tis not impossible I may hear from his Majesty in or within that time. My motive for not quitting town before next Sunday se'nnight is, that I would wait a decent, proper time, in expectation of an answer, message, or order from the king, who may be hindered by business, &c., and who would, doubtless, think me very inattentive to the queen's concerns, and my so important commission, if I ran away in a week after my arrival to visit my friends, regardless of him or his reply. Even if I hear not a word, direct or indirect, yet, when I leave London, I shall put into the Hanoverian Envoy's hand a few lines, which, if his Majesty should send for me, or ask after me, during my absence, he will, in that case, send or deliver to his Majesty. What I shall say will be to this purport:—
Sir,—Not having received any message from your Majesty, and not having seen my father or friends these eighteen months, and not being immediately wanted in London on account of my commission, I have presumed to leave town; but am ready at a moment's notice, and the signification of your Majesty's pleasure, to be again in London with all possible expedition.
This I shall give myself to the Hanoverian Envoy, and request him to give me a line to Bristol, the instant he receives any message respecting me from his Majesty, as, if wanted, I will, and shall hold myself in readiness, to return to town without delay. This conduct will, I think, obviate any censure or disapproval.
My stay, as I said yesterday, won't, I believe, exceed, if it reaches, three weeks, as I expect within that time from my quitting London, answers to my letters to Hamburgh and Zell, which will require my return to town. I may even have letters sooner, so important as to keep me here, or necessitate me, if at Bristol, to return directly; butI think I shall have none sent; though, truly, I can't say. It depends on the course of events in Denmark and Germany.
I think the king won't see me first or last, as envoy from the queen and nobility; but I hope, that is, I half hope, that he'll, notwithstanding, pay some sort of attention to her Majesty's recommendation of me, and somehow or other, perhaps serve me, or employ me, or reward me—but yet I doubt much even of that. If my fortune depended on the queen's goodness and gratitude (for I have served her, and will with my life, if she bid me), my life upon it, she would not leave me unprovided for. But she can do nothing. Even if she should be restored, yet 'tis the king of England must employ me. I neither could nor would profit by the Danish Majesty's service. But we must leave all that to time. I expect nothing, nothing at all; but I may have great things done for me. The latter won't give me one moment's pain, the former not an hour's exultation. I have told you I am inomnia paratus. Death or a ribbon are to me the same.
No. 11.
JERMYNSTREET,May19, 1775.
Imagine, my dear father, the shock I have received on hearing this moment, on my arrival here, that the Queen of Denmark is dead. I am wrapt in horror, sorrow, and consternation. I went to St. James's Coffee House, where Lord Hertford confirmed to me the sad news. A purple fever carried her off. The courier arrived yesterday, late at night. His Majesty is said to be much hurt by this so unexpected a blow. No doubt remains of its unhappy authenticity. As to me, indeed, I feel as I ought, the loss I sustain by her Majesty's death. I was even attached to her, and interest conspires in the nobler emotions to make me weep at the funeral of so young, so amiable, so unhappy a queen. What will be the consequences to me I can't say exactly. That she should die at this critical time, at the very moment, when she would, no doubt, have recommended me so strongly to the king, is one of those events which may overcome a temper more steady and uniform than mine.
No wonder now that I have no answer to the long letter which I addressed to her three or four weeks ago, and which she graciously assured me at my departure from Zell, she would certainly answer. My head sinks for a moment under this very unexpected stroke; but it is really sorrow, more than the mean consideration of self loss, that bend it down. True, I have lost my patroness, my royal mistress; but, I have a hundred times told you, that no accidents of fortune can permanently stagger me. I am prepared to live or die; to be prosperous, or to stem the tide of adversity—yet, I confess it lies heavy at my heart. I must have done.
To-morrow I'll write more, be assured. Don't you be hurt, my dear father at this news! Fear not for me. I can't be depressed. His Majesty may yet patronise me; nay, I fear not that he will do it. My spirit is unbroken, and ten times defeated I shall rally, and conquer in the end.
Good night! I weep for the poor departed queen. Little did I think this, when she so kindly bade me adieu, not two months since, in her library at midnight. I remember her parting words, her look. She held the door a moment in her hand before she went out. But I did not see, I did not know that death followed her step, and shut the door for ever between her and me.
P.S.—Lord Lumley (Lord Harborough's son) told me 'tis believed the queen was poisoned.
No. 12.
I have this very moment received a mournful letter from Baron de Seckendorf, from Zell. I join my tears to his, on the loss of our royal mistress, the gracious and amiable deceased queen. He says, the Baron de Lichtenstein pledges himself that I shall be atleast reimbursed my expenses from his Majesty here. He mentions no circumstances of her Majesty, the queen's death. He was too much oppressed with sorrow. Depend on it, that in the end some notice from the throne will be taken of me. It must be so, I think.
No letter yet from the poor, miserable, thunderstruck nobility at Hamburgh.
No. 13.
LONDON,May26, 1775.
I have written, finished, sealed up, and put in the post this evening, three very particular and minute letters. One to the Baron de Lichtenstein, requesting him to recommend me to his Majesty, which I know he will do, and which will be almost as effectual as the deceased queen's recommendation. A second to Baron de Seckendorf, answering his letter to me, and desiring him to strengthen my request made to Lichtenstein. This, I know likewise, he'll do most cheerfully. I have also desired him to send me the particulars of her Majesty's illness and death. The third letter, and longest, is to the Danish nobility at Hamburgh. You may almost divine its general meaning and contents. I condole with them on our horrid loss in the dear departed queen: inform them I have written to Lichtenstein, to the end that he may do his utmost, and what she would have done, if she had only lived a few days longer, with his Britannic Majesty. I offer them my further offices, if they have anything to employ me in. I request the continuance of their friendship, and to hear from them soon. This is, in general terms, the substance of my letter.
I allow, my dear father, that I am generally too sanguine in my expectations, too enthusiastic and lively in my ideas and descriptions; but yet remember I predict it—something must, and will yet be done effectual for me, by the Danish nobility and Baron de Lichtenstein. They are all conscious of and acquainted with my services; feeling satisfied of my zeal, capacity, and address, andextremely desirous of procuring me some reward, some sort of recompense for my dangers, fatigues, and endeavours. The Baron de Lichtenstein managed the whole affair, knows me, esteems me: knows her Majesty the queen's intentions of serving me with her brother: and, superadded to all this, he is vastly beloved by the king, who showed him a thousand marks of goodness when in England.
Attend the answer to their letters: they will come in three or four weeks. I cannot, indeed, answer for his Majesty's conduct in consequence of their recommendations; nor could I, even if the queen had recommended me: but I think I may rely on their warm endeavours to procure me some notice or reward from his Majesty; though what may be, whether greater or smaller, must depend on his gracious pleasure.
Undoubtedly, my dear sir, when I reflect on the so unexpected, so sudden, so critical death, of the poor, amiable, unhappy queen, I am covered with amazement, and own it is a lessonnever to depend on anything. Could anything not actually done be surer? A young, gay, healthy woman, who had every appearance of long life, snatched away in four days, and buried ere we imagined she was ill. Probably, if I live to a hundred years, I shall never meet with another, so wondrous, so extraordinary an adventure, which is so incredible in its own nature, that I know not what to say to it.
No. 14.
LONDON,May30, 1775.
I have received, my very dear father, a long and mournful letter from the Baron de Bülow himself. You will see from it how ready the nobility are to do any and every thing to conduce to my interests: how sensible they are of my zeal, capacity, and unwearied fidelity in the execution of their commands. I have already named the service, the only service, they can do me. I mean that of requesting Baron de Lichtenstein to write very strenuously in myfavour to his Majesty. I shall reply to-morrow or next day to this letter, and condole with them on our common, heavy, and irreparable loss, in the dear, departed queen, and reiterate to them my urgent request of being recommended to his Majesty, as the only recompense I desire or ask. There is no shadow of doubt that they will do their part. There is no doubt in nature of Lichtenstein's doing his; but as to what notice our royal master may be pleased to take of their recommendation, or how far he may be graciously disposed to extend his favour or notice to this, I cannot presume or pretend to say, but must leave to futurity to determine. That I shall be reimbursed seems clear; but that's nothing. I aspire much beyond any pecuniary reward. Even if his Majesty should notnowextend his munificence or protection to me, yet I am at least known to him by character and reputation. I have served without any reward his royal sister—I have claims—and some future time may give me opportunity to renew or make them good.
[It may be added that the Danish nobility wrote a letter to George III., in which they formally renounced and refused all repayment of the sums disbursed in the cause of the queen's restoration: which repayment was expressly stipulated by his Britannic Majesty, in the third article of the conditions which Mr. Wraxall carried over to Germany in February, 1775. They only asked that their agent might be honourably rewarded and employed. But it was all of no avail.]
The first letter of the word is marked by that which is above, excepting in the case that it be lined under, when it signifies nothing (in itself).
The second letter—count back from the letter you have written to that you would write, and mark the number or cypher.
One writes likewise in the syllables and words; letters of the upper range with a line under, whichthenmarks nothing in itself; but you must begin from that to count the number following, which deciphers the true letter.
Every letter which is notlined—(so)—marks that which is under.
One writes at the end of every word one of those letters which signify nothing; and sometimes in the middle of a word put two of them, to render the cypher more difficult.
l2+ 13 u + 1 b c2÷ 3 ÷ 2. p ÷ 11. + 13. φ ÷ 17 + 8 a2+ 2 ÷ 12 ×
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0 3+ z÷ 3 x a z + 4 c l h d + z + 6 + 9 o l s p l g l ÷ 6 + l9 +8 m g c l. 9 s x y e l b o 3 b s + l ÷ l4 ÷ z + 6 k o z a l ÷l g o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ z φm÷ 3. y (z k) d + l l n n ÷ 7 x i z f e 1 o3 o 1 ÷ z + 6 + l + 3 ÷ 8 + 5 ÷ l + 5 6 di z+ l n a l+ 7 ÷ 4 + 8 s a z + 4 o l + z y. z + l0 ÷ 7 ÷ l9 ÷ z ul ÷ 5p z+ l φ + 3 ÷ 5 c z y. r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 x o z c l o 3b u l + 1l + 9 + 8 k + 9d+ 1 t z + 1. 9 s f + z + 6 ÷ zy i z + l + 6 o 3. p l ÷ 5 ÷ 7 ÷ 1 + 5 g r + z ÷ lz + 1 c1 p 3 ÷ lz g i l c l. 9 x ÷ 7 h + 6 ÷ z h c l + 8 + 8 ÷ 7 f+ 6 + lz xs+ l ÷ 4 + 9 ÷ 1 ÷ 5 c z x c z ÷ z ÷ 3 r y oz + 4 a 1 + 3 ks+ 5 ÷ z ÷ 3 + l b r ÷ l0 + l5. g p l +z φ + l7 ÷ z d + z k n s o l g r p l p 3 y o z ÷ l0. r + zi 3+ 5 n o 1 ÷ 4 + lz c l k r ÷ 1 + 4 + lpl + 4. o z p l xp 3 ÷ lz ÷ z c l i z + 7 + 4 ÷ l0 + 5 ÷ l x i l + l x +6 ÷ 10 o z ÷ 6 + 14 φ ÷ z ÷ l z y i l c l. d m p l. + lz ÷6 ÷ z g o z ÷ 6. 9 ÷ l6 + 1z ÷ 8 c z p l a l + 9 ÷ 6 g o ls + 6 p 3 a z + 4 ÷ l5 h 9 s e l ÷ z k p lf÷ 3s÷ 9 o 3 xu l + 3 + l4 + 7 h x r ÷ l + 6 p 3 y g ÷ 7 a z + 3 ÷ z÷ 1 z g i l + 1n+ 3 ÷ l4 p 3 c z.d+ z + 14. a z + 4 + 6+ lz ÷ 9 s p l r c l e l ÷ 5 + z ÷ lz o 3o 3+ 3 o z + 3o 3+ z ÷ z h o 3 + 1z + lz c l o 3. x o l d o l s 9 + l8 + 6 +23 g c l d + 14 h y ÷ 8 9 ÷ l i l + l o 3p1 + 4 + l4a l+ 3 ÷ 17 ga z+ 5 ÷ 7 + l0 + 6 r + 3 h y d + z c z φ ÷14 y + 6 c l x c z y h φ p 3 c 1 y d + 1l ÷ z k φ ÷ 7 x i l c 1x ÷ z ÷ 14 ÷ 19 ÷ 1 e l ÷ 8 ÷ 7. k h g o z p l y p 3pl +4 r ÷ 1 ÷ l dal + 3. i l e 1 g p 3 f o l hp z÷ 5 f + 4 +l b ÷ 1 ÷ 9 + 4 1 + 13 o z ÷ z ÷ 4 + lzul ÷ l g f + lg φ ÷ 8 g d + ll ÷ z + 3 p 3o 3÷ 13 i z i l. h r + z ÷ 8÷ 4 + 8 ÿ p l ÿ + z + z x ÷ zn+ z i z o 3 ÷ 13 i z c z c 1ni z÷ 8 i z c z y a z c l o l x + 4 ÷ 8. p 3 ÷ lz o 3 φ ÷ 13n a l o z c l y r p l ÷ 8 g n + 14 o z h p l g e l ÷ 7 p 3 ÷lz + 1 + l4 ÷z g h f ÷ 1 h φ p 1 h a l + 3 o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ 5+ 4 xi l c l g o 3 f i z. d + 10 ÷ 1 + 5 + 1z + 8 + 6 +l1 + 7 c l + 8 + 6. c 1 + l4 x ÷ 15 + l + l3 p 1 r c 1 p.3 ÷ 5 ÷ 3 + g s x y φ ÷ g + 5 ÷ l g r f e 1 p 3 h u l p l o1 + 8 ÷ lz g e 1 ÷ 7 ÷ 8 g p 3 t l 9 f o z + g ÷ 1 ÷ 10 +5 ÷ l i l p l i z o 3 h e 1 ÷ 7 x ÷ 1z ÷ 6 ÷ l ÷ z ÷ lz gr ÷ 14 ÷ z ÷ 6 h g n p l o 1 o 3 d + z f + 4 + l h ÷ l ÷4 i z x o 3 ÷ 4 + 6 ÷ l ÷ 10u l÷ l + 8 h a z e l f i z h oz e l o l g i l + l n ÷ l l i z i l c l y t 1 + 8. o z p l. yu l÷ 5 + 8 + g + 8 + 1z + 6. a z + 4 ÷ 6 ÷ 5 + 7 + 4 ÷6 ÷ 1 x φ ÷ 8 x + 6 + g o l x ÷ 8 ÷ z + 6 x r p 1 + l7 y÷ l4 + l ni 3÷ l f ÷ 1 i l + l y ÷ l + zz p 3 f ÷ z ÷4 i z + 6 y d c l o z p l x i l f o l c z h r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 + zp 1 + 1z + 6 h 4 l p l o l p 3 c 1 x + l0 + z3 ÷ lz n a l ozm÷ 3a z+ l h a z + 4d+ z g + 6 c 1 g p 3 ÷ 3o z÷z h i z ÷ 8. 9 t 9 + l5 ÷ l k ÷ 4 + 1l o 3 g m p 1 i 3 p l p3 i l c l p 3 h e l i z h o 3 f e l ÷ z. a z + 4 + 6 i z i l h i z+ 1 + 6 o 3 h ÷ 5 + l e 1 ÷ za 1+ 3 ÷ 7 r ÷ l o 3 ÷ 4÷ 1 + 5 h p 1 n ÷ 3 + z g φ ÷ 6 i l ÷ 4m+ 5 l ÷ z +l z + 1. c 1 c z p l 4 l φ p 3 f i z + 6 + 7m+ 5 + l h o zp l h + ll + z + 3 + z g c 1 + l4 o z ÷ 6 k c z ÷ 5 + 6÷ 3 ÷ 5 ÷ 7 i z c z h r ÷ 1 + 6 ÷ 3 a z + 4 o l si 3+ 1+ 6 + z r + 3 φ ÷ 4 ÷ l + 5 h i z + 1p3 + 3 ÷ z 6 ÷13 c z x ÷ 4 ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 k a z + 4 ÷ ll. o 3 c 1 + lz ÷ 3÷ 5 c z d + z y r + 3 ÷ g + 4 + l + 6p3 + 1 h + o z+g m+ l x i l c l n ÷ nm+ l ÷ g o l f i z o 3 x i l c lp3 + l x o 3 + z a l + 16 ÷ g d + 1 + la z+ z g ÷ l4+ l o 3 φ u l o z f c z h s c 1 o 3 hp 1+ 4 l ÷z g÷ 3 h pl p 3 n c l o 3 h i z ÷ 8 + 13 + l + 9 + z h + l0 + llp3 + 1 s r f + 6 ÷ 3 h o 3 + 8 h o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ g e l ÷ 3 x c l÷ ll ÷ 1 ÷ g o z ÷ 10 + 5 u l ÷ 5 + 8 + 8 c l s + lz +l3 e l o 3 φ ÷ g c z k i z f b l ÷ 6 l + 6 c 1 c z o l o z b r p 1r+ 3 ÷ l3i 3÷ 6 s o z m + 6 ÷ l i z ÷ 8r+ 5 ÷ 3l÷ 1 l + 1 z x o z p l x + l4 ÷ l0 + 8 + 5 ÷ g f i z a z e lo l o z φ + g o 1 h r + 11 f + 6 h g φ n + 3 ÷ 4 + 3 + l0+ 6 h o z c l + 14 c l n o 3. a z + 4 c 1 9 f e l o 3 c l c z ÷l4 o 3. x ÷ l3 i z d f p 3 c l 6 p l o z f i z i l p 3 c l x p l x oz c l o z e l o 1 x u l p l o l p 3 ÷ 1z h ÷ z + 11 ÷ z + 3+ z c l i z i 1 p 3 + 13. p l o l f e l c z ÷ l4 o 3 f h a z e lc l x o 3 o l o z h + z ÷ 8 b 9 ÷ l6 e l ÷ l h i z f e l o 3 ho 3 f e l c z c 1 i z o l p 3 c. l i z g p 3 o l c 1 i z k g o z p l ul φ ÷ 5 + 8 p 3 c 1 h i z c l. r c 1 e l c z r p 1 o 3 x c l c z p3 ÷ u x φ i z c z p l n ÷ 7 c l x b h o l c l n ÷ 8 x u l + 3÷ 4 x p l 9 l c z p 3 c 1. i l o l o 3 d p 3 c l c z o l f i z x o lc l o 3 c 1 p 3 f o l o 3 x u l p l d m ÷ 3 h r ÷ 1 + 6 p 3 k9 f + 6 ÷ z c l c z x o z p l 4 l s ÷ l i z ÷ 8 s d ÷ z ÷ 6÷ z ÷ l3 s o 3 o l h φ ÷ 8 9 f ÷ 5 + g h o z o 1 c l e z i lc l i z x i 1 f e l ÷ l + 1l p 3 g e l i z. n + z n ÷ 7 i z c zb g p l i 1 o l c l e l x p 1 p 3 p 3 o l 9 + 9 y p l e l r o z e lc z s + a 5. b o z c l i l o l f x i l + l x o l ÷ i z + 8 o l c lp 3.
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 3 2 1 2 2 3 2 3 2 4 2 3 4 2 5 4p a d i c u l m o p o n i t r a p o c e q u e f i t a r a n t i m a ta b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z a b c d e f g h i k
1 5 6 3 4 3 3 1 4 5 3 2 6. 2 6 3 7 4 2 3 7.b i x a n t e r v o k o m b o. s i c i n d i o.l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z. a b c d e f g h.
g. h. v. w. y. z.
|N. W.——|
Lettre deux fois lignée ne signifié rien.