June 2d. We departed from Seesukunda, and passed a number of villages, at none of which was the coffle permitted to stop, although we were all very much fatigued: it was four o'clock in the afternoon before we reached Baraconda, where we rested one day. Departing from Baraconda on the morning of the 4th, we reached in a few hours Medina, the capital of the King of Woolli's dominions, from whom the reader way recollect I received an hospitable reception in the beginning of December 1795, in my journey east-ward.[25] I immediately inquired concerning the health of my good old benefactor, and learnt with great concern that he was dangerously ill. As Karfa would not allow the coffle to stop, I could not present my respects to the king in person; but I sent him word, by the officer to whom we paid customs, that his prayers for my safety had not been unavailing. We continued our route until sunset, when we lodged at a small village a little to the westward of Koota-kunda, and on the day following arrived at Jindey; where, eighteen months before I had parted from my friend Dr. Laidley; an interval during which I had not beheld the face of a Christian, nor once heard the delightful sound of my native language.
[25] Vide pages 51 [Second half of chapter IV. Transcriber], 72 [Beginning of chapter VII. Transcriber.].
Being now arrived within a short distance of Pisania, from whence my journey originally commenced, and learning that my friend Karfa was not likely to meet with an immediate opportunity of selling his slaves on the Gambia, it occurred to me to suggest to him that he would find it for his interest to leave them at Jindey, until a market should offer. Karfa agreed with me in this opinion; and hired from the chief man of the town, huts for their accomodation, and a piece of land on which to employ them, in raising corn, and other provisions for their maintenance. With regard to myself, he declared that he would not quit me until my departure from Africa. We set out accordingly, Karfa, myself, and one of the Foulahs belonging to the coffle, early on the morning of the 9th; but although I was now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome journey, and expected in another day to meet with countrymen and friends, I could not part, for the last time, with my unfortunate fellow-travellers—doomed, as I knew most of them to be, to a life of captivity and slavery in a foreign land—without great emotion. During a wearisome peregrination of more than five hundred British miles, exposed to the burning rays of a tropical sun, these poor slaves, amidst their own infinitely greater sufferings, would commiserate mine; and frequently of their own accord bring water to quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves to prepare me a bed in the Wilderness. We parted with reciprocal expressions of regret and benediction. My good wishes and prayers were all I could bestow upon them; and it afforded me some consolation to be told that they were sensible I had no more to give.
My anxiety to get forward admitting of no delay on the road we reached Tendacunda in the evening, and were hospitably received at the house of an aged black female, called Seniora Camilla, a person who had resided many years at the English factory, and spoke our language. I was known to her before I had left the Gambia, at the outset of my journey; but my dress and figure were now so different from the usual appearance of an European, that she was very excusable in mistaking me for a Moor. When I told her my name and country, she surveyed me with great astonishment, and seemed unwilling to give credit to the testimony of her senses. She assured me that none of the traders on the Gambia ever expected to see me again; having been informed long ago, that the Moors of Ludamar had murdered me, as they had murdered Major Boughton. I inquired for my two attendants, Johnson and Demba, and learnt with great sorrow, that neither of them was returned. Karfa who had never before heard people converse in English, listened to us with great attention. Every thing he saw seemed wonderful. The furniture of the house, the chairs, &c. and particularly beds with curtains, were objects of his great admiration; and he asked me a thousand questions concerning the utility and necessity of different articles, to some of which I found it difficult to give satisfactory answers.
On the morning of the 10th, Mr. Robert Ainsley, having learnt that I was at Tendacunda, came to meet me, and politely offered me the use of his horse. He informed me that Dr. Laidley had removed all his property to a place called Kaye, a little farther down the river, and that he was then gone to Doomasansa with his vessel to purchase rice, but would return in a day or two. He therefore invited me to stay with him at Pisania until the Doctor's return. I accepted the invitation, and being accompanied by my friend Karfa, reached Pisania about ten o'clock. Mr. Ainsley's schooner was lying at anchor before the place. This was the most surprising object which Karfa had yet seen. He could not easily comprehend the use of the masts, sails, and rigging; nor did he conceive that it was possible, by any sort of contrivance, to make so large a body move forwards by the common force of the wind. The manner of fastening together the different planks which composed the vessel, and filling up the seams so as to exclude the water, was perfectly new to him; and I found that the schooner with her cable and anchor, kept Karfa in deep meditation the greater part of the day.
About noon, on the 12th, Dr. Laidley returned from Doomasansa, and received me with great joy and satisfaction, as one risen from the dead. Finding that the wearing apparel which I had left under his care was not sold nor sent to England, I lost no time in resuming the English dress, and disrobing my chin of its venerable incumbrance. Karfa surveyed me in my British apparel with great delight; but regretted exceedingly that I had taken off my beard; the loss of which, he said, had converted me from a man into a boy. Dr. Laidley readily undertook to discharge all the pecuniary engagements I had entered into since my departure from the Gambia, and took my draft upon the Association for the amount. My agreement with Karfa (as I have already related) was to pay him the value of one prime slave, for which I had given him my bill upon Dr. Laidley, before we departed from Kamalia: for, in case of my death on the road I was unwilling that my benefactor should be a loser. But this good creature had continued to manifest towards me so much kindness, that I thought I made him but an inadequate recompence, when I told him that he was now to receive double the sum I had originally promised; and Dr. Laidley assured him that he was ready to deliver the goods to that amount, whenever he thought proper to send for them. Karfa was overpowered by this unexpected token of my gratitude, and still more so, when he heard that I intended to send a handsome present to the good old schoolmaster Fankooma, at Malacotta. He promised to carry up the goods along with his own; and Dr. Laidley assured him that he would exert himself in assisting him to dispose of his slaves to the best advantage, the moment a slave vessel should arrive. These and other instances of attention and kindness shown him by Dr. Laidley were not lost upon Karfa. He would often say to me, "my journey has indeed been prosperous!" But, observing the improved state of our manufactures, and our manifest superiority in the arts of civilized life, he would sometimes appear pensive, and exclaim with an involuntary sigh,fato fing inta feng, "black men are nothing." At other times, he would ask me with great seriousness, what could possibly have induced me, who was no trader, to think of exploring so miserable a country as Africa? He meant by this to signify that, after what I must have witnessed in my own country, nothing in Africa could in his opinion deserve a moment's attention, I have preserved these little traits of character in this worthy Negro, not only from regard to the man, but also because they appear to me to demonstrate that he possessed a mindabove his condition; and to such of my readers as love to contemplate human nature in all its varieties, and to trace its progress from rudeness to refinement, I hope the account I have given of this poor African will not be unacceptable.
No European vessel had arrived at Gambia for many months previous to my return from the interior; and as the rainy season was now setting in, I persuaded Karfa to return to his people at Jindey. He parted with me on the 14th with great tenderness; but as I had little hopes of being able to quit Africa for the remainder of the year, I told him, as the fact was, that I expected to see him again before my departure. In this, however, I was luckily disappointed; and my narrative now hastens to its conclusion; for on the 15th, the ship Charlestown, an American vessel, commanded by Mr. Charles Harris, entered the river. She came for slaves, intending to touch at Goree to fill up; and to proceed from thence to South Carolina. As the European merchants on the Gambia had at this time a great many slaves on hand, they agreed with the captain to purchase the whole of his cargo, consisting chiefly of rum and tobacco, and deliver him slaves to the amount, in the course of two days. This afforded me such an opportunity of returning (though by a circuitous route) to my native country, as I thought was not to be neglected. I therefore immediately engaged my passage in this vessel for America; and having taken leave of Dr. Laidley, to whose kindness I was so largely indebted, and my other friends on the river, I embarked at Kaye on the 17th day of June.
Our passage down the river was tedious and fatiguing; and the weather was so hot, moist, and unhealthy, that before our arrival at Goree, four of the seamen, the surgeon, and three of the slaves, had died of fevers. At Goree we were detained for want of provisions, until the beginning of October.
The number of slaves received on board this vessel, both on the Gambia and at Goree, was one hundred and thirty; of whom about twenty-five had been, I suppose, of free condition in Africa, as most of them, being Bushreens, could write a little Arabic. Nine of them had become captives in the religious war between Abdulkader and Damel, mentioned in the latter part of the preceding chapter; two of the others had seen me as I passed through Bondou, and many of them had heard of me in the interior countries. My conversation with them, in their native language, gave them great comfort; and as the surgeon was dead, I consented to act in a medical capacity in his room for the remainder of the voyage. They had in truth need of every consolation in my power to bestow; not that I observed any wanton acts of cruelty practised either by the master or the seamen towards them; but the mode of confining and securing Negroes in the American slave ships, (owing chiefly to the weakness of their crews,) being abundantly more rigid and severe than in British vessels employed in the same traffic, made these poor creatures to suffer greatly, and a general sickness prevailed amongst them. Besides the three who died on the Gambia, and six or eight while we remained at Goree, eleven perished at sea, and many of the survivors were reduced to a very weak and emaciated condition.
In the midst of these distresses, the vessel, after having been three weeks at sea, became so extremely leaky, as to require constant exertion at the pumps. It was found necessary, therefore, to take some of the ablest of the Negro men out of irons, and employ them in this labour; in which they were often worked beyond their strength. This produced a complication, of miseries not easily to be described. We were, however, relieved much sooner than I expected; for the leak continuing to gain upon us, notwithstanding our utmost exertions to clear the vessel, the seamen insisted on bearing away for the West Indies, as affording the only chance of saving our lives. Accordingly, after some objections on the part of the master, we directed our course for Antigua, and fortunately made that island in about thirty-five days after our departure from Goree. Yet even at this juncture we narrowly escaped destruction; for on approaching the north-west side of the island, we struck on the Diamond Rock, and got into St John's harbour with great difficulty. The vessel was afterwards condemned as unfit for sea, and the slaves, as I have heard, were ordered to be sold for the benefit of the owners.
At this island I remained ten days; when the Chesterfield Packet, homeward bound from the Leeward Islands, touching at St John's for the Antigua mail, I took my passage in that vessel. We sailed on the 24th of November; and after a short but tempestuous voyage, arrived at Falmouth on the 22d of December; from whence I immediately set out for London; having been absent from England two years and seven months.
[Here terminates Mr. Park's own narrative. The following chapters contain an account of his life from his return to England, in 1797, to his death on the Niger, in 1805; and also of the discoveries and adventures of succeeding travellers.]
Attempts of Horneman, Nicholls, Roentgen, and Adams.
During the interval which elapsed between Park's first and second journey, several attempts were made to explore Central Africa. The first traveller was Frederick Horneman, a student of Gottingen, who was recommended by Professor Blumenbach to the patronage of the African Association. After spending some time in the study of Natural History, and the Arabic language, he went to Cairo, intending to join some caravan, under the assumed character of an Arab or Moslem. It was not till the following year, 1798, that he was enabled to find a caravan proceeding westward, and bound for Fezzan. On the 8th September, they left Egypt, entering upon a wide expanse of sandy desert, resembling what might be supposed to be the bed of the ocean after the waters had left it. It was covered with fragments of petrified wood, of a lightish grey colour and bearing a strong resemblance to natural wood. The Arabs travelled all day, and when they halted at night, each gathered a few sticks and prepared his own victuals. There were a fewoasesin this waste. In ten days they came to Ummesogeir, a village containing one hundred and twenty inhabitants, who lived on a rock, subsisting on dates, and separated by immense tracts of sand from all intercourse with the rest of the world. In twenty-four hours they came to Siwah, an extensive oasis, about fifty miles in circumference, and the only inhabited spot of any considerable extent on the route to Fezzan. Here there were found some curious remains of antiquity; among the rest a monument, called by the natives Ummebeda, a large mass of dilapidated ruins, which some suppose to have been the celebrated shrine of Jupiter Ammon. Thence they travelled through sandy regions, diversified with numerous limestone rocks. Here Horneman was in considerable danger; for the caravan was met by several hundred inhabitants of Siwah, mounted on asses, who pointed to him and insisted that he and another of the caravan were Christians from Cairo, against whom they cherished a deadly enmity. But Horneman's coolness and courage disarmed their hostility; he insisted that he was a Moslem, took out the Koran and read passages from it aloud, and even challenged them to answer him on points of the Mahommedan faith.
Soon after the travellers entered the Black Harutsch, a range of dreary mountains, the long defiles of which presented the most dismal prospect imaginable. After sixteen days toilsome journeying they came to the great Oasis, or small Kingdom of Fezzan. The inhabitants were a commercial people, and received the caravan with joy. Much communication is held between this place and Central Africa. Here Horneman endeavoured to collect information concerning Tombuctoo and the Niger. He resolved to visit Tripoli before endeavouring to penetrate to the south. He set off on his journey southward on the 6th April 1800, along with two shereefs or descendants of Mahomed, who had promised to protect him. Two years elapsed before any more was heard of him; when a Fezzan merchant informed the Danish Consul at Tripoli, that he was still alive. He was afterwards reported to have resided in Kashna, about 1803. Major Denham heard that he had penetrated as far as Nyffe on the Niger, where he fell a victim to the climate.
The next traveller sent out to Africa was Mr. Nicholls, who resolved to land at Calabar, in the Gulf of Benin, and thence to proceed into the interior. He landed on the coast in January 1805, but speedily fell a victim to the fever of the country.
Roentgen, a German, endeavoured to reach the interior by the way of Morocco. He spoke Arabic fluently, assumed the Mahomedan garb, and entertained high hopes of success. Having procured two guides, he joined the Soudan caravan; but, a little distance from the spot whence he set out, his corpse was found lying on the road.
Soon after, some information concerning Tombuctoo was derived from Adams, an American sailor, who was wrecked upon the coast, and who reported that he had been carried captive to that city by the Moors, and had remained there six months. His description of this famous place ill corresponded with the ideas which Europeans entertained of its splendour; the most spacious of the houses being merely huts, one storey in height, composed of timber frame-works filled with earth; and many of the inhabitants sheltering themselves under hovels, consisting of branches of trees, covered with mats of the palmetto. The palace was merely a collection of such apartments enclosed by a mud wall. The inhabitants were of a gay and thoughtless disposition, spending much of their time in dancing. The chief traffic of the place was in slaves.
From Park's return, to his Second Expedition.
Park's own narrative of his travels will now have informed the reader of all that wonderful train of events which the hardy and enterprising discoverer went through: of his captivity among the Moors—his escape—his discovery of the course of the Niger—of the African capital of Sego—his journey through Bambarra, and his toilsome and perilous return. On his arrival at Pisania, his kind and attentive friend Dr. Laidley was absent, but a countryman, Mr. Robert Ainslie, invited him to his house. In two days Dr. Laidley returned, and hailed Park with joy, receiving him as "one risen from the dead." As no European vessel was at that time expected to arrive at Gambia, Park embarked on the 15th June 1797, on board a slave-ship bound to America. This vessel was driven by stress of wind to the West Indies, and at length, after much difficulty, succeeded in making the island of Antigua; whence Park sailed on the 24th November, in the Chesterfield Packet, which, after a short but stormy passage, reached Falmouth on the 22d December. No intelligence had for a long time reached England of the wanderer's fate, and his bones were supposed to have been bleaching amid the sands of the desert.
Park arrived at London, before day-break, on the morning of the 25th; and, unwilling to disturb his brother-in-law's family at such an unseasonable hour, he wandered about for some time through the streets near Mr. Dickson's residence. As he strolled along, finding one of the entrances to the gardens of the British Museum accidentally left open, he entered and walked about there for some time. It chanced that Mr. Dickson, who superintended the gardens, had found occasion to go there thus early about some trifling matter or other. What must have been his astonishment at beholding, by the still weak light, the form—or as it had rather seemed—the vision, of that relative, who had ever been in his most anxious thoughts, and whose countenance he had never expected again to see, or even to learn tidings of his fate. A joyful welcome of course ensued, and Park's anxieties concerning his relations, were speedily set at rest.
The interest attached to his return was by no means confined to his relations and friends—the public at large, whose sympathies had followed the traveller on his arduous way, were gratified to learn that he had again returned, after having made important discoveries, and tracked a considerable portion of the course of the Niger. Rumours were also current of his "hair-breadth 'scapes," and the lovers of novelty and adventure were anxious to hear the particulars of his wanderings. The African Association triumphed in the success of his mission, and were proud that the assiduous diligence of Park had, under such unfavourable circumstances, collected a mass of information which so far outweighed the results of all previous expeditions, and that they could therefore claim justly more support from the public. They gave a substantial proof of their gratitude to Park, by permitting him to publish his travels for his own benefit; and a complete narrative of his journey from his own pen was speedily announced to be in preparation. An abstract, drawn up by Mr. Bryan Edwards, from Park's Notes, was printed for private circulation among the members of the Association in the meantime; it was also enriched by a valuable Memoir by Major Rennel, on African Geography. This publication afterwards formed the ground-work of the larger work, to the quarto edition of which Major Kennel's narrative was also appended.
During the remainder of that winter Park resided in London, arranging the materials of his work; he also required to be in constant communication with the members of the Association, while the memoirs we have alluded to were being drawn up. His engaging and unassuming manners gained him the friendship of Mr. Edwards, to whose country residence at Southampton he paid frequent visits. Repeated offers were made to him by Government, who then wished to procure a complete survey of New Holland; but this scene of action did not seem to present sufficient attractions to Park, for he declined it.
In June 1798, Park went to Scotland, and visited his relations at Fowlshiels, where he remained the whole of the ensuing summer and autumn. Great must have been the joy of his relatives, when he, who had been mourned for as dead, was again an inmate of their house. The fame which he had earned in other quarters by his daring heroism, must have been poor in value, compared with the admiration and interest with which his tales were listened to beneath the domestic roof; and the expressions of wonder which his adventures had extorted from strangers, must to his mind have seemed tame and heartless, when he beheld the astonishment and breathless interest depicted on the countenances, and glistening in the eyes of the family circle. All this time he was employed upon his travels, busying himself with his manuscripts almost the whole day, and only indulging himself in the evenings with a solitary walk. The work was difficult, and untried authorship he found almost as arduous as his journeyings. He was unaccustomed to writing; his notes were imperfect and scanty, so that he had frequently to draw upon memory; care, and correction, and retrenchment were necessary to render his work worthy of the interest which his adventures had excited; and he knew that it would be carefully sifted by each of the two contending parties, who were on the watch for information concerning the great controverted question of the slave-trade, so that the utmost nicety and exactness were requisite in stating the facts respecting it, which had fallen under his notice. The long-expected work at length appeared in April 1799, in quarto, and met with the greatest popularity. It was sought after with avidity, both on account of the novelty and importance of the information comprised in it, and the interesting manner in which the narrative was conducted. Two large impressions were soon disposed of, and numerous smaller editions and abridgments were from time to time called for. In a literary point of view, the book is of rare merit; the style is clear, simple and direct; and though the writer's personal adventures form the main topic, there is no trace of ostentation or egotism. It bears all the marks of fidelity and truthfulness, and has obtained the highest commendations from every judge capable of forming an estimate of it.
The circumstance of a portion of Mr. Edwards' Narrative having been incorporated into the Travels, and of Park's having acknowledged, in the Preface, his obligations to that gentleman's revision, gave rise to an unfounded report of his being the real author of the volume. This rumour, however, has been long since rejected, both from the letters of Park, published after Mr. Edwards' death, and also from the internal evidence of the style, which presents a remarkable contrast to the elaborate and ornate composition of Mr. Edwards' works.
There is another subject connected with the publication of his Travels, which has excited too much discussion to permit us to pass it over in silence; viz. his statements concerning the slave-trade. It has been supposed, without any adequate ground, that Park's sentiments were unfavourable to its abolition; but the strictly impartial nature and neutral tone of his statements on this subject, were sufficiently proved by the fact, that both parties confidently appealed to his pages, as supporting their particular views. Besides, there is at least one passage in the work which implies, that Park looked upon this iniquitous traffic with no favourable eye; though he might not be convinced, upon the whole, that the proper period had arrived for doing it away. And in justice to his memory, it ought to be stated, that his nearest relatives and most intimate friends had often heard him express himself strongly against the system. All that the most scrutinizing reader can infer from these passages, merely amounts to this, that some of the abolitionists, in their generous zeal, might possibly have overrated theimmediategood effect which the discontinuance of the practice would produce. Moreover, it was no part of Park's business to enter upon a political or commercial discussion on this subject, for his object was to give a clear and simple account of his own observations, not to discuss other men's theories; and both delicacy and propriety concurred in rendering such a course proper, since Mr. Bryan Edwards, and some other members of the African Association; to whose kind attention and patronage he owed so much, were decided supporters of the slave-trade.
After the publication of his work, he at first seemed resolved to retire into domestic and professional life; There had been an attachment of long standing between him and a daughter of Mr. Anderson, with, whom he had served his apprenticeship. The marriage had been settled the preceding summer, and was only postponed till the publication of his Travels gave him leisure for enjoying the pleasures of connubial happiness. If, however, he had at any time formed the resolution of spending the remainder of his days at home, his mind soon changed; for soon after, we find him endeavouring, through various channels, to get his services accepted, either by the Association, or by Government. He had frequent communications with his steady friend, Sir Joseph Banks, upon this subject; and no opportunity of qualifying himself still farther for such an expedition was left unimproved. For two years he seemed not to have fixed upon any determinate course of life; sometimes considering the propriety of renting a form, and occasionally looking out for openings in the medical profession. In the meantime, the profits derived from his Travels secured him from want, and prevented him from proving burdensome to his family. Unknown to them, he seems to have been employing every means to get the master passion of his soul gratified; and he fondly trusted that it would be shortly in his power to add to the discoveries he had already made. He rejected a proposal made to him by Mr. Edwards, to superintend his property in the West Indies, evidently cherishing the hope of being again sent out by the African Association. About this time, the capture of Goree seemed to open a communication with Central Africa, and Park thought it a good opportunity for revisiting that country. He wrote a letter to Sir Joseph Banks, expressing a confident hope of success, provided the countenance of Government were obtained. His proposal was not at that time accepted; and in a letter to Sir Joseph, dated 31st July 1800, he thus writes,—"If such are the views of Government, I hope that my exertions, in some station or other, may be of use to my country. I have not yet found any situation in which I could practise to advantage as a surgeon; and unless some of my friends interest themselves in my behalf, I must wait patiently until the cloud that hangs over my future prospects is dispelled." Evidently he could not reconcile his taste either to farming, or to the dull and wearisome drudgery of a country surgeon's life; in fact, he seemed altogether discontented with his profession. But when he saw that his prospect of employment by the Association was by no means certain, and might be long deferred, he felt that, as an honest man, it was necessary to provide some certain means of support for a wife and family. In October 1801, an opening took place at Peebles, by the decease of one of the two regular practitioners in that town: he settled there, and soon acquired a practice which, if not particularly remunerating, was at least tolerably extensive. He was surrounded by a pastoral, and, in some places, uncultivated district; and had often to make long rides at night along bad roads, to afford aid to those whose poverty did not allow them to make any return for his skill and kindness. The rides of a country surgeon, near an unfrequented district, are dreary and long; "he is at the mercy of all who may demand his assistance within a circle of forty miles in diameter, untraversed by roads in many directions, and including moors, mountains, rivers, and lakes," generally for a very low recompense, and sometimes for none at all.
Sir Walter Scott has so well described a country surgeon's miseries, that we shall quote the passage, more especially as it bears particular reference to Park:—"Like the ghostly lover of Leonora, he mounts at midnight, and traverses in darkness paths which, to those less accustomed to them, seem formidable in daylight, through straits where the slightest aberration would plunge him into a morass, or throw him over a precipice, on to cabins which his horse might ride over without knowing they lay in his way, unless he happened to fall through the roofs. When he arrives at such a stately termination of his journey, where his services are required, either to bring a wretch into the world, or prevent one from leaving it, the scene of misery is often such, that, far from touching the hard saved shillings which are gratefully offered to him, he bestows his medicines as well as his attendance—for charity. I have heard the celebrated traveller Mungo Park, who had experienced both courses of life, rather give the preference to travelling as a discoverer in Africa, than to wandering, by night and day, the wilds of his native land in the capacity of a country medical practitioner. He mentioned having once upon a time rode forty miles, sat up all night, and successfully assisted a woman under influence of the primitive curse, for which his sole remuneration was a roasted potato and a draught of butter milk. But his was not the heart which grudged the labour that relieved human misery. In short, there is no creature in Scotland that works harder, and is more poorly requited than the country doctor, unless, perhaps, it may be his horse. Yet the horse is, and indeed must be, hardy, active, and indefatigable, ever liable to be unpleasantly interrupted, in spite of a rough coat and indifferent condition; and so you will often find in his master, under an unpromising and blunt exterior, professional skill and enthusiasm, intelligence humanity, courage, and science." Such was certainly the character of Park: having himself experienced what it was to suffer unrelieved, he was ready to sympathize with his suffering fellow-creatures, and to endure every hardship and privation when humanity called upon him to do so. But his liberality was a great enemy to his purse, and for a considerable time, all he could do was barely enough to earn a livelihood. Such difficulties every one, generally, who enters upon this arduous profession must lay his account with. His reputation as a discoverer, his modest and unassuming character, and the propriety of his conduct, however, gained Park many friends, some of whom were literary men of great eminence, such as Adam Ferguson and Dugald Stewart. In addition to the honour of attracting the notice of men so gifted in intellectual endowments, he was also on the best terms with many of the neighbouring gentry,—among others, with Sir Walter Scott, who had not then attained that high place among his contemporaries which he afterwards held. He had also formed many acquaintances in a humbler rank of life,—men of shrewdness and sagacity, in whose homely conversation Park felt much pleasure. He enrolled himself a member of a volunteer corps raised in the district, and proved a great acquisition to the mess-table. One thing was remarkable about Park, that, go where he would, he never introduced his own adventures, seldom ever answering queries concerning them, unless when asked by intimate friends. He shewed the true modesty of a brave man, in never reminding those around him that he had overcome great perils and distresses. Yet those who knew him best, describe him as always apparently cherishing a secret purpose in his bosom. His mind, in fact, seems never to have been diverted from its grand purpose; it was directed to the prospect of adding yet more claims to the notice of posterity: hence, he could neither bring himself down patiently to the ordinary routine of common-place life, nor take a great interest in the feelings and pursuits of the society with which he mingled. Often would his thoughts be wafted across the ocean to the burning deserts of Africa, and directed to the prospect of tracing out the windings of the mysterious Niger.
About this time, by the advice of Sir Joseph Banks, he became a candidate for the Botanical Chair at Edinburgh, vacant by the decease of Dr. Rutherford. In his efforts to obtain the appointment he failed. This circumstance probably hastened his determination of again setting out for Africa; and, in 1803, a favourable opportunity seemed to be afforded. He received a letter from the Colonial Office, requiring his immediate presence in London. He had an interview with Lord Hobart, then Colonial Secretary, who informed him that it was the intention of Government to organize an expedition for discovery in Africa, to be placed under his superintendence. This proposal was exactly what Park wished; the subject, in all its bearings, had been considered by him in almost hourly meditations; he resolved inwardly to accept the proposal, but asked a brief space to consult his family and friends. He returned immediately to Scotland, and again journeying to London, at once closed with the offer, and proceeded to make his preparations, expecting in a few weeks to set sail for Africa. But the usual delays of office took place, and the expedition was only announced to sail from Portsmouth about the end of February. Before that period arrived, the impatient traveller was mortified to find that the important political changes which were then in agitation would at least defer, if not altogether destroy his projects. This blow was the more severe, as the stores and troops had been already embarked.
Mr. Pitt was made First Commissioner of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer in May. When the commotion caused by this change had subsided a little, Government was able to direct its attention to subjects less immediately pressing, and among the rest, to African discovery. Park received an intimation from the Colonial Office, that the intention of sending out an expedition had by no means been lost sight of; and, in the meantime, he was advised to direct his particular attention to those branches of knowledge which might facilitate the undertaking, with the understanding that all necessary expenses would be defrayed. The earliest period at which he could possibly set out was September, and he determined diligently to improve the interval. He chiefly directed his attention to the method of taking astronomical observations, and to the study of the Arabic language. For the latter purpose, he engaged a native of Mogadore, Sidi Omback Boubi, who then resided in London, and had served as the interpreter to Elphi Bey, the Mameluke ambassador from Cairo, to accompany him to Scotland. Park and his oriental companion arrived at Peebles in March, and resided there till about the middle of May; he then removed to Fowlshiels, where he remained till the expected summons from the Secretary of State should reach him. Sidi Omback appeared quite a phenomenon to the inhabitants of Peebles. He was a firm adherent of the Mahometan faith, and scrupulous to an excess; observing rigidly the Prophet's prohibitions respecting wine and spirits, and eating no meat which had not been killed by his own hand. The method in which he performed this operation was somewhat peculiar:—having stalked solemnly into the market, and pitched upon his animal, he turned its head towards the east, muttered over it a short prayer, and then cut off its head, rejecting the blood as unclean. He had the greatest aversion to prints and paintings, and nearly stabbed a young man who was bold enough to take a sketch of his peculiar visage. He punctually performed his devotions according to the fashion of his own country, and professed to be a great interpreter of dreams and omens. In one instance, he proved a true prophet, for he said more than once, that if Park went a second time to Africa, he would never return; and though urgently requested by Park to join the expedition, he refused.
When Sir Walter Scott first became acquainted with Park, he was living in seclusion at the farm of Fowlshiels, nearly opposite Newark Castle. They soon became much attached to each other; and Scott supplied some interesting anecdotes of their brief intercourse to the late Mr. Wishaw, the editor of Park's posthumous Journal, with which, says Mr. Lockhart, I shall blend a few minor circumstances which I gathered from him in conversation long afterwards. "On one occasion," he says, "the traveller communicated to him some very remarkable adventures which had befallen him in Africa, but which he had not recorded in his book." On Scott's asking the cause of this silence, Mungo answered, "That in all cases where he had information to communicate which he thought of importance to the public, he had stated the facts boldly, leaving it to his readers to give such credit to his statements as they might appear justly to deserve; but that he would not shock their faith, or render his travels more marvellous, by introducing circumstances which, however true, were of little or no moment, as they related solely to his own personal adventures and escapes," This reply struck Scott as highly characteristic of the man; and though strongly tempted to set down some of these marvels for Mr. Wishaw's use, he, on reflection, abstained from doing so, holding it unfair to record what the adventurer had deliberately chosen to suppress in his own narrative. He confirms the account given by Park's biographer of his cold and reserved manners to strangers, and in particular, of his disgust with theindirectquestions which curious visitors would often put to him upon the subject of his travels. "This practice," said Mungo, "exposes me to two risks,—either that I may not understand the questions meant to be put, or that my answers to them may be misconstrued;" and he contrasted such conduct with the frankness of Scott's revered friend, Dr. Adam Ferguson, who, the very first day the traveller dined with him at Hallyards, spread a large map of Africa on the table, and made him trace out his progress thereupon, inch by inch, questioning him minutely as to every step he had taken. "Here, however," says Scott, "Dr. F. was using a privilege to which he was well entitled by his venerable age and high literary character, but which could not have been exercised with propriety by any common stranger."
Calling one day at Fowlshiels, and not finding Park at home, Scott walked in search of him along the banks of the Yarrow, which in that neighbourhood passes over various ledges of rock, forming deep pools and eddies between them. Presently he discovered his friend standing alone on the bank, plunging one stone after another into the water, and watching anxiously the bubbles as they rose to the surface. "This," said Scott, "appears but an idle amusement for one who has seen so much stirring adventure." "Not so idle, perhaps, as you suppose," answered Mungo. "This was the manner in which I used to ascertain the depth of a river in Africa before I ventured to cross it, judging whether the attempt would be safe by the time the bubbles of air took to ascend." At this time, Park's intention of a second expedition had never been revealed to Scott, but he instantly formed the opinion that these experiments on Yarrow were connected with some such purpose.
His thoughts had always continued to be haunted with Africa. He told Scott, that whenever he awoke suddenly in the night, owing to a nervous disorder with which he was troubled, he fancied himself still a prisoner in the tent of Ali; but when the Poet expressed some surprise that he should design again to revisit those scenes, he answered, that he would rather brave Africa and all its horrors, than wear out his life in long and toilsome rides over the hills of Scotland, for which the remuneration was hardly enough to keep soul and body together.
Towards the end of autumn, when about to quit his country for the last time, Park paid Scott a farewell visit, and slept at Ashestiel. Next morning his host accompanied him homewards over the wild chain of hills between the Tweed and the Yarrow. Park talked much of the new scheme, and mentioned his determination to tell his family that he had some business for a day or two in Edinburgh, and send them his blessing from thence, without returning to take leave. He had married, not long before, a pretty, amiable woman; and when they reached theWilliam Hope Ridge, "the autumnal mist floating heavily and slowly down the valley of the Yarrow," presented to Scott's imagination "a striking emblem of the troubled and uncertain prospect which his undertaking afforded." He remained, however, unshaken; and at length they reached the spot at which they had agreed to separate. A small ditch divided the moor from the road, and, in going over it, Park's horse stumbled, and nearly fell. "I am afraid, Mungo," said the Sheriff, "that is a bad omen." To which he answered, smiling, "Freits(omens) follow those who look to them." With this expression Mungo struck the spurs into his horse, and Scott never saw him again. His parting proverb, by the way, was probably suggested by one of the Border ballads, in which species of lore he was almost as great a proficient as the Sheriff himself; for we read in "Edom o' Gordon,"—"Them look to freits, my master dear. Then freits will follow them."[26]
[26] Lockhart's Life of Scott, Vol. II.
In the beginning of September, Park received the summons from the Colonial Office, and had a satisfactory interview with Lord Camden. He had previously, at Lord Camden's request, given in to him a memorial, comprising a statement of his views concerning the objects of the expedition, the means which he would require for his purpose, and the manner in which the plans of Government were to be carried into execution. The object of his journey. Park stated to be the extension of British commerce, and the enlargement of geographical knowledge; particular attention was to be paid to the state of the interior, the course of the Niger, and the character and situation of the towns upon its banks. The means Park requested were thirty European soldiers, six carpenters, fifteen or twenty Goree negroes, fifty asses, and six horses or mules. Each man was to be provided with gun, pistols, and suitable clothing. He gave in also a list of other articles which he required, comprising harness and equipments for the asses, carpenters tools, and cordage, with other stores, for building two boats of forty feet length, to sail down the Niger, and a number of articles of commerce to procure supplies from the natives, and for presents to their chiefs, such as coloured cloth, amber, gold, and glass beads, arms and ammunition, mirrors, knives, scissors, &c. Park's proposed route was to proceed up the Gambia, cross the country to the Niger, when they were to sail down the river till they came to its termination. If, as Park supposed, in place of being lost, according to Major Rennel's theory, in some imaginary lake called Margara, it took a southerly direction, and might prove to be the river Congo; it was his intention to embark on board some slave-ship, and return, either by the way of St. Helena or the West Indies. Major Rennel earnestly advised Park against the expedition, but without success, and indeed, upon the Major's theory, the plan was utterly impracticable. Some have censured Park for going on an expedition, which at the outset was pronounced to be hopeless; and these "prophets of evil" claimed abundant credit for their sagacity. But Park had made up his mind, and was not to be turned aside from his purpose. Fatally confident, as the event proved, in his own resources, he was not to be daunted by the formidable array of difficulties which he must have well known he would have to face; and though somewhat disheartened for a time by these representations, he was consoled by the approbation of Sir Joseph Banks, and other scientific men.
Orders were now given for the completion of the arrangements; but vexations and fatal delays again occurred, which contributed most materially to diminish the chances of the success of the expedition. It was now impossible that they could be landed in Africa before the rainy season had commenced; and it was only after three months impatient waiting that Park got these final instructions:—
"Downing Street, 2d January1805.
"SIR,—It being judged expedient that a small expedition should be sent into the interior of Africa, with a view to discover and ascertain whether any, and what commercial intercourse can be opened therein, for the mutual benefit of the natives and of his Majesty's subjects, I am commanded by the King to acquaint you, that on account of the knowledge you have acquired of the nations of Africa, and from the indefatigable exertions and perseverance you displayed in your travels among them, his Majesty has selected you for conducting this undertaking.
"For the better enabling you to execute this service, his Majesty has granted you the brevet commission of a Captain in Africa, and has also granted a similar commission of Lieutenant to Mr. Alexander Anderson, whom you have recommended as a proper person to accompany you. Mr. Scott has also been selected to attend you as a draftsman. You are hereby empowered to enlist with you, for this expedition, any number you think proper of the garrison at Goree, not exceeding forty-five, which the Commandant of that island will be ordered to place under your command, giving them such bounties or encouragement as may be necessary to induce them cheerfully to join with you on the expedition.
"And you are hereby authorised to engage, by purchase or otherwise, such a number of black artificers at Goree as you shall judge necessary for the objects you have in view.
"You are to be conveyed to Goree in a transport, convoyed by his Majesty's sloop Eugenie, which will be directed to proceed with you, in the first instance, to St. Jago, in order that you may there purchase fifty asses for carrying your baggage.
"When you shall have prepared whatever may be necessary for securing the objects of your expedition at Goree, you are to proceed up the river Gambia, and thence crossing over to the Senegal, to march, by such route as you shall find most eligible, to the banks of the Niger.
"The great object of your journey will be to pursue the course of this river to the utmost possible distance to which it can be traced,—to establish communication and intercourse with the different nations on the banks,—to obtain all the local knowledge in your power respecting them,—and to ascertain the various points stated in the memoir which you delivered to me on the 4th of October last.
"And you will be then at liberty to pursue your route homewards by any line you shall think most secure, either by taking a new direction through the interior towards the Atlantic, or by marching upon Cairo, by taking the route leading to Tripoli.
"You are hereby empowered to draw for any sum that you may be in want of, not exceeding £5000, upon the Lords of his Majesty's Treasury, or upon such a mercantile banking-house in London as you may fix upon. I am, &c.
"(Signed) CAMDEN.
"To Mungo Park, Esq. &c. &c. &c."
Before Park departed, Government had generously resolved, that, in addition to a handsome reward for his own services, the sum of £4000 should be settled upon his wife and family, in the event of his death or non-appearance after a certain stipulated time. Nothing, therefore, remained but that he should finally settle his affairs, and take an affectionate farewell of his friends, who bade adieu to him with a heavy heart, fearing that they would never see his face again.
Park's Second Journey—The Gambia to Bambakoo.
On the 30th January 1805, Park, accompanied by Mr. Anderson, his brother-in-law, who was to be second in command of the expedition, and Mr. Scott, a friend and neighbour, who went as draftsman, together with four or five artificers from the dockyards, set sail from Portsmouth in the Crescent transport, and reached Port Prayo Bay in St. Jago on the 8th March, after a very stormy passage. Having purchased forty-four asses, they left this place on the 21st March, and having made the coast of Africa on the 25th, anchored in Goree Roads. From the garrison at this place Park had been instructed to select a limited party of soldiers—an arrangement which proved by no means favourable to the success of the expedition, as many of the men were of intemperate habits, and, through their long residence at Goree, most of them were much debilitated by the climate. Park fixed upon thirty-five, who seemed the strongest men of the garrison, to accompany him; and one of their officers, Lieutenant Martyn, also volunteered. Two experienced seamen, by permission of Captain Shortland of the Squirrel frigate, were also to go with him, as their assistance would prove most useful in equipping' the boats for sailing down the Niger. Before they left Goree, Park wrote the following letter to his wife:—
"Goree, 4th April1805.
"I have just now learnt that an American ship sails from this place for England in a day or two, and I readily embrace the opportunity of sending a letter to my dear wife. We have all of us kept our health very well ever since our departure from England, Alexander had a touch of the rheumatism at St. Jago, but is now quite recovered. He danced several country dances at the ball last night. George Scott is also in good health and spirits. I wrote to you from St. Jago, which letter I hope you received. We left that place on the 21st of March, and arrived here with the asses on the 28th. Almost every soldier in the garrison volunteered to go with me; and, with the Governor's assistance, I have chosen a guard of the best men in the place. So lightly do the people here think of the danger attending the undertaking, that I have been under the necessity of refusing several military and naval officers who volunteered to accompany me. We shall sail for Gambia on Friday or Saturday, I am happy to learn that Karfa, my old friend, is at present at Jonkakonda; and I am in hopes we shall be able to hire him to go with us.
"We have as yet been extremely fortunate, and have got our business, both at St. Jago and this place, finished with great success; and I have hopes, almost to certainty, that Providence will so dispose the tempers and passions of the inhabitants of this quarter of the world, that we shall be enabled toslide throughmuch more smoothly than you expect.
"I need not tell you how often I think about you; your own feelings will enable you to judge of that. The hopes of spending the remainder of my life with my wife and children, will make everything seem easy; and you may be sure I will not rashly risk my life, when I know that your happiness, and the welfare of my young ones, depend so much upon it. I hope my mother does not torment herself with unnecessary tears about me. I sometimes fancy how you and she will be meeting misfortune half-way, and placing me in many distressing situations. I have as yet experienced nothing but success, and I hope that six months more will end the whole as I wish.
"P.S.—We have taken a ride this morning about twelve miles into the country. Alexander is much pleased with it. The heat is moderate, and the country healthy at present."
In a letter to the Colonial Office, written at the same time as the above, he gives the following account of his departure from Goree:—"On the morning of the 6th of April, we embarked the soldiers, in number thirty-five men. They jumped into the boat in the highest spirits, and bade adieu to Goree with repeated huzzas. I believe that every man in the garrison would have embarked with great cheerfulness; but no inducement could prevail on a single negro to accompany me. I must therefore trust to the Gambia for interpreters, and I expect to be able to hire or purchase three or four in going up the river." On the 9th April they reached Jillifree on the Gambia, and in a few days got up the river to Kayee. Thence Park wrote several letters to his friends, among which was the following, addressed to his wife.—
"Kayee, River Gambia, 26th April1805.
"I have been busy these three days in making preparations for our journey, and I feel rather uneasy when I think that I can receive no letters from you till I return to England; but you may depend on this, that I will avail myself of every opportunity of writing to you, though from the very nature of the undertaking these opportunities will be but few. We set off for the interior to-morrow morning, and I assure you, that whatever the issue of the present journey may be, every thing looks favourable. We have been successful thus far, beyond my highest expectations.
"The natives, instead of being frightened at us, look on us as their best friends, and the kings have not only granted us protection, but sent people to go before us. The soldiers are in the highest spirits, and as many of them (like me) have left a wife and family in England, they are happy to embrace this opportunity of returning. They never think about difficulties; and I am confident, if there was occasion for it, that they would defeat any number of negroes that might come against us; but of this we have not the most distant expectation. The king of Kataba (the most powerful king in Gambia) visited us on board the Crescent on the 20th and 21st; he has furnished us with a messenger to conduct us safely to the king of Wooli.
"I expect to have an opportunity of writing to you from Konkodoo or Bammakoo, by some of the slavetraders; but as they travel very slowly, I may probably have returned to the coast before any of my letters have reached Goree; at any rate, you need not be surprised if you should not hear from me for some months; nay, so uncertain is the communication between Africa and England, that perhaps the next news you may hear may be my arrival in the latter, which I still think will be in the month of December. If we have to go round by the West Indies, it will take us two months more; but as Government has given me an unlimited credit, if a vessel is coming direct, I shall of course take a passage in her. I have enjoyed excellent health, and have great hopes to bring this expedition to a happy conclusion. In five weeks from the date of this letter, the worst part of the journey will be over. Kiss all my dear children for me, and let them know that their father loves them."
In a letter of the same date, Park thus expresses himself with great confidence as to his prospects of success: "Every thing at present looks as favourable as I could wish, and if all things go well, this day six weeks I expect to drink all your healths in the water of the Niger. The soldiers are in good health and spirits. They are the mostdashingmen I ever saw; and if they preserve their health, we may keep ourselves perfectly secure from any hostile attempt on the part of the natives. I have little doubt but that I shall be able, with presents and fair words, to pass through the country to the Niger: and if once we are fairly afloat,the day is won. Give my kind regards to Sir Joseph and Mr. Greville; and if they should think I have paid too little attention to natural objects, you may mention that I had forty men and forty-two asses to look after, besides the constant trouble of packing and weighing bundles, palavering with the negroes, and laying plans for our future success. I never was so busy in my life."
His letter to his father-in-law apparently shews the same confidence in the prospects of the expedition:—
"Kayee, River Gambia, 26th April1806.
"That I have not wrote you sooner, you may be sure was not from want of attention, but from want of time, and because I knew that you must have received every information respecting our procedure from Alexander. I know that you will rejoice to hear that we both of us keep our health, and that the kind hand of Providence has thus far made our journey prosperous. We set off to-morrow morning for the interior, with the most flattering prospect of finishing our expedition in the course of six months, with honour to ourselves, and benefit to mankind. I need not tell you how solicitous I am about the welfare of my dear Allie and children. Though I have no hopes of my hearing from her till my return to England, yet I will indulge the hope that all is well. In case it should please the Almighty to take me to himself, I have thought it necessary to give a statement of the money matters in the enclosed letter, that my dear wife and children may reap the reward of my industry. I did not do this from any second sight, but merely to guard against a possible occurrence. I am far from being in the least down-hearted: indeed I have so much to attend to, that I have little time to myself. I receive great benefit from Alexander, who is as systematic, cautious and careful as ever. I sometimes think he has forgot his old maxim 'Take it easy.' I can easily imagine how little Ibe[27] will be stotting about the house and garden. Tell her if she can say her questions[28] well, I will bring her two new frocks. My compliments to Mrs. Anderson, George, Thomas, and Bell. I suppose Andrew will be in the army by this time. When we return to the coast, if we are lucky enough to find a vessel coming directly to England, I think we may be in England by the month of December, but if we have to go round by the West Indies, it will take us two months longer. With best wishes for your health and prosperity, I am,
"Your affectionate friend,
"To Mr. Thomas Anderson, Surgeon, Selkirk, North Britain."
[27] Elizabeth, his infant daughter.
[28] The Catechism.
In spite of all the confidence which these letters express, Park was so well aware of the extreme danger of the expedition that his mind must have been filled with the most harassing and anxious thoughts. We have already said, that the soldiers who accompanied him were below the ordinary standard even of African troops. Their constitutions were worn out by the climate, and by debauchery; and they seem to have been utter strangers to sobriety and good discipline. But Park had a still more serious cause of alarm arising from the repeated delays which had taken place before the expedition was sent out, which rendered it scarcely possible for them to reach the Niger before the rainy season set in. There was besides, the positive certainty of encountering the great tropical heats and tornadoes, which invariably precede and follow that time, and prove a source of the greatest inconvenience, and sometimes even of danger, to caravans. There were just two courses before him: he might go forward upon the journey at all hazards, straining every nerve to reach the Niger before the rainy season came on in full violence; or he might wait till the middle of November, the proper period for travelling. The latter alternative was one which his ardent spirit could ill brook; and even could he himself have submitted to this penance, the spending so many months in idleness and inactivity might excite the severe displeasure of his employers. He had no reason to suppose that they had calculated upon this great additional expense. He considered moreover that such a contingency had not been provided for in his instructions. The eyes of his countrymen anxiously watched his progress—delay might be visited with severe censures. Accordingly, he unhappily departed from the course which prudence would have pointed out, and adopted the alternative most agreeable to his own feelings. Having once formed his plan, he adhered to it with vigour and perseverance, resolutely facing every obstacle, and resolved to fulfil the object of his mission, or perish in the attempt. Whatever might be his own misgivings and apprehensions, he concealed them from his comrades, resolved that no disclosure of them should damp their confidence, or weaken their efforts.
At Kayee, Isaaco, a Mandingo priest and travelling merchant, who had had great experience in inland travelling, was engaged to accompany the expedition as guide. On the 27th April 1805 they left Kayee, under a salute from the guns of theCrescent. They suffered great inconvenience from the extreme heat of the weather, and the difficulty of bringing the asses forward, most of them having been unaccustomed to heavy burdens. On the evening of the following day they came to Pisania, Park's starting point on his first journey, where those of his former friends, who still resided there, were not a little astonished to see him again. He stayed at this place for a week to complete his preparations, part of the baggage having to arrive by water, and some of the beasts of burden, being useless, requiring to be replaced by others. The burdens having been equally divided among the party, and every thing ready, they set out from Pisania, accompanied for a mile or two by most of the principal inhabitants of the place, who were anxious to confer this honour upon the travellers. They set out in regular order of march: Mr. Scott and one of Isaaco's attendants in front, Lieutenant Martyn in the centre, and Mr. Anderson and Park bringing up the rear. But their progress was slow, for some of the asses were overloaded, and others were restive and threw off their burdens, so that they had soon to purchase an additional number. On the 10th May they arrived at Fatteconda, where the son of Park's friend, the former king of Wooli, met him, from whom he learnt that his journey was looked upon with great jealousy by some of the influential inhabitants residing about Madina. At noon, they reached the capital of Wooli. The asses were unloaded under a tree, without the gates of the town. It was five o'clock before Park obtained an audience of the king, to whom he carried as presents, a pair of silver-mounted pistols, ten dollars, some amber and coral; but his Majesty being covetous, and considering it beneath his dignity to receive so little, Park was obliged to add fifteen dollars more, and double the quantity of coral and amber. The king also begged a blanket to shield his royal person from the rains, which was sent to him. This was only a sample of the numerous extortions to which they were exposed; and as the natives annoyed them much, conceiving that they carried merchandise of great value, the utmost vigilance was necessary to guard against their sly pilferings, as well as the more violent attempts of the numerous bands of robbers who infested the neighbourhood. They reached Kanipe, a straggling village, on the 13th of May. Here the women had fallen upon an ingenious plan to extort amber and beads. After many hours labour, they had drawn up all the water from the wells and carried it away. They were fairly baffled, however, by the travellers; for in the evening, one of the soldiers having, as if by accident, dropped his canteen into the well, he was lowered down by a rope to pick it up; and standing at the bottom of the well, filled all the camp-kettles of the party, so that the women had to depart in grief and mortification.
After having passed through Kussai, the country was wooded for five miles, when the travellers reached a level plain almost destitute of shade, along which some hundreds of antelopes, of a dark colour, and nearly as large as bullocks, were bounding. At half-past ten they again came to the banks of the Gambia, and halted, during the heat of the day, under a large spreading tree. The river was here one hundred yards across, its waters swarming with crocodiles; and, contrary to Park's expectations, he found that it had a regular tide, rising four inches by the shore. Here Park ascended a hill, which commanded a wide prospect of the course of the Gambia, distinguished by a range of dark green trees, which fringed its banks. At this place the first disaster of the expedition occurred. John Walters, one of the soldiers, fell down in an epileptic fit, and soon after died. They lay down to rest, apprehensive of an attack from the natives, each man sleeping with his loaded musket under his head.
For some days they travelled on a line with the banks of the river; they then crossed the river Nerico, and on the 20th May, came to Bady, in the territory of Tenda. The chief of that place behaved with great audacity and violence; and some of his people having carried off the guide's horse, and Isaaco demanding it in person, he was seized, flogged, and detained as a prisoner. His disconsolate wife and child sat, in tears, under a tree. It would, indeed, have been an easy matter for Park and his companions to have set fire to the town in resentment for this ill usage, but this would have brought destruction on the innocent, and might not have produced the desired effect of the restoration of Isaaco. But they determined next morning, should other means prove ineffectual, to employ force. Early in the morning, however, Isaaco was sent back by the chief, with the lame apology that he had no desire to quarrel with Park, and merely wished the customary tribute to be paid him.
They went on, nearly along the same way by which Park had returned in 1797, and, having traversed the wilderness of Samarkara, came to a place which they called Bee's Creek, from a singular accident which befel them there. No sooner had they unsaddled their asses, and kindled a fire to cook their supper, than an immense swarm of bees attacked both men and asses so violently, that they took to flight precipitately in all directions; while the burning embers set fire to some bamboos, and nearly consumed the baggage. They, however, succeeded in snatching it up before the flames reached it; but by this untoward accident, they lost six asses and one horse, and most of the party were severely stung about the face and hands.
On the 28th May, Park came to Bamboo, where he was compelled to disburse presents to a large amount. Thence he sent two letters to England, by the way of Gambia,—one addressed to his wife, and the other to Sir Joseph Banks. To the former, he gave a brief account of his journey, and then adds, "You must not imagine, my dear friend, from this hasty sketch, that I have neglected astronomical observations. I have observed the latitude every two or three days, and have observed three eclipses of Jupiter's satellites, which settle the longitude, by the help of the watch, to the nearest mile. I find that my former journeys by foot were underrated; some of them surprise myself when I trace the same road on horseback. I expect to reach the Niger by the 27th of June."
He thus writes to Mrs. Park,—"I am happy to inform you that we are half through our journey without the smallest accident or unpleasant circumstance. We all of us keep our health, and are on the most friendly terms with the natives. I have seen many of my old acquaintances, and am everywhere well received. By the 27th of June, we expect to have finished all our travels by land; and when we have once got afloat on the river, we shall conclude that we are embarking for England. I have never had the smallest sickness, and Alexander (Mrs. Park's brother) is quite free from all his stomach complaints. In fact, we have only had a pleasant journey, and yet this is what we thought would be the worst part of it. I will indulge the hope that my wife, children, and all friends are well. I am in great hopes of finishing this journey with credit in a few months; and then with what joy shall I turn my face towards home!" From these extracts, it would seem that Park still entertained the prospect of ultimate success. His situation appeared difficult, but not desperate. He had now traversed what he believed would be the most arduous part of his route, with the loss of only one of his party; and hoped that, by dint of strenuous exertion, the greater part of the distance which lay between him and the Niger might possibly be gone over before the rainy season set in. But the sad realities of suffering and death were soon to break in on his dreams of success.
They had now arrived at Julifunda, the chief of which place extorted from Park goods to the value of two hundred bars, before he would suffer the party to proceed. The next day, being his Majesty's birthday, Park halted, pitched one of the tents, and purchased a bullock and a calf for the soldiers, who were drawn up in the afternoon, and fired a salute. They made this as much a day of festivity as circumstances would admit of, though they were under the necessity of drinking the king's health inwater, in the absence of any more stimulating and genial fluid. At Baniserile, a Mahometan town, they met with a most hospitable reception from the chief man, Fodi Braheima, to whom Park presented a copy of the New Testament, in Arabic. On the 6th June, one of the carpenters, who had been sick of the dysentery ever since they had crossed the Nerico, became very ill. On the 7th the sick man was so ill that he had to be mounted on an ass, which was driven forward by two soldiers; next day he threw himself from the beast, and expressed a wish to be left alone to die, and could only be held on by force. About noon they arrived at Medina, and halted upon the banks of the Falemé, which the rain had discoloured, but little increased in volume. At this place it ran over rocks, at the rate of about four miles the hour. It abounded with fish of a great size. In the afternoon the soldiers were quite worn out with carrying the baggage across the river, and up the steep bank. The carpenter being in a dying state was left with the Dooty, to whom Park gave ten bars, and also directed a soldier to remain with him. Next morning the soldier came up to the party at Sadadoo, and told them that the carpenter had died during the night, and that he, with the assistance of some negroes, had buried him. On the 9th, five of the soldiers, who had not gone into the tent, but had remained during the rain under a tree, complained much of headache and sickness. During the night some of the canteens had been stolen. They left Sadadoo at sunrise, journeying over a hard rocky soil, towards the mountains, and the advanced party reached Shrondo at sunset; but Park did not come up to the place till eight o'clock, having mounted one of the sick men on his horse, and assisted in driving in the wearied asses, four of which he was compelled to leave in the woods. Here they were overtaken by a dreadful tornado, which drenched them completely: this proved to them indeed the "beginning of sorrows." Its dreadful effects were immediately manifested in the sickness of the soldiers, many of whom were, before the rain had fallen three minutes, seized with vomiting; while others fell asleep, and looked as if they had been half intoxicated. Next morning twelve of the party were sick. Before this Park had fondly hoped that he would reach the Niger, with a moderate loss; but now, for the first time, do we find stated in his journal, a feeling of distrust and apprehension: "The rain," he says, "had set in, and I trembled to think that we were only half way through, our journey." From that period the horrors of fatal disease were superadded to those of toilsome and dangerous journey. Many of the beasts of burden sank down or strayed, so that an additional load had to be put upon those that remained. The track was intersected by frequent torrents, and the sick had to be placed upon the horses and spare asses; those whose strength disease had not yet wasted, were worn out in endeavouring to urge on the staggering beasts. Their footsteps were tracked by plunderers, who watched every opportunity of pilfering. The sick soldiers would throw themselves at the foot of a tree, declaring that they were content to perish; even had they been suffered to remain, a quiet death could not have been expected, as the beasts of prey were prowling about, and their feverish rest at night was often broken by their distant howling. In the midst of all this complication of difficulties, it is impossible not to be struck with the nobleness of Park's conduct, facing boldly difficulties however arduous, and endearing himself to his men by the greatest attention and kindness,—himself enduring toil that they might have rest, lingering behind the party to help on some exhausted soldier, or mounting him upon his own horse, comforting the desponding, and in their last hour consoling and soothing the dying.
The party rested a day at Shrondo, but the distressing circumstances in which they were involved did not prevent Park from visiting the gold mines in the neighbourhood, and he gives in his journal a curious account of the method in which the gold is obtained. He was guided by a woman to a meadow where there were dug about thirty pits. Beside these lay heaps of sand and gravel, to be conveyed to circular wash-pits, which were lined with clay. Two calabashes are used, one large, into which the gravel is put; the other small, with which the water is poured in. The sand is then covered with the water, carefully crumbled down and shaken in the calabash, and the lighter parts thrown out, till all that remains is a black substance, called gold-rust. The shaking is then repeated, and the grains of gold are sought out. Two pounds of gravel yield about twenty-three particles of gold, some of which are very small; and the bulk of gold-rust is about forty times that of the gold. The washing only takes place at the time of the rains.
They next proceeded along the mountains of Konkodoo to Dindikoo, where they saw a number of gold-pits, sunk about twelve feet deep, with notches in the sides for steps. The mountains were lofty and steep, composed of a coarse species of red granite, but cultivated to the very tops, and the villages built in their glens were singularly romantic. "The inhabitants," says Park, "have plenty of water, and grass at all seasons; they have cattle enough for their own use, and their superfluous grain purchases all their little luxuries; and while the thunder rolls in awful grandeur over their heads, they can look from their tremendous precipices over all that wild and woody plain, which extends from the Falemé to the Black River." This plain was about forty miles in extent; the lions abounded in the plain, but none were seen among the hills. On the 18th they had great difficulty in getting the sick forward, though all the spare horses and asses were reserved for their use. The ass which bore the telescope and several other articles of consequence was missing; but was brought on the following day by one of the natives who had caught it.