Father Ignatius had an audience in store for him for a different matter, and when it was over, he said, in the greatest simplicity, "Holy Father, I have a scruple on my mind, which I would wish to speak about, if I might be permitted." "Well, and what is it?" He here told the Pope just as he was advised. The Pope smiled, handed him tengregorine(about £25), and told him not to mind the scruple.
Father Ignatius left Rome with the Holy Fathers blessing on both his spiritual and temporal projects. On his way to Germany, whither he was bound for a twofold begging tour, he preached everywhere to religious, priests, nuns, people, and children, upon the conversion of England. He went further than mere exhortation, he tried to get the Bishops and religious to take up his ideas, now stamped with the approbation of Rome, and propagate them among those under their jurisdiction. He met with kindness and encouragement in every town and hamlet until he came to Laibach. Here the police seized him and sent him away. At Gratz he met with a better reception. Throughout, the priests and religious receive him with a something approaching to honour, and so do the nobility, but government officials and the like treat him rudely enough.
When he arrived in Vienna, he found a way of conciliating these officers of justice and their subalterns. Graf (Count) O'Donnel took him to the Secretary of Police, and procured him a safe-conduct, whereby this kind of annoyance was put an end to for the future. Great personages patronize him—among the chief were Prince Esterhazy, Counts O'Donnel and Litchenstein. Through their kindness and his own repute, he is favoured with interviews from the members of the royal family. A few of these in his own words must be interesting:—
"While at Rome, I heard one day the wonderful account of thecoup d'étatof the now Emperor of the French. I thought with myself that moment, here is a man for me— perhapstheman. If he survive the assaults of his enemies,and become established in power over France, he is the man evidently for great designs; the people whom he rules are the people to follow him in them; and he has a mind, so I conceived, to understand how utterly insignificant are all enterprises, in comparison with those which have the glory of God and the salvation of souls for their end. But will he, can he, be moved to take up the great cause? I got an introduction to the French ambassador at Rome, in order to open my way to an interview with his chief. This may be in reserve for me some future day; but I was first to see another great man—the young Emperor of Austria.
"I think an account of this audience, and some accompanying circumstances, will be interesting in more points of view than one. After leaving Rome at the beginning of February, I went to Vienna, and stopped there three weeks before coming home. The Emperor had just left Vienna for Venice when I arrived, and did not return till a fortnight after. In consequence of this, I sought for, and had audience of all the other members of the royal family then in the town. Many may not be aware of the circumstances under which the present Emperor was raised to the throne. Everything connected with this young man is to me full of a kind of poetic interest. He is the eldest son of the Archduke Francis Charles and the Archduchess Sophia, a princess of Bavaria. His father is brother to the ex-Emperor Ferdinand.
"It is said that in 1848, at the time when the insurgents had gained possession of Vienna, and the court was in flight, some one asked the Empress Mary Ann, a Sardinian princess, 'Madam, have you ever thought of an abdication?' 'I have, indeed,' answered she; 'but what is to follow?' The Emperor had no children, and his next heir was his brother the Archduke. Both of them have been always highly respected as most amiable and religious men, but are not of abilities or character to bear the charge of an empire under such circumstances. The abdication, then, of the reigning Emperor would not have been a remedy to existing evils, unless his brother joined in the sacrifice of his claims, and made way for the succession of his son. Thisarrangement, however, was effected; and, if what I gathered from conversations and observation is correct, it is to the two ladies whom I have mentioned, that the empire is indebted for it. Do not they deserve the admiration of the present and future generations, and to have their place among thevaliant women, for renouncing the honours of an imperial crown, for the public good? Be this as it may, the announcement was made to the young prince, then eighteen years of age, that the crown was his. It is said that he burst into tears at hearing it, and begged two days for reflection, during which he went to confession and communion, to obtain light from God, and concluded with giving his consent. His career has been conformable with this beginning. Among other things, I may mention that one of his first acts was, of his own mind, to repeal the oppressive laws of Joseph II., and to restore liberty to the Church. Could I do otherwise than long to interest such a soul as this in the great cause I was supporting? Shall I succeed in the end? I had an audience of the Archduchess Sophia, the Emperor's mother, before his return from Venice. It is under her care and guidance, as I was assured, that his character has been formed; and it was touching to hear her make me a kind of apology for what might, perhaps, be taken as a defect in his manner. I told her I was desirous of an audience of his Majesty. She said, 'You will certainly obtain it;' and she added, "You will perhaps think him cold, but he is not so.' This corresponds with what she said to a friend of mine, a German literary character, who was likewise about to have his first audience from the Emperor. The Archduchess said to him, 'His manner is not winning, like that of Carl [meaning her third son, the Archduke Charles], but he has greater depth of character; from his childhood upwards I never knew him say a word merely to please; every word is from his heart.' These few words of his mother are to me a most precious comment on what passed between the Emperor and me when I had my audience. I was introduced into a large saloon on one of the days of public reception. The Emperor stood alone in the middle of it; behind him, to the left, was a small table, on which was a pile ofmemorials which he had already received. He was in military uniform. I should be glad to convey the impression which his appearance, and the few words he spoke, made on me. A young emperor, I suppose, has great advantage in gaining upon one's feelings, if he will in any degree do himself justice. In this case, I say, that I never was more satisfied, not to say captivated, with my observations on any person. His figure is not in itself commanding; but there was in his air and manner and tone a union of grace and affability, dignity, wisdom, and modesty, which I do not remember to have seen equalled. I was greatly struck, on my entrance, with what appeared to me such a contrast between what I witnessed and the receptions usually given by great personages who wish to be gracious. Ordinarily, my impression is that they overwhelm one with many words, which often mean nothing. The Emperor was perfectly silent. I had time to think with myself, after I had approached him, 'Am I then to speak first? So it was. I have a very clear recollection of what was said.
"'I have requested this audience,' I said, 'to represent to your Majesty the object for which I am travelling. It is to move Catholics throughout the world to interest themselves in obtaining the return of my country to the Catholic faith. On this, I am deeply convinced, depends entirely the happiness of my country; and, I conceive, nothing would more contribute to the happiness of other nations of the world.'
"The Emperor seemed to intimate assent to this, and said with great grace: 'I am happy to hear that things go on better in England in regard to religion than they have done.'
"'There is much,' I said, 'to encourage hopes; but we want great help. I am come to ask the help of Austria. I do not take on me to prescribe what your Majesty in person might do in this cause. As the principal means to be employed is prayer, I am aware that it belongs rather to Bishops to direct such movements; but I ask help and sympathy from all. I thought it could not be anything but right to ask your Majesty's.'
"He answered: 'I will interest myself as much at possible.'
"I added: 'I have said, I did not intend to propose any line of action to your Majesty; but I may explain myself further. It is to the Bishops that I make my principal appeal to interest the people in this object. Now, I am aware that they would and must be averse to any public measures which might seem to involve political inconvenience: I would, therefore, ask of your Majesty, that if the bishops are pleased to act, the Government should not object to it, as I conceive there would be no reason.'
"The Emperor said something to the effect, as I thought, that he saw no reason to object to what I said.
"I was aware that my audience could not be a long one, and I now put my hand to the breast of my habit to take out a memorial, which I had been directed to present on this occasion, for permission to collect subscriptions in the empire.
"He thought I was about to offer him papers on the subject on which I had been speaking, and said: 'You probably have some papers which will explain your wishes.'
"I said: 'I have; but they are not in a becoming form to present to your Majesty.'
"I had, in fact, two little addresses printed on poor paper, in German, for distribution; and I brought them forward.
"He immediately put out his hand to take them, and said, with a smile and manner of truly high-bred courtesy: 'Oh! I will read them; 'and he laid them on the table by him.
"I then presented my written memorial, and then, on his slightly bowing to me, I withdrew."
Another letter says:—
"In my last letter I repeated the words in which that wise and excellent Princess, the Archduchess Sophia, described the character of two of her sons: 'The Emperor seems cold, but he is not so. He is not winning and amiable like Carl, but he has more solidity and depth.' I remarked that to me these words were a most interesting commentaryon what passed in the short audience I had from the young Emperor; and if I succeeded in my description of it, I am sure others will think with me. I will now give some account of my audience with the third brother, the young Archduke Charles. The second brother, whose name I do not now remember, was not in Vienna at the time. He is a seaman, and I suppose it is intended that under his auspices the Austrian navy should be advanced to greater vigour and efficiency, while the Emperor and Charles attend mainly to the army. The empire possesses two splendid ports—Trieste and Venice; and past history proves what may be done with the latter alone.
"I made acquaintance with a Swiss ecclesiastic in Vienna (Mgr. Mislin), who bore a part in the education of all three of these princes. I had told him what were my desires concerning them; that is, to inspire them with ardent zeal for the great work of the reunion of Christendom, but especially the reconquest of England for the Church. One day the Abbé called to see me, at the palace of the Pope's Nuncio, where I was staying; and as I was out, he left word that he wished to see me without delay. He had to tell me, as I found, that the Archduke Charles, with whom he regularly goes to dine every Friday, had said to him on the last of these occasions, 'Do you know Father Ignatius?' 'Yes,' he answered, 'very well.' 'Do you think,' added the Prince, 'I could see him? I wish it very much.' 'Oh,' replied the Abbé, 'there will be no difficulty; 'and at once an hour was fixed—two o'clock on the 11th of March. It happened, however, that notice was received that at this very time the Emperor was to arrive from Trieste, and the Archduke had to go to the railway terminus to meet him. My audience was deferred till half-past three; and I went with the Abbé to the private entrance of the imperial palace to see them arrive. They were driven up from the station in a light open carriage; and it was thus, side by side, that I first saw them both. I may be mistaken, but in my poetic recollections and visions of Vienna, if I, who am no poet, may so speak, these two brothers are charmingly conjoined in my mind. At half-past three, then, I went tothe Archduke's apartments in the Burg, as it is called—a great mass of building, which includes the Emperor's town residence, apartments for all the royal family, several public offices, extensive quarters for troops, &c.—and was immediately introduced to him in a large drawing-room, where he kept me a good half-hour in lively conversation. My impression of him was, of a bright, buoyant youth, full of shining prospects of his future career; in which, though, perhaps, somewhat unconsciously to himself, he is both qualified by circumstances and character, and nobly disposed to exert himself for everything great and good. All this, however, is yet to be developed and consolidated by age, reflection, and experience. I should say, not so much that he himself is eagerly grasping at facts with which to store his mind, to be in due time digested, matured, and acted upon, as that Providence is turning to account his natural youthful eagerness, and shall we say, curiosity, to do this for him. May it prove that I am not forming over bright and groundless visions!
"The Archduke was dressed in a plain cavalry uniform. He was then about 19 years old, and very young-looking for his age. My object was to impress him with the grand importance of the enterprise which I was proposing as proper to form the dearest and constant aim of his brother's reign; that is, the restoring union to Christendom, having peculiarly in view the reconciling England to the Church. 'I have no wish,' I said, 'to see him, the Emperor, less devoted to his army: let him watch with constant care over all the interests of his Imperial dignity; but let him be devoted, above all and in everything, to the glory of God, and the repairing the losses of the Holy Church; and if it pleases God he should live, he will have a career more glorious, and leave a name greater than Charlemagne.' He said, 'Surely what you propose is most important. It is a matter to be deeply deplored that so many German states are cut off from the Church.' ..... I do not remember clearly much more of what passed in this conversation, and in truth it is not of so much consequence; for his words are not all weighed, solid, and worth recording, like those of his moresage brother. All have not the same gifts, natural or spiritual; and it is not well they should. Of course, it is not well, because God has ordered it thus. But I could see in the diversity of these young men what might be wonderfully combined for doing great things. Charles would not be the one to govern and control, and he has not this to do. The Emperor has; and he is cut out for it. But then perhaps he is not one to win and conciliate those who do not know how to value all superior qualities like his; yet this is necessary in such times, especially when sound, old-fashioned loyalty is not much known. But let the two brothers work together; let their hearts be one, and let that one purpose be directed to noble ends, and it will be well for them, for the empire, and for Europe. Charles will supply what the other wants. I asked Monsignor Mislin one day, with an anxious feeling, whether they were really affectionate, loving brothers, and the answer was satisfactory."
He lands at Dover on the 1st April, 1852, comes home, sets his house in order at the Hyde, and goes, after Holy Week, to see Father Eugene, the Provincial, at St. Wilfrid's, to give an account of himself. His name was about this time in every one's mouth, his doings were canvassed by friends and foes, and many and various were the opinions held about him. In the meantime he went on with his ordinary duties. He gives the retreat in Sedgeley Park again, and one to the congregation at Havant. It was whilst here, in the house of Mr. Scholfield, that he read Lord Derby's proclamation against appearing abroad in the religious habit.
Father Ignatius had to return to London next day, and did not wish to violate this prohibition. He was sadly at a loss; he had brought no secular clothes with him, and the gentleman with whom he was staying was short and stout, so that it was hopeless to think of getting anything suitable from his wardrobe. The butler was taxed for a contribution; all who had an article to spare gave heartily, and the Monk was, after some ingenuity, equipped in the following fashion: A pair of very light shoes, fitting badly and pinching sorely, a pair of short coloured pantaloons, a great pilot overcoat, a Scotch cap, cut so as to make it fit his head, formed thecap-à-pieof Father Ignatius. He took refuge in Spanish Place until the darkness of night might save him from his juvenile friends along the Edgware Road, who, if they recognised him in his new fashion, would treat him to a more than ordinary share of ridicule. He took off the shoes when outside London, and one may imagine the surprise ofthe religious when he entered the choir thus arrayed, in the middle of matins, to get Father Provincial's permission tochange!
Our Fathers shortly after were convoked by the Provincial to a kind of chapter. Among other matters submitted to their consideration, came the doings of Father Ignatius. There were cavils on all sides, from within and without, and many thought that it was his imprudence that drew forth the proclamation. The nature of the charges against him will be seen from an apologetic letter of his to theStandard:—
To The Editor Of The "Catholic Standard."Jesu Christi Passio.Sir,—I remarked in my last, not as a complaint, but quite the contrary, that I have often heard that good Catholics have suspected me to be not right in my head, because of my strange devotion to the conversion of England and of the many strange things which this fancy, as it seems to them, has led me to do. So far, indeed, am I from being surprised at or vexed by them, that I fairly declare that something like a suspicion of this kind sometimes flashes across my own mind. Suppose, for instance, I might hear of any one becoming deranged or being in danger of it, I have felt at times something like a sympathetic chord struck in my own mind, which seems to say, "Are people right, perhaps, after all? Am I not really mad on this point?' And it may take me a moment's thought to keep my fair even balance. How do I keep it?—Not as I might have done, some thirty years ago, by recollecting, what when young I used to hear said by my relations, with self-congratulation, "Well, thank God, there is no taint of madness in our family!—"No; I get my satisfaction independently of this, from a twofold consciousness, to one branch of which I could not have referred then—that is, from the consciousness, first, of a yet unimpaired memory concerning what I have seen and said and heard within reasonable limits of time; and secondly, from the consciousness, glory be to God forit, of (may I say it without rashness?) a perfect Catholic, Apostolic, Roman faith. Iremember—I cannot be mistaken in this—that, not two years ago, I spent four months in Rome, and spoke out there all my thoughts on this subject, as far as I had opportunity given, without a shadow of reserve, to the first authorities of the Church; and that it ended by my receiving and having in my possession documents fully approving of what I had been doing and purposed to do, from the first authorities of the Church, to which I may add the mention of testimonials signed by the Generals of the Dominicans, of the Conventual Franciscans, of the FranciscansStrictioris Observantiae, and of the Capuchins, recommending me to all local superiors of their respective orders, to the end that they should receive me to hospitality in all their houses, allow the use of their churches to preach in, and assist me in every possible way in my purposes. I have then said to myself, "It would indeed be no ordinary sort of madness breaking out for the first time in a family, which should have the marvellous power of communicating itself, infecting and dragging after it such a number of certainly very respectable heads; to which I may add, that the foundation, as it were, of all these testimonials, was a letter from his Eminence the Archbishop of Westminster, given me when I went into Germany in the summer of 1851, renewed with a fresh signature in 1852, after all my vagaries (?) at Vienna had taken place. In this letter, written in French by the hand of his Eminence himself—of whom I never heard any one express the idea that he was touched in the brain—he states that "having perfectly known me from the time of my conversion [I feel an intimate conviction in myself no one knows me better] he does not hesitate to recommend me to all the Catholics of the Continent, particularly to all bishops and ecclesiastics, secular and regular, as worthy of all their consideration and of their support, in the matters about which I should be engaged." No; I say, that on divine principles, almost as well as human, it is too much to imagine that I have been mad, thus far; whatever may be the case hereafter. Protestants, at least some of them, might say so, and mightthink it too. No wonder. But will this remonstrance suffice to put an end to such insinuations from good Catholics? Mind, I am not displeased at them; nay, I relish these insinuations beyond what I can express. I have solid reasons for this; but I desire for the future to forego this personal consolation, for the sake of the souls of my poor countrymen, and of hundreds of millions more throughout the world, which I have the conviction might be saved, if the Catholics of England and Ireland would at length have done with their objections, and undertake with all their heart the gaining of this kingdom to God and His Church— and a reputed madman is not likely to move them to it. I cannot but think that the authorities under whose sanction I have acted might be considered a sufficient defence against objections to the movement which I call for so pertinaciously. I will, however, proceed to answer one by one the remarks which I supposed in my last letter might be passed on my narrative of proceedings at Vienna. First, I supposed some would smile at my ignorance of the world, in expecting that in our days young princes like the Emperor of Austria and his brother should have any dispositions to enter into ideas like mine. But why not? Are they not good ideas? at least, I think them so; and am I to think a person incapable of great and good designs because he is an emperor—a prince? There is no doubt that because he is a prince, he is immensely more responsible for the objects which he pursues; and that the glory of God would be incomparably more advanced by his devoting himself to heavenly pursuits than if he were an ordinary person; and are we tamely to surrender to the service of the world, and of the Prince of this world, all who have power to influence the world, and be content on God's behalf to have none but the poor and weak on the other side? I know it is in the Word of God that not many wise, not many noble, &c., are called. God has chosen the poor in this world; but yet there has been a St. Henry, an emperor; a St. Stephen, King of Hungary; a St. Louis of France; a St. Edward the Confessor, and so many more; and what magnificent instruments have suchmen been for exalting the Church, converting nations, and saving souls! If they have been few in comparison with kings and emperors whose views have been all temporal, is that a reason against trying to add one or two more to their number? I think it is a reason why weshouldtry; and if we are to try, let us do it in the spirit of hope, or we shall do it very languidly. If after all we fail, what have we lost by trying and by hoping? You may answer, we shall suffer disappointment. Ah! who says that? No! no disappointment for those who hope in God and work for Him legitimately. It would make my heart bleed, if I had a heart fit for it, to think of the noble, truly princely youths in question, sinking down to the wretched level of worldly, selfish, immoral, useless men of power, of whom the world has borne so many; and for a time, if but for a time, I have indulged bright visions about them; not mere dreamy visions, for their education, the circumstances of their elevation, the young Emperor's career hitherto, his late wonderful deliverance from assassination, in which he behaved, as report says, in away to encourage all such thoughts as mine—all these are reasons on my side; but suppose I am disappointed there; suppose no one sympathizes in my thoughts; suppose the Emperor has forgotten all about my appeal, and I never travel more, or never more to Vienna, and no one else will take any trouble about it—is God's arm shortened? Are there no other emperors, or kings, or queens for Him to choose among, if emperors He has need of for the work? My friends, fear not. I do not intend to be disappointed, and, what is more, I shall not be, nor will any of those be who work for the saving of souls, even on the very largest scale, unless we are so foolish as to turn back and grow slack. But is it not an error, it will be asked, a mistake to wish kings and emperors to interfere in such things? I know many persons of great consideration have this thought; but the mistake seems to me to lie in not making a distinction between such interference as that of Constantius, Valens, Julian, in old times; Henry IV. and Joseph II. of Austria, Henry VIII. of England, and that of such princes as I have named above, whom the Church has canonized forwhat they did for her. This is my opinion, others have theirs; how shall we decide? Can we here again know the mind of Rome; and will not that have some weight in settling the question? I will just relate what took place there relative to this matter. When preparing to leave Rome for Vienna, I desired to obtain from the Austrian Ambassador there a letter, which might facilitate my access to the Emperor, on which I had set my heart. But I understood the Ambassador himself was not easily accessible, and that I had better obtain a note of introduction to him, and from no one would it be so desirable as from Cardinal Antonelli, the Pope's Secretary of State. I obtained an audience from him and made my request. He answered: "We have a nuncio at Vienna; it will do better for you to have a letter from me to him." Of course I accepted this spontaneous offer most thankfully. The Cardinal desired me to tell him what I wished at Vienna, I said: "An audience of the Emperor: and as I am asking the favour of your Eminence to assist me in obtaining it, it seems right you should know for what end I desire it. It is to propose to the Emperor to take to heart my great object of the conversion of England, and of Protestants in general, and to move his subjects to it." The Cardinal explained to me some circumstances in the position of the Emperor, which made it unlikely that he would be led to take any open steps of this kind; but he gave me the letter without a word of objection to my wish, on principle; and it was on my presenting it to the Nuncio, that he most graciously desired that I should lodge in his palace all the time that I was in Vienna. As I have been led to mention this audience with Cardinal Antonelli, I think others may share with me in the feelings of satisfaction and admiration with which the remainder of what passed impressed me. I took occasion from finding myself in company with the Pope's Secretary of State, to make an additional effort towards moving Rome in the great cause; and as, by his office, he had to regard the political effect of a decided movement such as I was begging, I urged my conviction that no political ill consequences need be feared from the Holy Father calling on all Christendom tomove in this spiritual enterprise. He interrupted me with saying: "The Holy Father fears no man and nothing in the world." He adverted to the position in which he had seen him at Gaèta, and said: "The political power of the Holy See depends on its weakness." I do not remember the exact words; but they amounted to a noble adoption by the Apostolic See of the famous Apostolic sentiment: "When I am weak, then am I strong," in relation not only to the wielding of its own inalienable spiritual sovereignty, but to its accidental temporal power, in the exercise of which we perhaps should not expect always to see the Divine principle so prominent. This discourse gave me the consoling assurance that when the mind of his Holiness should be guided by the light which is in him, to judge that the time is come for a powerful call on Christendom to move forward in the great enterprise, no human considerations will check his steps. The Holy Father knows no fear of man.
I am, your obedient servant,Ignatius Of St. Paul, Passionist.
The joyous way in which he received crosses and mortifications may be seen from this letter. It seemed as if nothing could ruffle his temper. He remarks on the Proclamation, in a letter he wrote to make arrangements for saying mass in a private chapel: "There ought to be something in the way of a cassock too, as the Queen and Lord Derby have been pleased to make the country too hot for me to keep on my wearing of the habit for the present. At least so it seems."
When he attended the meeting of our Fathers, alluded to above, he travelled by train, with his habit slung over his shoulder, and the sign conspicuous, saying, "Since they won't let me wear my habit like a religious, I shall carry it like a slave."
Father Ignatius gives a retreat to the nuns of Lingdale House, and comes immediately after to Oscott, where the first Provincial Synod of the English Hierarchy was being held. He presents a petition to the Synodal Fathers, and receives encouragement to prosecute his work of moving all whom he can to pray for the conversion of England. His next mission was to make the visitation of our Belgian houses for the Provincial; when he found himself again abroad, he took advantage of the opportunity. He goes to different places, and finds many Belgian and French bishops who preach upon hisoeuvre, and recommend it by circulars to their clergy. These journeys he paid for by begging wherever he went, and the object he begged for is seen from a letter of his to Mr. Monteith, dated Lille, Aug. 24, 1852:—
"My dear Mr. Monteith,—Here I am, writing to you again, and you will soon see that what brings me to this is, as usual, want of money—auri fames. The case stands thus: I am on travel again, with commission of finding means to build our house near London, of which I am rector, or rather I am rector of a little place which stands on the ground, and erecter rather than rectorex officioof the house that is to be there. I have my ideas how we might get means for this expense, and for all other expenses; and, moreover, how means could be got for all the houses in England and Scotland too. I am following the end as well as I can, all alone, by the way which seems to me the best and only one; but my being alone makes the progress slow. Hitherto, my ideas are to others like dreams—empty dreams,though I have a pocket-book full of recommendations from Rome to support them, which encourage me to think I am not mad, when, by the manner in which I see people sometimes look at me, I should almost think I was. I allude chiefly to the way in which, in a company of English Catholics, the mention from me of the idea,conversion of England, immediately silences a company in the most animated conversation, as if I had said, 'Next week I am going to be crowned King of France!' ... Though I speak as I do, I am not without encouragement and fine prospects; but I want to hasten things, as souls by thousands and millions perish by delays; and this I will not, if I can help it, have to answer for. An Englishman's regular, natural way to get his matters attended to, is a steady, persevering grumble. He grumbles over one step, then grumbles over the next, however comfortable and happy he may be over what he has gained.
"Last week I was at Cambrai, where there was a most remarkable centenary feast, in honour of Notre Dame de Grâce. There is there an old picture of Our Lady, brought from Rome 400 years ago, and installed in the cathedral in 1452, which has been a centre of devotion ever since. This was the year for the grand solemnity; pilgrimages coming all the week from the diocese and farther. The most remarkable of the pilgrims unquestionably was Cardinal Wiseman, who came to preside over the procession and solemnities of the last day. He sung mass, and preached his first sermon in France, which was one of the most eloquent I ever heard from him, or any one, notwithstanding his imperfect diction. It was all to the point of moving the French Episcopate and nation to prayers for the conversion of England. So, if I live, I have little or no doubt of succeeding in time, but, meanwhile, I must poke here and poke there for money, till it begins to come freely of itself. As to what the Continent could do if their heart was once moved, I am convinced by the history of the Crusades. If the Catholic nations were now engaged in a material war, there would be armies on foot, and fleets at sea, the cost of which, for one week, would be enough to build cathedrals for all our bishops.Why not the same money drawn to effect the spiritual conquest? Because they do not care about it. Then, let us make them; and how? The first step, of course, must be to care for it ourselves. 'Si vis me flere, dolendum est primum ipsi tibi.' And what can we do to bring our English and Scotch to this?—Grumble at them, I suppose."
On his return from France in September, himself and Father Eugene came to the determination to move away from The Hyde, if a more convenient site could be procured. The reason of this was chiefly the unsuitableness of the place to the working of our vocation. It was too solitary for missionaries, and there was no local work for a number of priests. Some of the fathers disguise themselves in secular suits, less unseemly than that in which they once beheld Father Ignatius, and go in search of a place, but without success. Father Ignatius gave a mission at this time in Kentish Town, and he little thought, as he took his walk along the tarred paling in Maiden Lane, that inside lay the grounds of the future St. Joseph's Retreat.
Towards the end of the year 1852, Father Ignatius accompanies as far as London Bridge a colony of Passionists, whom Dr. O'Connor, the Bishop of Pittsburg, was bringing out to the United States. These Passionists have grown ingentem magnam, and the worthy Bishop, like another Odescalchi, resigned his crosier, and became a Jesuit.
He concludes this year and begins the next giving retreats. The scenes of his labours in this department were Somers Town, Blandford Square (London), our own house, Dudley, and Douay. He also assisted at a mission in Commercial Road, London, E.
The heaviest part of his work, as a member of The Hyde community, was attending to the parish, which, with the Barnet Mission, then under our charge, was equal in area to many a diocese in Catholic countries. Father Ignatius often walked thirty miles in one day on parochial duty. To give an idea of how he went through this work, one instance will suffice. On one day to went to Colney Hatch Lunatic Asylum, and from all the unhappy inmates he was able to get one confession. Next day he walked to givethe Holy Communion to this single penitent, and walked afterwards to Barnet before he broke his fast. This must be a distance of at least fifteen miles.
In May, 1853, he gives a retreat to his old parishioners of West Bromwich, another in Winchester in July, to the nuns in Wolverhampton in August, and to the people in Oxburgh in October, and in Southport, Lancashire, in Advent.
The 16th of November this year was a great day for our congregation. It was the first feast of Blessed Paul of the Cross, our holy founder. There was a great re-union of the chief fathers of the order in St. Wilfrid's—the Bishops of Birmingham and Southwark, and Dr. Ullathorne and Dr. Grant assisted at the solemnity. Father Ignatius was there, of course. Father Paul was beatified on the 28th September, 1852. Our religious had prayed and worked for the great event, and had now the happiness of seeing him raised to the altar.
He stays at home a great deal now, as a rector ought to do, except in intervals of missions and retreats; and the lion's share of parish work falls to him. He sends one of the priests of his community to France to beg for the house; but he had, in a very short time, to send him money for his expenses home. He then concludes that he should himself be considered beggar-in-chief, and accordingly goes out for a few days to collect alms in London. With his alms, he collects into the Church a young Puseyite minister, who is now a zealous priest on the London mission.
Father Ignatius visits the neighbouring ministers, but not as formerly; he simply goes to see his old acquaintances, and if the conversation could be transferred from compliments and common-place remarks to matters of higher interest, he was not the man to let the opportunity pass by. Among his old friends in the Anglican ministry there seemed to have been few for whom he always cherished so kindly a regard as the Rev. Mr. Harvey, Rector of Hornsey. That excellent clergyman used to visit Father Ignatius, and receive visits from him on the most friendly terms to the end.
Thus did he spend his time, until Father Pius, the brotherof our present General, who died in Rome in 1864, came to visit the province, or branch of the order in England, in 1854. This visit made a change in Father Ignatius's position.
A number of houses of a religious order are placed under the direction of one superior, who is styled a Provincial. With us the Provincial has two assistants, who are called Consultors. The superior of each house is called a Rector, and it is his duty to see after the spiritual and temporal concerns of his own community. A rector, therefore, has more home work, by virtue of his office, than any other superior. A consultor may live in any house of the province, has no special dutyex officioexcept to give his advice to the Provincial when asked, and may be easily spared for any external employment. This office Father Ignatius used to term asotium cum dignitate, though theotiumhe never enjoyed, and felt rather awkward in thedignitas.
In 1854, he was made first Consultor, and relieved from the drudgery of housekeeping for his brethren. Before leaving The Hyde for a new field of labour, he went to see his nephew in Harrow, which was only a few miles from our retreat; but was not admitted. He took another priest with him, and both were hooted by the boys. It seems pardonable in a set of wild young schoolboys to make game of such unfashionable beings as Catholic priests; but it shows a great want of good breeding in schoolboys who are afterwards to hold such a high position in English society. This remark is forced upon us by the fact that none of us ever passed through Harrow without meeting a somewhat similar reception. A school of inferior rank might set Harrow an example in this point. We have passed Roger Cholmley's school in Highgate, time after time, often in a large body, and have met the boys in threes and fours, and all together, and never yet heard a single insult. What makes the difference?
On the 8th of September, 1854, Father Ignatius left The Hyde for Ireland. He begs this time through the principal towns in Munster, and says he was very kindly received by all. He preached sermons during this journey, all on theconversion of England. He gained more prayers this time than on a former occasion, because his work came to the people with blessings and indulgences from the Father of the Faithful. He used to tell an amusing anecdote in reference to this mission. Somewhere he had preached on the conversion of England, and recommended the prayers by the spiritual profit to be derived from them. An old woman accosted him as he was passing by, and he had just time to hear, "Father, I say the three Hail Marys every day for England." Father Ignatius was much pleased, and made inquiries after the old lady, doubtless intending to constitute her a kind of apostle in the place. She was brought to see him; he expressed his thanks and pleasure that she had entered so thoroughly into his views, and asked her would she try to persuade others to follow her example? "Me get people to pray for England!" she answered; "I pray myself three times for the sake of the indulgence, but I curse them 300 times a day for it, lest they might get any good of my prayers!" He reasoned with her, to be sure, but did not tell us if the success of his second discourse was equal to the first.
In a letter written by Father Ignatius in December, 1854, is found the first glimpse of a new idea: the Sanctification of Ireland. This idea was suggested to him by the faith of the Irish people, and by their readiness to adopt whatever was for their spiritual profit. His intending the Sanctification of Ireland as a step towards the Conversion of England, laid the scheme open to severe criticism. It was said that England was his final object; that Ireland was to be used as an instrument for England's benefit; that if his patriotism were less strong, his sanctity would be greater. If these objections were satisfactorily answered, they might be given up with a hint that, "it was a very Irish way to convert England, by preaching in the bogs of Connaught." The best refutation of these ungenerous remarks will be, perhaps, a simple statement of what his ideas were upon the subject. His great desire was that all the world should be perfect. He used to say Our Lord had not yet had His triumph in this world, and that it was too bad the devil should still have the majority. "This must not be," he would say; "I shall never rest as long as there is a single soul on earth who does not serve God perfectly." The practical way of arriving at this end was to begin at home. England had not faith as a nation, so there was no foundation to build sanctity upon there. England, however, had great influence as a nation all over the world; she showed great zeal also in her abortive attempts to convert the heathen. If her energies could be turned in the right direction, what grand results might we not anticipate? Another reflection was, England has had every means of conversion tried upon her;let us now see what virtue there is in good example. To set this example, and to sow the seed of the great universal harvest, he would find out the best Catholic nation in the world, and bring it perfectly up to the maxims of the Gospel. This nation was Ireland, of course, and it was near enough to England to let its light shine before her. What he wished for was, to have every man, woman, and child in Ireland, take up the idea that they were to be saints. He would have this caught up with a kind of national move. The practical working of the idea he embodied in a little book which he wrote some time afterwards, and preached it wherever he addressed an Irish congregation. The banishing of three great vices—cursing, company-keeping, and intemperance—and the practice of daily meditation, with a frequent approach to the sacraments, were the means. If Ireland, so he argued, took up this at home, it would spread to England, the colonies, and to wherever there was an Irishman all over the world. All these would be shining lights, and if their neighbours did not choose at once to follow their example, we could at least point it out as the best proof of our exhortations. This is a short sketch of the work he now began, and it was a work his superiors always encouraged, and which he spent his life in endeavouring to realise.
One objection made against this scheme touched him on a tender point—his love of country. Many Catholics, especially English converts, thought the words of Ecclesiasticus applicable to England: "Injuries and wrongs will waste riches: and the house that is very rich shall be brought to nothing by pride: so the substance of the proud shall be rooted out."—Eccl. xxi. 5. These were of opinion that England must be humbled as a nation, and deeply too, before she could be fit for conversion. This Father Ignatius could not stand. He writes, in a letter to Mr. Monteith: "As myunicum necessariumfor myself is the salvation and sanctification of my own soul, so my wishes and designs about England, which, according to the order of charity, I consider (in opposition to many English Catholics, especially converts), I ought to love first of all people, are, singly andonly, that she may be brought to God, and in such a way and under such circumstances, as may enable her to be the greatest possible blessing to the whole world. I have heard plenty, and much more than plenty, from English and Irish Catholics (very seldom, comparatively, from those of the Continent), about the impossibility of this, except by the thorough crushing of the power of England. I say to all this,No, no, no!God can convert our country with her power and her influence unimpaired, and I insist on people praying for it without imposing conditions on Almighty God, on whom, if I did impose conditions, it would be in favour of His showing more, and not less abundant, mercy to a fallen people. Yet, though I have often said I will not allow Miss This, or Mr. That, to pronounce sentence on England, still less to wish evil to her (particularly if it be an English Mr. or Miss who talks), I have always said that if God sees it fit that the conversion should be through outward humiliations and scourges, I will welcome the rod, and thank Him for it, in behalf of my country, as I would in my own person, in whatever way He might think fit to chastise and humble me."
He returned to London in the beginning of 1855, to give the retreat to our religious. His next work was a mission, given with Father Gaudentius in Stockport. After that, he gave a mission with Father Vincent in Hull; in returning from Hull, he stopped at Lincoln to visit Mr. Sibthorpe. He spends a week in our London house, and then gives a retreat by himself in Trelawny. His next mission was in Dungannon, Ireland, and as soon as he came to England for another retreat he had to give in Levenshulme to nuns, he takes advantage of his week's rest to visit Grace Dieu, and have what he calls "a famous talk" with Count de Montalembert, who was Mr. Phillipps's guest at the time.
The scene of his labours is again transferred. We find him in July giving a mission at Borris O'Kane, with Father Vincent and Father Bernard and another immediately after, at Lorrha. At one of these missions, the crowd about Father Ignatius's confession-chair was very great, and the people were crushing in close to the confessor's knees. One woman,especially, of more than ordinary muscular strength, elbowed back many of those who had taken their places before she came; she succeeded in getting to the inner circle of penitents, but so near the person confessing that the good father gently remonstrated with her. All to no purpose. He spoke again, but she only came nearer. At length he seized her shawl, rolled it up in a ball, and flung it over the heads of the crowd; the poor woman had to relinquish her position, and go for her shawl, and left Father Ignatius to shrive her less pushing companions. His fellow missioners were highly amused, and this incident tells wonderfully for his virtue, for it is almost the only instance we could ever find of his having done anything like losing his temper during his life as a Passionist. He gives a retreat in Birr, in Grantham Abbey, a mission in Newcastle, and another in St. Augustine's, Liverpool, before the end of the year.
It was his custom, since his first turning seriously to God's service, to be awake at midnight on New Year's Day, and begin by prayer for passing the coming year perfectly. He is in St. Anne's, Sutton, Lancashire, this year. He begins the new year, 1856, by giving a mission with Father Leonard in our church at Sutton, with a few sermons at a place called Peasly Cross, an offshoot of the mission we have there.
We close this chapter by a notion of Father Ignatius's politics. He was neither a Whig, a Tory, nor a Radical. He stood aloof from all parties, and seldom troubled himself about any. He says in a letter to a friend who was a well-read politician:—"How many minds we have speaking in England!—Gladstone, Palmerston, Bright, Phillipps, yourself, and, perhaps, I should add myself, and how many more who knows? all with minds following tracks which make them travel apart from each other. I want to set a road open, in which all may walk together if they please—at least with one foot, if they must have their own particular plank for the other."