Footnotes.

Footnotes.1—See an account of this MS. in vol. ii.p. 367.2—SeeNote A.3—Nisbet’s Heraldry, p. 180. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, by Semple, Part II, p. 30, 139. Account of Knox, prefixed to his Historie, anno 1732, page ii. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p. 177.4—In times of persecution or war, when there was a risk of his letters being intercepted, the Reformer was accustomed to subscribe, “John Sinclair.” Under this signature at one of them, in the collection of his letters in my possession, is the following note: “Yis was his mother’s surname, wlk he wrait in time of trubill.” MS. Letters, p. 346.5—SeeNote A.6—SeeNote B. Beza (Icones Virorum Illustrium, Ee. iij. anno 1580) and Verheiden (Effigies et Elogia Præstant. Theolog. p. 92. Hagæcomit. 1602) say that Knox was educated at the university of St Andrews.7—Boetii Vitæ Episcopor. Murthlac. et Aberdon. fol. xxix. coll. cum fol. xxvi–xxviii. Impress. anno 1522. This little work is of great value, and contains almost the only authentic notices which we possess, as to the state of learning in Scotland, about the beginning of the sixteenth century. Mackenzie, the copier of the fabulous Dempster, (who gives an account of learned men who never existed, and of books that no man ever saw or could see,) talks of almost every writer whom he mentions, as finishing “the course of his studies in the Belles Lettres and Philosophy,” in one of the Scots universities. These are merely words of course. The Aristotelian rules concerning rhetoric were taught by the professors of scholastic philosophy; but it does not appear that stated lectures of this kind were read, until the time of the Reformation, when they were appointed to be regularly delivered in the colleges. First Book of Discipline, p. 40, 42, edit. anno 1621.8—In the twelfth century, there was a school at Abernethy and at Roxburgh. Sir James Dalrymple’s Collections, p. 226, 255. Other schools in that and the subsequent century are mentioned in charters, apud Chalmers’s Caledonia, i. 76.9—Caledonia, i. 768.10—Boetii Vitæ, fol. xxx. Vaus was the author of “Rudimenta Artis Grammaticæ per Jo. Vaus Scotvm Selecta—Edinbvrgi Excudebat Robertus Lekpreuik, Anno Do. 1566.” 4to. This was probably another edition of the work printed by Jod. Bad. Ascensius, Paris, 1522.11—Row’s History of the Kirk of Scotland, MS. p. 3, 4. Simson taught at Perth between 1550 and 1560. At the establishment of the Reformation, he became minister of Dunning and Cargill, from which he was translated, in 1566, to Dunbar, where he sustained the double office of minister of the parish, and master of the grammar‑school. He was the author of the Latin Rudiments, which continued to be taught in the schools of Scotland until the time of Ruddiman, and were much esteemed by that accomplished scholar. Row, ut supra. Keith’s History, p. 534. Chalmers’s Life of Ruddiman, p. 21, 22, 63.12—Life of John Erskine of Dun, p. 2, in Wodrow MSS. vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas. This industrious collector had access to some of Erskine’s papers, when employed in compiling his life. Additional facts respecting the early state of Greek literature in Scotland will be found inNote C.13—“In the Hebrew toung, (says Knox, in his defence before the bishop of Durham,) I confess myself ignorant, but have, as God knaweth, fervent thirst to have sum entrance thairin.” MS. Letters, p. 16.14—Major had come to St Andrews in 1523. The Records of that University shew that Buchanan was not of St Salvator’s College, but of St Mary’s. It is probable that Major at that time taught in this College; and it was not until 1533 that he became provost, or principal, of St Salvator’s.15—These sentiments are collected from his Commentaries on the Third Book of the Master of Sentences, and from his Exposition of Matthew’s Gospel; printed in Latin at Paris, the former in 1517, and the latter in 1518.16—SeeNote D.17—Lord Hailes, having given an example of this, adds, “After this, can Buchanan be censured for saying that he was ‘solo cognomineMajor?’” (Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 11.) By the way, it was Major who first said this of himself. It was the sight of these words, “Joannes, solo cognomine Major,” in the dedicatory epistle to his writings, that drew from Buchanan the satirical lines, which have been so often appealed to by his enemies, as an infallible proof of the badness of his heart. If fault there was in this, we may certainly make the apology which his learned editor produces for him in another case, “non tam hominis vitium, quam poetæ.” Poets and wits cannot always spare their best friends.18—Buchanan always mentions Knox in terms of high respect, Oper. ed. Ruddiman. p. 313, 321, 366. And the Reformer, in his Historie, has borne testimony to the virtues as well as splendid talents of the Poet: “That notable man, Mr George Bucquhanane—remanis alyve to this day, in the yeir of God 1566 years, to the glory of God, to the gret honour of this natioun, and to the comfort of thame that delyte in letters and vertew. That singulare wark of David’s Psalmes, in Latin meetre and poesie, besyd mony uther, can witness the rare graices of God gevin to that man.” Historie, p. 24.19—D. Buchanan’s Life of Knox. Mackenzie’s Lives, iii. 111. Although I have followed the common accounts, I have great doubts if Knox was made Master of Arts. It was usual to put Mr before the names of those who had been laureated, but I have never seen this title prefixed to his name in any old record.20—“In hac igitur Anthropotheologia egregie versatus Cnoxus, eandem et magna autoritate docuit: visusque fuit magistro suo (si qua in subtilitate felicitas,) in quibusdam felicior.” Verheiden, Effigies et Elogia Præstant. Theolog. p. 92. Hagæcomit. 1602. Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij. Melch. Adami Vitæ Theolog. Exter. p. 137. Francofurti, 1618.21—SeeNote E.22—Bezæ Icones, Verheidenii Effigies, Melchior Adam; ut supra. Spotswood’s History, p. 265. Lond. 1677.23—During the minority of James V. the celebrated Gawin Douglas was recommended by the Queen to the archbishopric of St Andrews; but John Hepburn, prior of the regular canons, opposed the nomination, and took the archiepiscopal palace by storm. Douglas afterwards laid siege to the cathedral of Dunkeld, and carried it, more by the thunder of his cannon, than the dread of the excommunication which he threatened to fulminate against his antagonist. Buch. Hist. xiii. 44. Spotsw. 61. Life of Gawin Douglas, prefixed to his translation of the Æneid; Ruddiman’s edition.24—Sir David Lyndsay’s Works, by Chalmers, i. 344. ii. 237, 238. Winzet, and Kennedy; apud Keith, App. 488, 504.25—The Popes were accustomed to grant liberty to the commendators to dispose of benefices which they held by this tenure, to others who should succeed to them after their death. Introduction to Scots Biography, in Wodrow MSS. vol. ix. p. 171; Bibl. Coll. Glas. So late as anno 1534, Clement VII. granted,in commendam, to his nephew Hypolitus, Cardinal de Medici,ALLthe benefices in the world, secular and regular, dignities and parsonages, simple and with cure, being vacant, for six months; with power to dispose of all their fruits, and convert them to his own use. Father Paul’s History of the Council of Trent, lib. 1, p. 251. Lond. 1620.26—One exception occurs, and must not be omitted. When George Wishart was preaching in Ayr, Dunbar, archbishop of Glasgow, took possession of the pulpit, in order to exclude the Reformer. Some of the more zealous hearers would have dispossessed the bishop, but Wishart would not suffer them. “The bishope preichit to his jackmen, and to some auld boisses of the toun. The soum of all his sermone was, They sey, we sould preiche: Quhy not? Better lait thryve nor nevir thryve. Had us still for your bishope, and we sall provyde better the nixt tyme.” Knox, Historie, p. 44.27—War not the preiching of the begging freiris,Tint war the faith among the seculeiris.Lyndsay, ut supra, i. 343, comp. ii. 101.28—Lord Hailes’s Notes on Ancient Scottish Poems, p. 249, 250, 297, 309. We need not appeal to the testimony of the reformers, nor to satirical poems published at that time, in proof of the extreme profligacy of the popish clergy. The truth is registered in the Acts of Parliament, and in the decrees of their own councils, (Wilkins, Concil. tom. iv. p. 46–60. Keith’s Hist. pref. xiv. and p. 14,) in the records of legitimation, (Lord Hailes, ut supra, p. 249, 250,) and in the confessions of their own writers. (Kennedy and Winzet, apud Keith, append. 202, 205–7. Lesley, Hist. 232. Father Alexander Baillie’s True Information of the Unhallowed Offspring, &c., of our Scottish Calvinian Gospel, p. 15, 16; Wirtzburg, anno 1628.)29—In consequence of a very powerful confederacy against the religious knight, called Templars, and upon charges of the most flagitious crimes, that order was suppressed by a general council, anno 1312; but their possessions were conferred upon another order of sacred knights. The plenitude of papal power was stretched to the very utmost, in this dread attempt: “Quanquam (says his holiness in the bull) de jure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.” Walsingham, Histor. Angl. p. 99. When the Gilbertine monks retired from Scotland, because the air of the country did not agree with them, their revenues were, upon their resignation, transferred to the monastery of Paisley. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p. 266.30—SeeNote F.31—Fox, p. 1153, printed anno 1596. Chalmers’s Lyndsay, ii. 62, 63, 64. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 30. Sir Ralph Sadler’s testimony to the clergy, as the only men of learning about the court of James V., may seem to contradict what I have asserted. But Sadler speaks of their talents for political management, and in the same letters gives a proof of their ignorance in other respects. The clergy, at that time, made law their principal study, and endeavoured to qualify themselves for offices of state. This, however, engaged their whole attention, and they were grossly ignorant in their own profession. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 47, 48; Edin. 1809. Knox, Historie, p. 18.Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and papal legate for Scotland, being obliged to say grace, at an entertainment which he gave to the pope and cardinals in Rome, blundered so in his latinity, that his holiness and their eminences lost their gravity, which so disconcerted the bishop, that he concluded the blessing by giving all the false carles to the devil,in nomine patris, filii, et sancti spiritus; to which the company, not understanding his Scoto‑Latin, said Amen. “The holy bishop,” says Pitscottie, “was not a good scholar, and had not good Latin.” History, p. 106.32—Wilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. 72. Lord Hailes’s Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 36.33—Luther often mentioned to his familiar acquaintances the advantage which he derived from a visit to Rome in 1510, and used to say that he would not exchange that journey for 1000 florins; so much did it contribute to open his eyes to the corruptions of the Romish court, and to weaken his prejudices. Melchior. Adami, Vitæ Germ. Theol. p. 104. Erasmus had a sensation of the same kind, although weaker. John Rough, one of the Scottish Reformers, felt in a similar way, after visiting Rome. Fox, p. 1841.34—Notwithstanding laws repeatedly made to restrain persons from going to Rome, to obtain benefices, the practice was greatly on the increase about the time of the Reformation.It is schort tyme sen ony beneficeWas sped in Rome, except great bishoprics;But now, for ane unworthy vickarage,A priest will rin to Rome in Pilgrimage.Ane cavill quhilk was never at the sculeWill rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis mule:And syne cum hame with mony a colorit crack,With ane burdin of beneficis on his back.Chalmers’sLyndsay, ii. 60.35—Knox, 14–16. Spotswood, 64, 69. Keith, append. 205. Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems of the Sixteenth Century, i. 16–18. Chalmers’s Lyndsay, i. 211.36—SeeNote G.37—Knox, Historie, p. 14.38—Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, ut supra, i. 28.39—Patriots have toil’d, and in their country’s causeBled nobly; and their deeds, as they deserve,Receive proud recompense.————————But fairer wreaths are due, though never paid,To those who, posted at the shrine of truth,Have fallen in her defence.————————Yet few remember them.————————————————With their namesNo bard embalms and sanctifies his song:And history, so warm on meaner themes,Is cold on this. She execrates, indeed,The tyranny that doom’d them to the fire,But gives the glorious sufferers little praise.CowperTask, Book V.In the margin, Cowper names Hume as chargeable with the injustice which he so feelingly upbraids. While it is painful to think that other historians, since Hume, have exposed themselves to the same censure, it is pleasing to reflect, that Cowper is not the only poet who has “sanctified,” and, I trust, “embalmed his song,” with the praises of these patriots. The reader will easily perceive that I refer to the author ofThe Sabbath.40—His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, was son of Lord Hamilton, who married a sister of King James III. His mother was a daughter of John Duke of Albany, brother to the same monarch. Pinkerton’s Hist. of Scotland, ii. 45, 46, 289.41—There was an act of parliament, as early as 17th July, 1525, prohibiting ships from bringing any books of Luther or his disciples into Scotland, which had always “bene clene of all sic filth and vice.” Act. Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 295. This renders it highly probable, that such books had already been introduced into this country.42—F. Lamberti Avenionensis Comment. in Apocalypsin, præfat. anno 1528.43—Lambert, ut supra. Bezæ Icones, Ffj. Fox, 888. Knox, 4–6. Lindsay of Pitscottie’s History of Scotland, p. 133–5; Edin. 1728. This last author gives a very interesting account of Hamilton’s trial, but he is wrong as to the year of his martyrdom.44—Pinkerton.45—Cald. MS. i. 69.46—In 1546, Winram having spoken to the bishops in favour of George Wishart, cardinal Beatoun upbraided him, saying, “Well, sir, and you, we know what a man you are, seven years ago.” Pitscottie, 189.47—SeeNote H.48—SeeNote I.49—Wodrow’s MSS. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. p. 2. Calderwood’s MS. Hist. of the Church of Scotland, vol. i. p. 35. Knox, Historie, p. 22.50—SeeNote K.51—Cald. MS. i. 103, 119. Sadler, i. 47. Knox, 21, 24.52—Sadler, i. 94. Knox, 27, 28. Pitscottie, 164. Keith, 22. Sir James Melvil’s Memoirs, 2–4. Lond. 1683. Knox says, that the roll contained “mo than ane hundreth landit men, besides utheris of meener degre, amongis quhome was the lord Hamiltoun, then second persoun of the realme.” Sadler says, “eighteen score noblemen and gentlemen, all well minded to God’s word, which then they durst not avow;” among whom were the earl of Arran, the earl of Cassils, and the earl Marishal. Pitscottie says, “seventeen score;” but he includes in his account, not only “earls, lords, barons, gentlemen,” but also “honest burgesses and craftsmen.”53—The progress of opinion in Scotland, and the jealous measures adopted for checking it, may be traced in the variations introduced into the Act of Parliament, 17th July, 1525, “For eschewing of Heresy,” as these are marked in the original record. The act, as originally drawn, in prohibiting the rehearsing of, or disputing about, the heresies of Luther or his disciples, has this exception: “gif” (i.e.unless) “it be to the confusioun thairof;” but this being thought too loose, the following clause is added on the margin, “and that be clerkis in the sculis alenarlie.” According to the tenour of the act when passed in 1525, “na maner of persoun,strangear, that happenis to arrive with thare schip within ony part of this realme, bring with thame any bukis or workis of the said Luther his discipulis or servandis, disputis or rehersis his heresies, &c., under the pane of escheting of thare schipis and guidis, and putting of thaire personis in presoun.” But in 1527, the chancellor and lords of council added this clause: “and all uther the kingis liegis assistaris to sic opunyeons be punist in semeible wise, and the effect of the said act to straik upon thaim.”—From this it appears, that, in 1525, protestant books and opinions were circulated by strangers only, who came into Scotland for the purpose of trade; but that, in 1527, it was found necessary to extend the penalties of the act to natives of the kingdom. Both these additions were embodied in the act, as renewed 12th June, 1535. Acta Parliamentorum Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 295, 341, 342, published by the authority of his Majesty’s commissioners on the public records of the kingdom. This highly valuable and accurate work will afterwards be referred to under the title of Act. Parl. Scot.54—Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij.55—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 415, 425. Sadler’s Letters, i. 83. Crawfurd’s Officers of State, 77, 438. Keith, 36, 37.56—Knox, 34.57—Ibid. 33, 34.58—Life of Knox, prefixed to his History of the Reformation, anno 1644.59—Cald. MS. i. 118. Calderwood says that he was provincial of the order of Dominicans, or Blackfriars, in Scotland. But a late author informs us, that the chartulary of the Blackfriars’ monastery at Perth mentions John Grierson as having been provincial from the year 1525, to the time of the Reformation. Scott’s History of the Reformers, p. 96.60—SeeNote L.61—Chalmers’s Caledonia, ii. 526. comp. Knox. Historie, 67.62—In his progress through the kingdom with the governor, he instigated him “to hang (at Perth) four honest men, for eating of a goose on Friday; and drowned a young woman, because she refused to pray to our lady in her birth.” Pitscottie, 188. Knox says, that the woman, “having an soucking babe upon hir briest, was drounit.” Historie, 40. Petrie’s History of the Church of Scotland, part ii. p. 182. He had planned the destruction of the principal gentlemen of Fife, as appeared from documents found after his death. Knox, 63, 64.63—Sadler’s State Papers, i. 264, 265. comp. p. 128. Sir John Borthwick (who fled to England in the year 1540) ridicules the Scottish clergy for making it an article of accusation against him, that he had approved of “all those heresies, commonly called the heresies of England;” “Because,” says he, “what religion at that time was used in England, the like the whole realm of Scotland did embrace; in this point only the Englishmen differed from the Scottes, that they had cast off the yoke of Antichrist, the other not. Idols were worshipped of both nations; the prophanating of the supper and baptisme was like unto them both.—Truly, it is most false that I had subscribed unto such kinde of heresies.” Fox, 1149, 1150.64—Knox, Historie, p. 67.65—Ibid.66—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 471, 477–9. Keith, 50, 51. Knox, 66, 67. Buchanan, i. 296.67—This is done in a book, entitled, “The Image of both Churches, Hierusalem and Babell, Unitie and Confusion, Obedience and Sedition, by P. D. M.” (supposed to be Sir Tobie Matthews,) p. 139, 140, Torney, 1623. In p. 136, the author says, “Yet there is one aduise of Knox which is to be recorded with admiration, ‘It wear good, that rewards wear publicklie appointed by the peopl for such as kill tyrants, as well as for those that kill wolfs.’” In proof of this he refers to Knox’s Historie, p. 372. The reader, who chooses to give himself the trouble, will probably search in vain (as I have done) for such a sentiment, either in that or in any other part of the History.68—“Quorum se societate, non multo post, implicaret Joannes Knoxus, Calvinistarum minister, qui se evangelicæ perfectionis cumulum assecutum non arbitrabatur nisi in cardinalis ac sacerdotis sanguine ac cæde triumphasset.” Leslæus de rebus gestis Scotorum, lib. x. The bishop should have recollected, that the violence of his popish brethren drove “the Calvinistic minister” to this “pinnacle of evangelical perfection.”69—Principal Baillie’s Historical Vindication of the government of the church of Scotland, p. 42. A. 1646. Cald. MS. ad an. 1590.70—Historie, 86.71—SeeNote M.72—Spotswood says, that “seven‑score persons entered into the castle the day after the slaughter” of the cardinal. History, p. 84.73—The coarseness of the age, and the strong temptation which he was under to gratify a voluptuous prince, will not excuse the gross indelicacies of Lindsay; and still less will the desire of preserving the ancient dialect of Scotland, and of gratifying an antiquarian passion, apologise for giving to the modern public acompleteedition of his works, accompanied with a glossary and explanatory notes.74—Heroes ex omni Historia Scotica lectissimi: Auctore Johan. Jonstono Abredonense Scoto, p. 27, 28. Lugduni Batavorum, 1603. 4to. Chalmers’s Life of Lindsay, Works, vol. i.75—Cald. MS. i. 119.76—Lord Hailes, Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 2. Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 353.77—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 409. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 83. Knox, 35.78—Fox, p. 1840. He was born A.D. 1510.79—Fox, p. 1840. Knox, Historie, p. 33, 36, 67.80—Knox, Historie, p. 68.81—Whittingham, dean of Durham, was ordained in the English church at Geneva, of which Knox was pastor; and Travers, the opponent of Hooker, was ordained by a presbytery at Antwerp. Attempts were made by some highflyers to invalidate their orders, and induce them to submit to re‑ordination; but they did not succeed. Strype’s Annals, vol. ii. 520–4.In the year 1582, archbishop Grindal, by a formal deed, declared the validity of the orders of Mr John Morrison, who had been ordained by the synod of Lothian, “according to the _laudable_ form and rite of the reformed church of Scotland,” says the instrument, “per generalem synodum sive congregationem illius comitatus, juxta laudabilem ecclesiæ Scotiæ Reformatæ formam et ritum, ad sacros ordines et sacrosanctum ministerium per manuum impositionem admissus et ordinatus.—Nos igitur formam ordinationis et præfectionis tuæ hujusmodi, modo præmisso factam, quantum in nos est, et de jure possumus, approbantes et ratificantes,” &c. Strype’s Life of Grindal. Append. Book ii. Numb. xvii. p. 101.It has been objected, that archbishop Grindal was at this time under sequestration, and that the license was granted, not by him, but by Dr Aubrey, as vicar general. To this it is sufficient to reply, that Mr Strype is of opinion that the sequestration was taken off from the time that the writs and instruments run in the name of Aubrey alone, without any mention of Clark, (Life of Grindal, p. 271;) that, even during the period of the sequestration, “all licenses to preach, &c. were granted by these two civilians, with a deference to the archbishop, and consultation with him in what they did,” (Ibid. p. 240;) and that the license in question bears, that it was granted “withthe consent and express commandof the most reverend father in Christ, the lord Edmund, by the divine providence, archbishop of Canterbury,to us signified;”—“de consensu et expresso mandato reverendiss. in Christo patris domini Edmundi, &c. nobis significato.” Ibid. p. 271. Append. p. 101.82—Ninian Winzet, apud Keith’s History, App. p. 212, 213. Burne’s Disputation, p. 128. Parise, 1581.83—In the former editions, I had spoken of Annand as probably a friar, who, according to the custom of the times, had assumed the honorary title of dean. But I have since ascertained, that he was a person of great note in the university. It appears from the Records, that he was principal of St Leonard’s College in 1544, and continued to hold that office during several years subsequent to that period.84—The doctrine which the preacher delivered at this time was afterwards put into “ornate meeter,” by one of his hearers, Sir David Lindsay, who, in his “Monarchie,” finished in 1553, has given a particular account of the rise and corruptions of popery, under the name of the “fifth spiritual and papal monarchie.” Chalmers’s Lindsay, iii. 86–116.85—“Sum said, utheris hued the branches of papistry, bot he straiketh at the rute, to destroye the whole. Utheris said, gif the doctors and magistri nostri defend not now the pope and his authoritie, which in their owin presence is so manifestlie impugnit, the devill have my part of him and his lawes bothe. Utheris said, Mr George Wischeart spak never so planelie, and yet he was brunt; even so will he be in the end. Utheris said, the tyrannie of the cardinal maid not his cause the better, neither yet the suffering of Godis servand maid his cause the wors.—And thairfoir we wald counsail yow and thame to provyde better defences than fyre and sword; for it may be that allis ye shall be disappointed: men now have uther eyes than they had then. This answer gave the laird of Nydrie.” Knox, Historie, p. 70.86—Knox, Historie, p. 70–74. “Alexander Arbuckylle” was made Bachelor of Arts, Nov. 3, 1525. Act. Fac. Art.87—Knox, Historie, 74, 75.88—Buchanan, Hist. lib. xv. Oper. tom. i. 293, 294. Pitscottie, 189, folio edit.89—Buchan. Oper. i. 296. Pitscottie, 191. Knox, 76.90—Rough continued to preach in England until the death of Edward VI. when he retired to Norden in Friesland. There he was obliged to support himself and his wife (whom he had married in England) by knitting caps, stockings, &c. Having come over to London in the course of his trade, he heard of a congregation of protestants which met secretly in that city, to whom he joined himself, and was elected their pastor. A few weeks after this, the conventicle was discovered by the treachery of one of their own number, and Rough was carried before bishop Bonner, by whose orders he was committed to the flames, on the 22d of December 1557. An account of his examination, and two of his letters breathing the true spirit of a martyr, may be seen in Fox, p. 1840–1842.91—Balnaves’s Confession, Epist. Dedic. Archibald Hamilton says that he was condemned to work at the oar;—“impellendis longarum navium remis, cum reliquis adjudicatur.” Dialogus de Confusione Calvinianæ Sectæ, p. 64, b.92—Knox, Historie, p. 83.93—MS. Letters, p. 53.94—One of his most bitter adversaries has borne an involuntary but honourable testimony to his magnanimity at this time. “Ubi longo maris tædio, et laboris molestia extenuatum quidem, et subactum corpus fuit; sed animi elatio eum subinde rerum magnarum spe extimulans, nihilo magis tunc quam prius quiescere potuit.”—Hamiltonii Dialogus, p. 64, b.95—Knox, Historie, p. 74.96—Psalm xlii.97—SeeNote N.98—Knox, Historie, p. 74. This Treatise appears to have been lost.99—MS. Letters, p. 40.100—The manuscript, there is reason to think, was conveyed to Scotland about that time, but it fell aside, and was long considered as lost. After the death of Knox, it was discovered by his servant, Richard Bannatyne, in the house of Ormiston, and was printed, anno 1584, by Thomas Vaultrollier, in 12mo, with the title of “Confession of Faith, &c. by Henry Balnaves of Hallhill, one of the Lords of Council and Session of Scotland.”—David Buchanan, in his edition of Knox’s History, anno 1644, among his other alterations and interpolations, makes Knox to say that this work was published at the time he wrote his History; which may be numbered among the anachronisms in that edition, which, for some time, discredited the authenticity of the History, and led many to deny that Knox was its author. But in the genuine editions, Knox expresses the very reverse. “In the presoun, he (Balnaves) wrait a maist profitabill treatise of justificatioun, and of the warkis and conversatioun of a justifyed man: ‘but how it was suppressit we knaw not.’” Historie, p. 83, Edin. anno 1732. See also p. 181, of the first edition, in 8vo, printed at London by Vaultrollier in the year 1586.101—I have not adhered to the orthography of the printed work, which is evidently different from what it must have been in the MS.102—It is “perfection” in the printed copy, which is evidently a mistake.103—i.e.beyond.104—Rouen, not Roanne, is the place meant.105—i.e.genius or knowledge.106—SeeNote O.107—This is the man whom a high‑church historian has represented as holding the principles of the ancient Zealots or Siccarii, and teaching that any person who met a papist might kill him! Collier, Eccles. Hist. ii. 545.108—Knox, Historie, p. 84, 85.109—In one of his letters, preserved by Calderwood, Knox says, that he wasnineteenmonths in the French galleys. Cald. MS. vol. i. 256. In the printed Calderwood, the period of his confinement is limited toninemonths, a mistake which has been copied by several writers. It is proper that the reader of that book should be aware, that it is an abridgement of a larger work, still in manuscript; and though there is reason to believe that it was drawn up by Calderwood himself, yet, having been printed after his death, and in a foreign country, it is often incorrect. Knox, in a conference with Mary of Scotland, told the queen that he was five years resident in England (Historie, p. 289). Now, as he came to England immediately after he obtained his liberty, and left it (as we shall afterwards see) in the end of January or beginning of February, 1554, this accords exactly with the date of his liberation, which is given above from Calderwood’s MS.110—This is mentioned in a MS. in my possession; but little credit can be given to it, as it is written in a modern hand, and no authority is produced.111—Petrie’s Church History, part ii. p. 184.112—Hamiltonii Dialog. p. 64.113—Peter Martyr, in a letter, dated Oxford, 1st July, 1650, laments the paucity of useful preachers in England, “Doleo plus quam dici possit, tanta ubique in Anglia verbi Dei penuria laborari; et eos qui oves Christi doctrina pascere tenentur, cum usque eo remisse agant, ut officium facere prorsus recusant, nescio quo fletu, quibusve lachrymis deplorari possit. Verum confido fore ut meliora simus visuri.” Martyri Epist. apud Loc. Commun. p. 760. Genevæ, 1624.114—Burnet’s Hist. of the Reformation, II. 24. The suppression of the chantries, in the reign of Edward VI. was attended with similar effects. Strype’s Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 446.115—I omitted mentioning in the proper place, that the biographer of Sir David Lindsay has stated, from the minutes of the English council, that Knox was in the pay of England as early as the year 1547. Chalmers’s Lindsay, i. 32. I cannot suppose that the learned author would confound the salary which Knox received during his residence in England, with a pension allotted to him when he was in his native country. But, on the other hand, I think it very unlikely that he should have been known to the English court before he entered the castle of St Andrews, and am inclined to suppose that any pension which he received from them did not commence until that period at soonest. Mr Chalmers’s language conveys the idea, that he was pensioned by England before he went to the castle.116—Strype’s Memor. of the Reform. iii. 235. Knox, Hist. 85, 289.117—Knox, Historie, p. 289.118—Sir Thomas More, in one of his letters to Erasmus, gives the following character of Tonstal: “Ut nemo est omnibus bonis literis instructior, nemo vita moribusque severior, ita nemo est usquam in convictu jucundior.”119—Besides the great council which managed the affairs of the kingdom under the protector, a number of the privy‑councillors who belonged to that part of the country, composed a subordinate board, called “the council of the north.” The members here referred to probably belonged to this council, and not to the town council of Newcastle. If I am right in this conjecture, Knox might owe to them, and not to the bishop, the liberty of this public defence.120—SeeNote P.121—The compiler of the account of Knox, prefixed to the edition of his History printed in 1732, says, that the MS. containing the defence, bears that it “quite silenced” the bishop and his doctors. But that writer does not appear to have ever seen the MS., which contains nothing of the kind. The fact, however, is attested by the bishop of Ossory, who had good opportunities of knowing the truth, and who is accurate in his account of other circumstances relative to it. His words are, “Et 4 die Aprilis ejusdem anni [1550] aperiens in concione opinionem, ejus idolatrias et horrendas blasphemias, tam solidis argumentis, abominationem esse probabat, ut, cum omnibus sciolis, Saturnius ille somniator [Dunelmensis] refragare non possit.” Baleus, De Script. Scot. et Hibern. Art. Knoxus.122—John Harle or Harley, was afterwards made bishop of Hereford, May 26, 1553. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 301. A late writer has confounded this Englishman with William Harlowe, who was minister of St Cuthbert’s church, near Edinburgh. Scott’s History of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 242.123—King Edward’s Journal, apud Burnet, ii. Records, p. 42.124—Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 297. Memor. of Cranmer, p. 292. Burnet, iii. 212. Records, 420, 422.125—Burnet, ii. 171.126—Strype’s Memor. of Reform. ut supra. Life of Grindal, p. 7. Mr Strype says, that the number of chaplains was afterwards reduced to four, Bradford and Knox being dropped from the list. But both of these preached in their turn before the court, in the year 1553. And in the council‑book a warrant is granted, October 27, 1552, to four gentlemen, to pay to Knox, “his majesty’s preacher in the north, forty pounds, as his majesty’s reward.” Strype’s Cranmer, 292. This salary he retained until the death of Edward; for, in a letter written by him at the time he left England, he says: “Ather the queen’s majestie, or sum thesaurer, will be 40 pounds rycher by me, sae meikle lack I of the dutie of my patentis; but that littil trublis me.” MS. Letters, p. 286.127—SeeNote Q.128—Fox, p. 1326. Strype questions the truth of Weston’s statement, and says that Knox “was hardly come into England (at least any farther than Newcastle) at this time.” Annals, iii. 117. But we have already seen that he arrived in England as early as the beginning of 1549.129—“October 2, (1552,) a letter was directed to Mess. Harley, Bill, Horn, Grindal, Pern, and Knox, to consider certain articles exhibited to the king’s majesty, to be subscribed by all such as shall be admitted to be preachers or ministers in any part of the realm; and to make report of their opinions touching the same.” Council‑book, apud Strype’s Cranmer, p. 273. Their report was returned before the 20th of November, ibid. p. 301. Burnet says, the order was given Oct. 20. History, iii. 212. The articles agreed to at this time were forty‑two. In 1562, they were reduced to thirty‑nine, their present number.130—See thepedigreeof the family of Bowes among the original papers at the end of the work.131—From this appellation in the MS. letters, I concluded that Knox was married to Miss Bowes before he left Berwick, until I met with one of his printed works, to which a letter from him to Mrs Bowes is added. On the margin of this, opposite to a place in which he had called her mother, is this note: “I had maid faithful promise, before witnes, to Mariorie Bowes her daughter, so as she took me for sone, I hartly embrased her as my mother.” Knox’s Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit. F. ij.132—MS. Letters, p. 265, 276.133—Ibid, passim.134—They wrote a letter in commendation of him, Dec. 9, 1552, to Lord Wharton, deputy warden of the Borders. During the following year, when he was employed in Buckinghamshire, in order to secure greater acceptance and respect to him in that county, the council wrote in his favour to lords Russel and Windsor, to the justices of the peace, and to several other gentlemen. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 292.135—Strype’s Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 533.136—Bishop Burnet, and Mr Strype, (Memor. of Reform, ii. 299,) who have recorded this fact, conjectured that the patentee was a relation of our Reformer. That he was his brother, is evident from Knox’s letters, which mention his being in England about this time. In a letter written in 1553, he says: “My brother, Williame Knox, is presentlie with me. What ye wald haif frome Scotland, let me knaw this Monunday at nicht; for hie must depart on Tyisday.” MS. Letters, p. 271. Perhaps the same person is referred to in the following extract from another letter: “My brother hath communicat his haill hart with me, and I persave the mychtie operation of God. And sa let us be establissit in his infinit gudnes and maist sure promissis.” Ib. p. 266.William Knox afterwards became a preacher, and was minister of Cockpen, in Mid‑Lothian, after the establishment of the Reformation in Scotland. No fewer than fourteen ministers of the church of Scotland are numbered among his descendants. Genealogical Account of the Knoxes, apud Scott’s History of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 152.137—MS. Letters, p. 193. Knox’s Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England, p. 61, apud History, Edin. 1644, 4to.138—The earl of Warwick, now created duke of Northumberland, was appointed warden‑general of the northern marches in Oct. 1551. But being occupied in securing his interest at court, he got himself excused from going north until June 1552. Strype’s Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 282, 339.139—MS. Letters, p. 112, 173. Admonition, p. 51, apud History, Edinburgh, 1644. Knox considered that the papists had a secret hand in fomenting those dissensions which led to the condemnation and death of the protector. Nor were his suspicions ill‑founded. See Strype’s Memor. of the Reform. ii. 306–7.140—The duke’s letter was dated Nov. 23, 1552. Haynes, State Papers, p. 136. Brand’s History of Newcastle, p. 304. Redpath’s Border History, p. 577.141—A great number of his letters in the MS. are superscribed “To his sister.” It appears from internal evidence, that this was a daughter of Mrs Bowes; and, although I cannot be positive, I am inclined to think that she was the young lady whom he married. One letter has this superscription, “To Mariorie Bowes, who was his first wife.” In it he addresses her by the name ofSister, and at the close, says, “I think this be the first letter that ever I wrait to you.” MS. Letters, p. 335. But there is no date by which to compare it with other letters.142—Henry Nevyl, earl of Westmoreland, was, by the interest of the duke of Northumberland, admitted a member of the privy council in 1552. He was also a member of the council for the north, and lord lieutenant of the bishopric of Durham. His private character was indifferent. Strype’s Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 401, 457–9.143—MS. Letters, p. 267–9.144—MS. Letters, p. 112. Melchior Adam, Vitæ Theolog. Ext. p. 137.145—The letter last quoted. MS. Letters, p. 273–4, compared with p. 268.146—MS. Letters, p. 276.147—MS. Letters, p. 260–1.148—Ibid. p. 262.149—Strype’s Cranmer, p. 292.150—The account of his examination before the council is taken from a letter of Knox, the substance of which has been inserted by Calderwood, in his MS. History, and by Strype, in his Memorials of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 400.151—Luther having rejected with disdain the great offers by which Alexander, the papal legate, attempted to gain him over to the court of Rome, “He is a ferocious brute,” exclaimed the legate, equally confounded and disappointed, “whom nothing can soften, and who regards riches and honours as mere dirt; otherwise the pope would long ago have loaded him with favours.”—Beausobre’s History of the Reformation, i. 395, 6. Macaulay’s Translation.152—Bezæ Icones, Ee iij. See also Verheideni Effigies, p. 92, 93. Melch. Adam. p. 137.153—MS. Letters, p. 73. The passage will afterwards be quoted.154—History of Newcastle, p. 304. Surtees’s Durham, vol. i. p. lxx.155—The churches of Geneva and Scotland did not agree in all points. Though holidays were abolished in Geneva at the commencement of the Reformation, the observance of a number of them was very soon restored, and has always continued in that church; but this practice was wholly rejected by the church of Scotland, from the very first establishment of the Reformation, and its introduction has always been vigorously resisted by her. Other things in which they differed might easily be mentioned.156—Knox, Historie, p. 72–74, and this Life, p. 63, 64.157—Cald. MS. i. 250. During the reign of Edward, and even the first years of that of his sister Elizabeth, absolute conformity to the liturgy was not pressed upon ministers. Strype’s Annals, i. 419, 432. Burnet, iii. 305, 311. Hutchinson’s Antiq. of Durham, i. 453. Archbishop Parker, in the beginning of Elizabeth’s reign, administered the elements to the communicants standing, in the cathedral church of Canterbury. Her majesty’s commissioners appointed the communion to be received in the same posture in Coventry; and the practice was continued in that town as late, at least, as the year 1608. Certain demands propounded unto Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, p. 45, anno 1605. Removal of Imputations laid upon the ministers of Devon and Cornwall, p. 51, anno 1606. Dispute upon the question of Kneeling, p. 131, anno 1608.158—This statement of his sentiments is drawn from his Brief Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of Christ’s gospel, printed at Geneva, anno 1559, and at the end of his History, Edinburgh, 1644, 4to; and from his letters to Mrs Locke, dated 6th April, and 15th October, 1559, in Cald. MS. i. p. 380, 491.159—SeeNote R.160—SeeNote S.161—“We had,” says he in his Letter to the Faithful in London, Newcastle, and Berwick, “ane king of sa godlie disposition towardis vertew, and the treuth of God, that nane frome the beginning passit him, and (to my knawledge) none of his yeiris did ever mache him in that behalf; gif hie myght haif bene lord of his awn will.” MS. Letters, p. 119. He has passed a fuller encomium on this prince, in his Historie, p. 89.162—SeeNote T.163—MS. Letters, p. 175–177, and Admonition, p. 52, 54, apud History, Edin. 1644, 4to.164—One of his letters to Mrs Bowes is dated London, 22d June, 1553. MS. Letters, p. 249. And from other letters it appears that he was there in the following month.165—We have already seen (p. 101–103) that this was not his sole reason for refusing preferment in the English church.166—MS. Letters, p. 73, 74, also p. 250.167—In his “Letter to the Faithful in London,” &c. he puts them in mind of the premonitions which he had given on different occasions, and, among others, of “what was spoken in Londone in ma places nor ane, when fyreis of joy and ryatous banketting wer at the proclamation of Marie your quene.” MS. Letters, 112, 113.168—One of his letters is dated Carlisle, 26th July, 1553. MS. Letters, p. 270.169—SeeNote U.170—Fox, 718, 748–9, 751–766. Knox, Admonition, p. 67, appendix to History, Edin. 1644, 4to.171—MS. Letters, p. 289, 291.172—His wife.173—MS. Letters, p. 290, 291.174—Ibid. p. 196.175—MS. Letters, p. 293, 294.176—Ibid. p. 265.177—MS. Letters, p. 265.178—MS. Letters, p. 284.179—MS. Letters, p. 318. Archibald Hamilton has trumped up a ridiculous story, respecting Knox’s flight from England. He says, that by teaching the unlawfulness of female government, he had excited a dangerous rebellion against queen Mary. But the queen, having marched against the rebels, defeated them with great slaughter; upon which Knox, stained with their blood, fled to Geneva, carrying along with him a rich noblewoman! Dialog. de Confus. Calv. Sect. p. 65.180—MS. Letters, p. 70, 71, 107, 108.181—MS. Letters, p. 308, 309.182—MS. Letters, p. 165–167. Admonition, p. 46–48.183—If.184—Sun.185—Much more.186—Wit.187—Hope.188—Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. in MS. Letters, p. 149–151, 156.189—His Exposition of the sixth Psalm concludes with these words: “Upon the very point of my journey, the last of February, 1553.” MS. Letters, p. 109. The reader will recollect, that in our reformer’s time, they did not begin the year until the 25th of March; so that “February 1553,” according to the old reckoning, is “February 1554,” according to the modern.190—His Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. concludes thus:—“From ane sore trubillit hart, upon my departure from Diep, 1553,whither God knaweth. In God is my trust through Jesus Chryst his sone; and thairfor I feir not the tyrannie of man, nether yet what the devill can invent against me. Rejoice, ye faithfull; for in joy shall we meit, wher deth may not dissever us.” MS. Letters, p. 157, 158.191—In a letter, dated Dieppe, May 10, 1554, he says, “My awin estait is this: since the 28 of Januar,” counting from the time he came to France, “I have travellit throughout all the congregations of Helvetia, and has reasonit with all the pastoris and many other excellentlie learnit men, upon sic matters as now I cannot comit to wrytting.” MS. Letters, p. 318.192—MS. Letters, p. 313–315.193—Ibid. p. 311.194—MS. Letters, p. 106.195—Ibid. p. 319.196—Ibid. p. 310.197—Strype’s Cranmer, p. 413. Calvini Epist. et Respons. p. 179, 245, 248, Hanov. 1597.198—One of his letters to Mrs Bowes, is dated “At Diep the 20 of July, 1554, after I had visited Geneva and uther partis, and returned to Diep to learn the estait of Ingland and Scotland.” MS. Letters, p. 255, 256. This is the letter which was published by Knox, along with his answer to Tyrie, in 1572, after the death of Mrs Bowes.199—In the letter mentioned in last note, he refers his mother‑in‑law to “a general letter written,” says he, “be me in greit anguiss of hart, to the congregationis of whome I heir say a greit part, under pretence that thai may keip faith secreitt in the hart, and yet do as idolaters do, beginnis now to fall before that idoll. But O, alas! blindit and desavit ar thai; as they sall knaw in the Lordis visitatioun, whilk, sa assuredlie as our God liveth, sall shortlie apprehend thai backstarteris amangis the middis of idolateris.” MS. Letters, p. 252. On the margin of the printed copy is his note: “Frequent letters written by Johne Knox to decline from idolatrie.”200—MS. Letters, p. 251–253.201—Collier, Eccles. History, ii. 441.202—MS. Letters, p. 322. Davidson’s Brief Commendatioun of Uprichtnes; reprinted in the Supplement.203—MS. Letters, p. 256.204—MS. Letters, 344, 373.205—It is painful to observe, that many of the Lutherans, at this time, disgraced themselves by their illiberal inhospitality, refusing, in different instances, to admit those who fled from England into their harbours and towns, because they differed from them in their sentiments on the sacramental controversy. Melch. Adami Vitæ Exter. Theolog. p. 20. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 353, 361. Gerdesii Hist. Reform. tom. iii. 235–7.206—The English exiles were greatly indebted for this favour to the friendly services of the French pastors. One of these, Valerandus Polanus, was a native of Flanders, and had been minister of a congregation in Strasburg. During the confusions produced in Germany by the Interim, he had retired along with his congregation to England, and obtained a settlement at Glastonbury. Upon the death of Edward VI. he went to Frankfort. Strype’s Memor. of the Reform. ii. 242.207—SeeNote V.208—Knox, Historie, p. 85.209—Brieff Discours off the Troubles begonne at Franckford in Germany, Anno Domini 1554. Abowte the booke off Common Prayer, p. xviii–xxiv. Printed in 1575. This work contains a full account of the transactions of the English church at Frankfort, confirmed by original papers. The author was a non‑conformist, but his narrative was allowed to be accurate by the opposite party. To save repetition, I may mention once for all, that, when no authority is referred to, my statement of these transactions is taken from this book. It was reprinted in 1642, and is also to be found in the second volume of the Phenix, or a Revival of Scarce and Valuable Pieces. Lond. 1707–8. But I have made use of the first edition.210—This was the order of worship used by the church of Geneva, of which Calvin was minister. It had been lately translated into English.211—Calvini Epist. p. 28: Oper. tom. ix. Amstælodami. anno 1667.212—Previous to the appointment of this committee, Knox, Whittingham, Fox, Gilby, and T. Cole, had composed (what was afterwards called) The Order of Geneva, but it did not meet the views of all concerned. This was different from the order of the Genevan church, already referred to; and obtained its name from the circumstance of its having been first used by the English church at Geneva. It was afterwards used in the church of Scotland under the name of the Book of Common Order, and is sometimes called Knox’s Liturgy.213—Cald. MS. i. 249.214—Cald. MS. i. 252.215—Collier (ii. 395) says that Knox manifested in this instance “asurprisingcompliance.” But it appears, even from the account given by that historian, that, in the whole of the Frankfort affair, our Reformer displayed the greatest moderation and forbearance, while the conduct of his opponents was marked throughout with violence and want of charity.216—Cald. MS. i. 254. Upon his return to Geneva, Knox committed to writing a narrative of the causes of his retiring from Frankfort. This he intended to publish in his own defence; but on mature deliberation, he resolved to suppress it, and to leave his own character to suffer, rather than expose his brethren and the common cause in which they were engaged. His narrative was preserved by Calderwood, and has furnished me with several facts. It contains the names of the persons who accused him to the senate of Frankfort, and of their advisers, which I have omitted, after the example of Knox, in the notice which he has taken of the affair, in his Historie of the Reformation, p. 85.217—See above, p.113.218—SeeNote W.219—Cald, MS. i. 255. Mr Strype has not discovered his usual impartiality or accuracy in the short account he has given of this affair. He says that Knox had “published some dangerous principles about government,” and that the informers “thought it fit for their own security to make an open complaint against him.” Memor. of the Reform. iii. 242. Knox had, at that time, published nothing on the subject of government; and Collier himself does not pretend such an excuse for the actors.220—Cox was afterwards made to feel a little the galling yoke which he strove to impose on his brethren. Upon the accession of Elizabeth, that stately princess, still fonder of pompous and popish equipage than her clergy, kept a crucifix in her chapel, and ordered her chaplains to perform divine service before it. Dr Cox was the only one of the refugees who complied with this order, but his conscience afterwards remonstrating against it, he wrote a letter to the queen, requesting to be excused from continuing the practice. It is observable, that in this letter he employs the great argument which Knox had used against other ceremonies, while he prostrates himself before his haughty mistress with a submission to which our Reformer would never have stooped. “I ought,” says he, “to do nothing touching religion, which may appear doubtful whether it pleaseth God or not; for our religion ought to be certain, and grounded upon God’s word and will. Tender my sute, I beseech you,in visceribus Jesu Christi, my dear sovereign, and most gracious queen Elizabeth.” Burnet, ii. Append. 294. The crucifix was removed at this time, but was again introduced about 1570. Strype’s Parker, p. 310. Dr Cox afterwards fell under the displeasure of his “dear sovereign,” for maintaining rather stiffly his right to some of the revenues of his bishopric. Strype’s Annals, ii. 579. It is but justice, however, to this learned man to say, that I do not find him taking a very active part against the non‑conformists, after his return to England; he even made some attempts for the removal of the obnoxious ceremonies.221—Calvini Epistolæ, p. 98, ut supra. This letter is addressed “Cnoxo” (by mistake of the publisher, instead ofCoxo,) “et Gregalibus. Pridie Idus Junii, 1555.” Knox was at Geneva when Calvin wrote that letter.222—See above, p.91,93.223—MS. Letters, p. 255–6.224—The following lines were commonly repeated at this time, in allusion to Normand Leslie, who headed the conspirators against cardinal Beatoun:Priestis, content you now, priestis, content you now;For Normand, and his companie, hes fillit the gallayis fow.225—MS. Letters, p. 435, 438.226—Knox, Historie, p. 78. Hume of Godscroft’s History, ii. 128.227—Knox, Historie, p. 80.228—Buchanani Oper. i. 302. Knox, Historie, p. 82. The following tribute to the memory of this patriot occurs in a work of one of our Latin poets, which is rarely to be met with:JOHANNES MALVILLUS RETHIUS,Nobilis Fifanus, Jacobo V. regi olim familiarissimus, summa vitæ innocentia, ob puræ relligionis studium, in suspicione falsi criminis, iniquissimo judicio sublatus est Aº Christi 1548.Quidnam ego commerui, quæ tanta injuria facti,Hostis ut in nostrum sæviat ense caput?Idem hostis, judexque simul. Pro crimine, ChristiRelligio, et fædo crimine pura manus.O secla! O mores: scelerum sic tollere pœnasUt virtus sceleri debita damna luat.Joh. Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 28, 29.229—Knox, Historie, p. 87, 88. Spotswood, 90, 91. Bezæ Icones, Ff. ij.230—Winchester’s brother‑in‑law, William Arthur of Cairnes, obtained his property; and by a disposition, dated 27th August, 1555, “out of pity to Christian Martine,” (wife of George Winchester,) “and her eight fatherless children, disponed to her in liferent the fore‑tenement and the tacks of Kinglassie and Polduff, sometime pertaining to the said George, with his haill moveables, fallen in escheat, upon her paying to him the composition that he paid therefor.” MS. Genealogical Collections of Martin of Clermont, vol. i. p. 583–5.231—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 488–9.232—This council assembled at Linlithgow, but was transferred to Edinburgh. Wilkins, Concil. tom. iv. 46. conf. p. 209.233—Proem. Concil. apud Wilkins, iv. 46.234—Canon 1. Ibid. p. 47.235—Can. 2. Ibid. p. 48.236—Can. 5. Ibid. p. 48.237—Can. 15, 20. Ibid. p. 50–1.238—Can. 42, 45. Ibid. 56–7.239—Can. 43, 44, 47. Ibid. p. 57–8.240—Ibid. 69–73.241—Can. 16. Ibid. p. 72–3.242—Ibid. p. 73.243—SeeNote X.244—Wilkins, iv. 207, 209, 210. Keith, pref. p. xiv.245—SeeNote Y.246—Wilkins, iv. 72.247—Keith, Append. p. 90. Episcopal writers have sometimes upbraided the Scottish church, as reformed by tradesmen and mechanics. They have, however, no reason to talk in this strain; for, in the first place, a sensible, pious tradesman, is surely better qualified for communicating religious instruction than an ignorant, superstitious priest; and, secondly, the church of England herself, after trying those of the latter class, was glad to betake herself to the former. See Strype’s Annals, i. 176, 177.248—Cald. MS. i. 256.249—Keith, History, p. 498.250—Smetonii Respons. ad. Arch. Hamiltoni Dialog, p. 93. Edinburgh,1579.251—Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, celebrates Willock among the chaplains of the duke, in the following lines:Quid memorem quanta Wilocus, Skinerus et Haddon,Ælmerusque tuos ornârint luce penates?O! Deus, O! quales juvenes? Quo principe digni?His tua luminibus splendet domus.Strype’s Annals, ii. Append, p. 46.252—Gerdesii Hist. Reform, iii. 147–8.253—Spotswood, p. 93. Knox, 90.254—MS. Letters, p. 342.255—Discours of the Troubles at Franckford, p. lv. lix. Knox, Historie, p. 90.256—MS. Letters, p. 343.257—See above, p.6,35.258—Buchanani Oper. i. 301. Keith Append. p. 57.259—MS. Letters, p. 342, 343.260—Knox, Historie, p. 91.261—On the back of a picture of our Reformer, which hangs in one of the rooms of Lord Torphichen’s house at Calder, is this inscription: “The Rev. John Knox.—The first sacrament of the supper given in Scotland after the Reformation, was dispensed in this hall.” The commencement of the Reformation is here dated from the present visit of Knox to Scotland; for we have already seen that he administered the ordinance in the castle of St Andrews, in 1547. The account given by Knox in his History of the Reformation, (p. 92,) seems to imply that he performed this service in the west country, before he did it in Calder‑house.262—Knox, Historie, p. 91, 118.263—Keith, p. 530.264—Spotswood, p. 90.265—Chalmers’s Caledonia, i. 848.266—Knox, Historie, p. 91, 331.267—Sadler’s State Papers, i. 83. Hume of Godscroft’s Hist. ii. 128.268—The silver cups which were used on that occasion were till of late carefully preserved by the family of Glencairn at Finlayston; and the parish of Kilmalcolm was regularly favoured with the use of them at the time of dispensing the sacrament. “The people,” says the minister, in his account of that parish, “respect them much for their antiquity, as well as for the solemnity attending them in former and later times.” Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 279. This writer thinks they had been originally candlesticks, and converted to this use on the emergent occasion; the hollow bottom reversed forming the mouth of the cup, and the middle, after the socket was screwed out, being converted into the foot. But it is not very likely that the family of Glencairn were obliged to have recourse to this expedient.269—Knox, Historie, p. 92.270—Letter to Mary, regent of Scotland, apud Historie, p. 417.271—Ibid. p. 416, 417.272—MS. Letters, p. 343, 344.273—Knox, Historie, p. 92. Another hearer of Knox at this time was Henry Drummond of Riccartowne, who was married to a niece of Robert Creighton, bishop of Dunkeld. Lord Strathallan’s Account of the House of Drummond, MS. in Advocates’ Library.274—This is more evident from the letter in its original language, which is now before me in manuscript. In the copies of it which have been published along with his History, and even in the edition of 1732, freedoms have been used, and the style is not a little injured by the insertion of unnecessary and enfeebling expletives.275—Historie, p. 92, 425.276—Letter, &c. apud Historie, p. 425, 426.277—This congregation, (which consisted of those who had withdrawn from Frankfort,) as early as September 1555, “chose Knox and Goodman for their pastors, and Gilby requested to supplie the rome till Knox returned owte of France.” Troubles at Franckford, p. lix.278—A piece of sloping ground on the south side of the castle is still pointed out as the spot on which Knox preached.279—Knox, Historie, p. 92–3, 108.280—Appellation, &c. apud Historie, p. 428.281—MS. Letters, p. 352–359.282—SeeNote Z.283—Among the questions proposed were the following: Whether the baptism administered by the popish priests was valid, and did not require repetition? Whether all the things prohibited in the decree of the apostles and elders at Jerusalem (Acts, xv.) were still unlawful? Whether the prohibition in 2d John, verse 10, extended to thecommonsalutation of those who taught erroneous doctrine? How are the directions respecting dress, in 2d Peter, iii. 3, to be obeyed? In what sense is God said to repent?284—The congregation appear to have delayed the final settlement of their form of worship and discipline until Knox’s arrival; for the preface to The Order of Geneva, is dated “the 10th of February, anno 1556.” Dunlop’s Collection of Confessions, ii. 401. If this date was according to the old method of reckoning, Knox must have been present at the time. But I am not sure but that the new mode of beginning the year in January was introduced in Geneva as early as 1556.285—MS. Letters, p. 377.286—MS. Letters, p. 408.287—Ibid. p. 378.288—Knox, Historie, p. 97, 98.289—SeeNote AA.290—Knox, Historie, p. 98–100.291—I find him, about this time, addressing a letter to one of his correspondents from Lyons. MS. Letters, p. 346. This letter is subscribed John Sinclair. See above, Footnote4.292—Histoire des Martyrs, p. 425, 426. Anno 1597. Folio. Beza, Vita Calvini, ad ann. 1557. The cardinal of Lorrain, uncle to Mary the young queen of Scotland, was industrious in propagating these vile calumnies; a circumstance which increased Knox’s bad opinion of that determined enemy of the Reformation. This is mentioned by him in his preface to the Parisian Apology. “This was not bruited be the rude and ignorant pepil; but a cardinall (whais ipocrisie nevertheless is not abil to cover his awn filthiness) eschamit not openlie at his tabill to affirm that maist impudent and manifest lie; adding moreover (to the further declaratioun whais sone he was) that, in the hous whair thay wer apprehendit, 8 bedis wer preparit. When in verie deed, in that place whair they did convene, (except a table for the Lord’s supper to have been ministered, a chayr for the preicher, and bankis and stullis for the easement of the auditors,) no preparation nor furniture was abill to be proved, not even by the verie enemyis.” MS. Letters, p. 445, 446.293—MS. Letters, p. 442–500. The apology of the Parisian protestants was published; but I do not think that the English translation, with Knox’s additions, ever appeared in print. The writer of the Life of Knox, prefixed to the edition of his History, 1732, p. xxi., has fallen into several blunders on this subject. There are no letters to the French protestants in the MS. to which he refers. The apology was written by the Parisians themselves, and Knox informs us, that a part of the translation only was done by him—“the former and maist part was translatit by another, because of my other labors.” Ut supra, p. 446.294—“Having particularly declared to me,” says Row, “by those who heard him say, when he was in Rochel, in France, that within two or three years he hoped to preach the gospel publicly in St Giles in Edinburgh. But the persons who heard him say it, being papists for the time, and yet persuaded by a nobleman to hear him preach privately, and see him baptise a bairn that was carried many miles to him for that purpose, thought that such a thing could never come to pass, and hated him for so speaking; yet, coming home to Scotland, and through stress of weather likely to perish, they began to think of his preaching, and allowed of every part of it, and vowed to God, if he would preserve their lives, that they would forsake papistry, and follow the calling of God; whilk they did, and saw and heard John Knox preach openly in the kirk of Edinburgh, at the time whereof he spoke to them.” Row’s Historie, MS. p. 8, 9. The same fact is mentioned by Pierre de la Roque, a French author, in Recueil des Dernieres Heures Edifiantes: Wodrow, MSS. No. 15. Advocates’ Library.295—Annuaire, ou Repertoire Ecclesiastique, à l’usage des Eglises reformées et protestantes de l’empire Français, par M. Rabaut le Jeune, p. 273, 274. A Paris, 1807.The pastor of Dieppe was a member of the first National Synod of the reformed churches of France, held at Paris in 1559. Quick’s Synodicon, 1, 2, 7. In 1630, there were upwards of 5000 communicants in the church of Dieppe. Diary of Mr Robert Trail, minister of Greyfriars, Edinburgh, p. 22, 23. MS. in the possession of the Rev. Dr Trail.296—MS. Letters, p. 349.297—The Careles by Necessitie, as reprinted in Knox’s Answer to an Anabaptist, in 1560. Spanhemii (Patris) Disput. Theol. Miscell. Genevæ, 1652. Spanhemii (Fillii) Opera, tom. iii. p. 771–798.—It is scarcely necessary to state, that the greater part of those who, in the present day, oppose the baptism of infants, do not hold a number of the tenets specified above. They are decidedly hostile to Pelagianism, and friendly to the doctrine of grace. So far from denying the lawfulness of magistracy among christians, they have in general (at least in Scotland) adopted the principle of non‑resistance to civil rulers in all cases.298—Knox, Answer to the Blasphemous Cavillations written by an Anabaptist, p. 405, 407. Anno 1560.299—This he afterwards accomplished in the book referred to in the preceding note.300—MS. Letters, p. 403–424.301—MS. Letters, p. 424–438.302—Strype’s Mem. of Parker, p. 205. This translation was often reprinted in Britain. The freedom of remark used in the notes gave offence to queen Elizabeth, and her successor James; the last of whom said, that it was the worst translation which he had seen. Notwithstanding this expression of disapprobation, it is evident that the translators appointed by his authority made great use of it; and if they had followed it still more, the version which they have given us would, upon the whole, have been improved. The late Dr Geddes had a very different opinion of it from the royal critic.I pretend not to know the versions referred to in the following passage of a foreign critic:—“Nec vero melius operā suæ factioni, vel astuta vulpecula illa Joannes Cnoxius Scotus, vel ōes magnæ & celebris Anglicanæ veridictianæ reformationis authores, cum in suis Bibliis eodem capite, ita reponunt: Scoti primi quia proprius Calvinisimo accedunt: ‘Thou ar Piter, and vpon that rok I wil buld my kirk,’ id est, tu es Petrus, & super istam rupē ego volo ædificare meā Ecclesiā. Videmus ‘that rok’ non esse id quod Petrum Cnoxius vocauit, atque Dominus Petrum affatur, et de eodem intelligit fore ipsum Ecclesiæ suæ columen. Angli nihil habent discriminis, nisi quod dicunt ‘churk’ pro ‘Kirk.’” Paradigma De Quatuor Linguis Orientalibvs Præcipvis. Petro Victore Caietano Palma Avthore, p. 115. Parisiis, 1595.303—i.e.heathen.304—Appellation, apud Historie, p. 431–140, 453, 454.305—i.e.regimen, or government.306—First Blast, apud Historie, p. 478.307—MS. Letters, p. 318, 319.308—Ibid. p. 322, 323.309—Tacitus has expressed his contempt of those who submit to female government with his usual emphatic brevity, in the account which he gives of the Sitones, a German tribe. “Cætera similes, uno differunt, quod fœmina dominatur; in tantum, non modo a libertate, sed etiam a servitute degenerant.” De Mor. Germ. c. 45.310—Warner’s Eccles. History of England, ii. 308.311—Christopher Goodman adopted the sentiment, and commended the publication of his colleague, in his book on “Obedience to Superior Powers.” Whittingham and Gilby declared themselves on the same side of the question. I might also mention countrymen of his own, who agreed with Knox on this subject; as James Kennedy, the celebrated archbishop of St Andrews, and Sir David Lindsay. Buchanani Hist. lib. xii. tom. i. 221–24, edit. Rudim. Chalmers’s Lindsay, iii. 175.312—Strype’s Annals, i. 127. Fox’s letter was written before the death of queen Mary. Knox’s answer to it, from the original in the British Museum, will be found in the Appendix.313—The heads of the intended second Blast are subjoined to his Appellation, which was published some months after the first Blast.314—“An Harborowe for Faithful and Trewe Subjectes, against the late blowne Blaste, concerning the Government of Wemen,” &c. anno MD. lix. At Strasborowe the 26. of Aprill. The Blast drew forth several other defences of female government, two of which were written by natives of Scotland. Bishop Lesley’s tract on this subject was printed along with his defence of queen Mary’s honour. David Chalmers, one of the lords of session, published his “Discours de la légitime succession des Femmes,” after he retired from Scotland. Lord Hailes’s Catal. of the Lords of Session, note 23. Mackenzie’s Lives, iii. 388, 392.315—Strype’s Life of Aylmer, p. 16.316—Harborowe, sig. B. Strype says, contrary to the plain meaning of the passage, that Aylmer speaks here of “theScotchqueen Mary.” Life of Aylmer, p. 230.317—The same suspicion seems to have been entertained by some of Elizabeth’s courtiers. Strype’s Aylmer, p. 20.318—SeeNote BB.319—The editions of the Blast printed along with Knox’s History, are all extremely incorrect: whole sentences are often omitted.320—In his answer to Knox’s argument, from Isaiah, iii. 12, he concludes thus: “Therefore the argumente ariseth from wrong understandinge. As the vicar of Trumpenton understodeEli, Eli, lamazabatani, when he read the passion on Palme Sonday. When he came to that place, he stopped, and calling the churchwardens, saide, ‘Neighbours! this gear must be amended. Here is Eli twice in the book: I assure you if my L. [the bishop] of Elie come this waye, and see it, he will have the book. Therefore, by mine advice, we shall scrape it out, and put in our own towne’s name,Trumpington, Trumpington, lamah zabactani.’ They consented, and he did so, because he understode no grewe.” Harborowe, G. 3. G. 4.321—1 Tim. ii. 11–14.322—Harborowe, G. 4. H.323—SeeNote CC.324—Harborowe, sig. G. 3. Life of Aylmer, p. 279.325—Life of Aylmer, p. 269.326—Knox, Historie, p. 101.327—Ninian Winget says, that “sum lordis and gentilmen” ministered the sacrament of the supper “to their awn household servandis and tenantis.” If only one instance of this kind occurred, the papists would exaggerate it. The same writer adds, “that Knox blamed the persons who did it, saying, that they had ‘gretumlie failzeit.’” Winzet’s Buke of Fourscoir Three Questions, in Keith, Append. p. 239. Comp. Knox, p. 217.328—Cald. MS. i. 257. “The Electioun of Eldaris and Deaconis in the church of Edinburgh,” in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 635, 636. Calderwood places his account of this under the year 1555; but I think that date too early. It was rather in the end of 1556, or in the course of 1557. The names of the first elders in Edinburgh were George Smail, Michael Robertson, Adam Craig, John Cairns, and Alexander Hope. There were at first two assemblies in Edinburgh; but Erskine of Dun persuaded them to unite, and they met sometimes in the houses of Robert Watson and James Barron, and sometimes in the abbey.329—Knox, Historie, p. 94–5.330—SeeNote DD.331—Knox, 101.332—Spotswood, p. 117.333—Ibid. Knox, p. 102.334—How the bishop’s conscience stood affected as to these points we know not; but it is certain that his practice was very far from being immaculate. Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 209, Knox, Historie, p. 104. Keith, p. 208.335—Endure.336—Need.337—Knox, Historie, p. 106–7.338—Lindsay of Pitscottie’s History, p. 200–1. Knox, 122. Spotswood, 95–7. Petrie, Part ii. 191.339—Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 216. Besides the persons above named, the council mention (in the place here referred to) “Johannes Patritz, et alii complures, catholicæ fidei et ecclesiasticæ unitatis desertores.” Who this Patritz was I do not know. The reformed preachers were obliged to assume feigned names on particular occasions, to escape apprehension. Thus Douglas went by the name of Grant. Comp. Knox, Historie, p. 103, 106.340—Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 1. MS. belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq. Advocate. This MS., which I had not seen when I published the first edition of this work, contains a number of minute particulars not mentioned in other histories. It would have been extremely valuable if it had been complete, but the copy which I have used stops short in the middle of the year 1560.341—Ibid.342—SeeNote EE.343—Knox, Historie, p. 122. Bishop Bale, who was then at Basle, inserted, in a work which he was just publishing, a letter sent him at this time by Thomas Cole, an English refugee residing at Geneva, communicating this information. “Heri enim,” says Cole, “D. Knoxus ex Scotia nova certissima de immutata religione accepit: Christum publice per totum illud regnum doceri; et ita demum hominum corda occupasse, ut omni metu posito audeant publicis precibus interesse sua lingua celebratis, et sacramenta quoque habeant rite administrata, impuris antichristi ceremoniis abjectis.—Nunc regina cogitat Reformationem religionis, indicto die quo conventus fiat totius regni, &c.” Scriptor. Illustr. Major. Britanniæ Poster. Pars. Art.Knoxus.Basil, 1559.344—“God would not suffer her to reign long,” says a catholic writer, “either on account of the sins of her father, or on account of the sins of her people, who were unworthy of a princess so holy, so pious, and endued with such divine and rare dispositions.” Laing, de Vita Hæretic. fol. 28.345—Troubles at Franckford, p. 189, 190.346—Cald. MS. i. 380.347—Histoire Littéraire de Geneve, par Jean Senebier, tome i. 375, Genev. 1786. It is somewhat singular, that Calvin did not obtain this honour until December 1559. “Il n’y a cependant point de citoyen,” says Senebier, “qui ait acheté ce titre honorable aussi chèrement que lui par ses services, et je ne crois pas qu’il y en ait beaucoup qui l’aient autant mérité, et qui le rendent aussi célébre.” Ibid. p. 230, 231.Our Reformer obtained another public testimony of esteem at this time from bishop Bale, who dedicated his work on Scottish Writers to him and Alexander Aless. The praise which he bestows on him deserves the more notice, because the bishop had been one of his opponents at Frankfort. “Te vero, Knoxe, frater amatissime, conjunxit mihi Anglia et Germania, imprimis autem doctrinæ nostræ in Christo Domino fraterna consensio. Nemo est enim qui tuam fidem, constantiam, patientiam, tot erumnis, tanta persecutione, exilioque diuturno et gravi, testatum, non collaudet, et non admiretur, non amplectatur.” Balei Script. Illustr. Maj. Brit. Poster. Pars, p. 175, 176. Basiliæ, ex officina Joan. Operini, 1559. Mense Februario.348—Knox, Historie, p. 205.349—Knox, Historie, 206, 210.350—In February 1559, the English exiles at Geneva published a prose translation of the book of Psalms, which they dedicated to Elizabeth; and in this dedication, their congratulations on her accession to the throne, and their professions of loyalty, are as warm as those of any of her subjects were. It is inscribed, “To the most Vertuous and Noble Queene Elizabeth, Queene of Englande, France, and Irelande, &c. your humble subjects of the English church at Geneva, wyth grace, &c.” After mentioning that they had employed the time of their exile in revising the English translation of the Bible, and endeavouring to bring it as near as they could to the pure simplicity and true meaning of the Hebrew tongue, they add: “When we heard that the almightie and most mercyfull God had no less myraculously preferred you to that excellent dignitie, than he had aboue all mens expectations preserued you from the furie of such as sought your blood: with most joyful myndes and great diligence we endeavoured our selves, to set foorth and dedicate this most excellent booke of the Psalmes vnto your grace as a speciall token of our seruice and good will, till the rest of the Byble, which, praysed be God, is in good readinesse, may be accomplished and presented.” Epistle, p. 3, prefixed to the Booke of Psalmes, Geneva, 1559, 16mo.351—Haynes, State Papers, p. 295. Knox, Historie, p. 210.352—Burnet, ii. 374, 396. Stow, Annals, p. 635, edit. 1631. When afterwards committed to the Marshalsea for refusing to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy, Bonner was kept “under a very easy restraint.” Godwin de Præsulibus Angliæ, p. 251, edit. 1616. Stapleton, a popish writer, says that Tonstal was “cast into prison, as most of the bishops were, where he made a glorious end of a confessor, and satisfied for his former crime of schisme.”—“A prison!” exclaims Dr Jortin. “Lambeth palace, and the archbishop’s table, was a dreadful dungeon, to be sure; and as bad as those into which the righteous Bonner, and other saints of the same class, used to thrust the poor heretics! Will men never be ashamed of these godly tricks and disingenuous prevarications?” Life of Erasmus, i. 101.353—He said, “that he saw nothing to be ashamed of or sorry for; wished that he had done more, and that he and others had been more vehement in executing the laws; and said that it grieved him that they laboured only about the young and little twigs, whereas they should have struck at the root;” by which he was understood to mean queen Elizabeth. Strype’s Annals, i. 79, 536.354—Cald. MS. i. 384. See also Knox, Historie, p. 204–207.355—Robertson’s History of Scotland, b. ii. ad an. 1559.356—Knox, Historie, p. 206, 214, 260. He had an opportunity of receiving a confirmation of this intelligence during his voyage to Scotland. In the same ship in which he sailed, there was sent by the French court to the queen regent, a staff of state, with a great seal, on which were engraved the arms of France, Scotland, and England. This was shown to him in great secrecy. The English court, after they were awakened from their lethargy, and convinced of the hostile designs of France, applied to Knox for the information which they might have had from him six months before. Cotton MSS. Caligula, b. ix. f. 38, 74. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 463, 688. Keith, Append. p. 38, 42. The English certainly suffered themselves to be amused during the treaty of Chateau‑Cambresis, while the courts of France and Spain concerted measures dangerous to England, and to the whole protestant interest. Dr Wotton, one of the commissioners, complains, in a letter to Cecil, of want of intelligence, and that the English had no spies on the continent. Forbes’s State Papers, i. 23.357—Knox, Historie, p. 204, 206.358—The person whom he at last persuaded to take his letter was Richard Harrison. But the cautious spy, (for such was his employment at that time,) dreading that Knox had made him the bearer of another Blast, which, if it did not endanger the throne of Elizabeth, might blow up his credit with the court, prudently communicated the suspicious packet to Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, the English ambassador at the court of France, who conveyed it to London. Letter from Throkmorton to Cecil, 15th of May, 1559: Forbes’s State Papers, i. 90, 91.359—Cald. MS. i. 392, 393. Knox, Historie, p. 127, 207.360—Some remarks on the representation which Dr Robertson has given of the regent’s conduct will be found inNote FF.361—Knox, Historie, p. 125.362—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from 1559 to 1566, p. 1.363—SeeNote GG.364—MS. Historie, ut sup. p. 2.365—Ibid. p. 2, 3.366—Ibid. p. 3. Wilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. p. 205.367—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 342. Knox, p. 51. Spotswood, 24. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils, 39, 40.368—Wilkins, Concilia, iv. p. 204–5.369—The primate’s letter, summoning the archbishop of Glasgow to the council, is dated the last day of January. Wilkins, ut supra. The council met on the 1st of March. Ibid. p. 208. But the archbishop of Glasgow’s letter, calling his clergy to the council, is dated so late as the 18th of March, and he requires them to attend on the 6th of April. Ibid. p. 206. We may also observe that Beatoun, in his citation, takes no notice of the primate’s mandate. It is likely that the matter was settled by the good offices of the queen regent, whose favourable inclinations towards the church are warmly celebrated by the council. Ibid. p. 209.370—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3.371—Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils, p. 38.372—Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 207–8. Wilkins has inserted the Remonstrance at large, which he procured from the Records in the Scots college at Paris. It is surprising that this curious document should have escaped the inquisitive eye of Lord Hailes, who has not taken the slightest notice of it in his account of the Scottish councils.373—Can. 21, 22, 24, 32: in Wilkins, 214–16.374—Can. 2–20: ibid. p. 210–14.375—Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Prov. Coun. p. 38–9.376—Can. 16: in Wilkins, ut sup. p. 212–13.377—Can. 30. Ibid. p. 216.378—Can. 33, 34. Ibid. p. 216–17. The following is the form of words appointed by the council to be used by the priest in re‑baptization:—“Si tu es baptizatus, ego non te baptizo; sed si non es baptizatus, ego te baptizo, in nomine Patris,” &c.i.e.“If thou hast been baptized, I do not baptize thee; but if thou hast not been baptized, I do baptize thee, in the name of the Father,” &c. This was not, however, a new form.379—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3. Knox, Historie, p. 122. According to the first of these authorities, the sum promised by the clergy was £15,000; but according to a chronicle written by the laird of Erleshall, and referred to by Knox, it was £40,000.380—MS. Hist. of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup.381—Justiciary Records, May 10, 1559.382—Knox, 126.383—Ibid. Spotswood, 120–1. Buchanani Oper. i. 312–3.384—Letter to Mrs Anne Locke, apud Cald. MS. i. 393.385—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3, 4. Knox, Historie, p. 109. In the preamble to the acts of this council, it is said to have been “finitum 10 die mensis Aprilis.” But in the conclusion of the acts, there is an expression which enables us to reconcile this with the two preceding authorities—”finiendo seu finitodie 10 mensis Aprilis:” from which it appears that, though the acts were concluded, it was not yet agreed to close the council on that day. Wilkins, iv. 209, 217.386—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 4.387—Knox, Historie, p. 127. Spotswood, 121. Buchanani Oper. i. 313.388—SeeNote GG.389—Knox, Historie, p. 128. Buchanani Oper. i. 313.390—Knox, Historie, p. 128–9, 135, 137.391—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 5.392—Buchanani Oper. i. 313. Knox, 128. A writer has given the name of “bellumimaginarium” to this war, undertaken by the regent to avenge the destruction of theimages; and the crimes charged upon the protestants he denominates “mereimaginariaseditio et rebellio.” Historie of the Church of Scotland to 1566. MS. Adv. Lib. A. 5, 43.393—When the overtures were proposed to the protestants, they exclaimed with one voice, “Cursit be they that seik effusioun of blude, weir, or dissentioun. Lat us possess Christ Jesus, and the benefite of his evangell, and nane within Scotland sall be mair obedient subjectis than we sall be.” Knox, Historie, p. 137. The regent’s army consisted of 8000, that of the protestants amounted to 5000 men. This seems to have been the number of the latter previous to the arrival of the earl of Glencairn with a reinforcement from the west. Glencairn had joined them, before the conclusion of the treaty, with 2500 men, a circumstance which did not alter their pacific wishes. Cald. MS. i. 426. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 5. Knox, Historie, 136.394—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6. Knox, 135–9. Buchanani Oper. i. 314–5. Spotswood, 123.395—Buchanani Oper. i. 311.396—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8. Knox, Historie, 136, 138, 144.397—Dr Robertson.398—Knox, Historie, 141–146. Buchanani Oper. i. 315–6. Spotswood, 142–6.399—Letter written by Knox from St Andrews, 23d June, 1559: Cald. MS. i. 426, 428. Knox, Historie, p. 140, 141. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6.400—Gude and godly Ballates, in Dalyell’s Scottish Poems of the 16th century, ii. 192, 198.401—The tolbooth of Musselburgh was built out of the ruins of the chapel of Loretto; on which account the good people of that town were, till lately, annually excommunicated at Rome. Sibbald’s Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, iii. 19. Those who wish to see a specimen of catholic declamation on this subject, may consultNote HH.402—The reader may take one example, which I adduce, not because it is the strongest, but because it happens to be at hand. “This abbey [Kelso] was demolished 1569, in consequence of the enthusiastic Reformation, which, in its violence, was a greater disgrace to religion than all the errors it was intended to subvert. Reformation has hitherto always appeared in the form of a zealot, full of fanatic fury, with violence subduing, but through madness creating, almost as many mischiefs in its oversights, as it overthrows errors in its pursuit. Religion has received a greater shock from the present struggle to repress some formularies and save some scruples, than it ever did by the growth of superstition.” Hutchinson’s History of Northumberland, and of an Excursion to the Abbey of Melrose, i. 265.403—“Alas! how little of its former splendour have time and the fanatic rage of the early Christians left to the Roman forum! The covered passage, with a flight of steps, founded by Tarquin the elder, is no more here to shelter us from bad weather, or to serve for the spectators to entertain themselves with mountebanks in the market‑place.” A most deplorable loss, truly! This writer adds, that the statues of the twelve gods are yet standing: no great proof, one would imagine, of the fanatic rage of the Christians. Kotzebue’s Travels through Italy, vol. i. p. 200.404—Edinburgh Review, vol. iv. p. 348, and Lord Lauderdale’s Observations on Edinburgh Review.405—SeeNote II.406———When we had quell’dThe strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown downHer altars, cast her idols to the fire.——The priests combined to save their craft;And soon the rumour ran of evil signsAnd tokens; in the temple had been heardWailings and loud lament; the eternal fireGave dismally a dim and doubtful flame;And from the censer, which at morn should steamSweet odours to the sun, a fetid cloudBlack and portentous rose.Southey’s Madoc, part i. book ii.407—Knox, Historie, p. 332.408—Ibid. p. 146.409—Ibid. p. 145.410—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8, 9.411—Ibid. p. 7.412—Probably a part of the Caltonhill.413—The army of the regent consisted of 5000 men, the Congregation could not muster above 1500. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 9.414—Ibid. p. 10. Knox, Historie, 151–5.415—Knox, Historie, p. 158.416—MS. Historie of the Estate, &c. p. 11.417—Knox, 159.418—MS. Historie, p. 12.419—Ibid. Knox, 159.420—MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p.12.421—Cald. MS. i. 472, 473. Forbes, i. 131, 155. Sadler, i. 431, 432.422—This refers to the agreement between the regent and lords of the Congregation, by which the latter gave up Edinburgh. The lords left Edinburgh on the 25th of July. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 10. Knox, Historie, p. 154.423—Cald. MS. i. 428, 471.424—Forbes, i. 129, 130. Throkmorton wrote to the same effect to Cecil, in letters dated 7th June, and 19th July, 1559. Ibid. p. 119, 167. The ambassador was probably moved to more earnestness in this matter by the influence of Alexander Whitlaw of Greenrig, a particular friend of our Reformer, who was at this time in France. He returned soon after to Scotland, and Throkmorton recommended him to Cecil, as “a very honest, sober, and godly man.”—“You must let him se as littel sin in England as yowe maye.”—He “is greatly estemyd of Jhone Knokes, and he doth allso favour hym above other: nevertheless, he is sory for his boke rashly written.” Ibid. 137, 147–149.425—Cald. MS. i. 491.426—Knox applied to the English court for a safe‑conduct for Mrs Bowes to come into Scotland, which was granted about the month of October, 1559. Sadler, i. 456, 479, 509. I have already noticed, (p. 187,) that Mrs Bowes’s husband was dead. The particular time of his death I have not ascertained, but it seems to have been between 1554 and 1556. She is designed a widow, in the correspondence between Cecil and Sadler.427—Cald. MS. i. 429, 473.428—Edinburgh, St Andrews, Dundee, Perth, Brechin, Montrose, Stirling, and Ayr, were the towns provided with ministers. Letter, Knox to Locke, 2d Sept. 1559: Cald. MS. i. 472.429—Sadler, i. 403, 411. Forbes, vol. i. passim. Dr Robertson complains that, from the carelessness of the contemporary historians, it is impossible to ascertain the number of French soldiers in Scotland, or at what times, and under what pretexts, they had returned, after having left the kingdom in 1550. History of Scotland, p. 108. Lond. 1791. In September 1559, when the queen regent retired within the fortifications of Leith, her forces amounted to 3000 soldiers, of whom 500 only were Scots. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 13. A thousand men had arrived from France in the month of August, and it does not appear that any other arrival had taken place since the commencement of the late commotions. It seems pretty evident that the other 1500 had been sent from France during the war between Scotland and England, in 1556 and 1557. The lords of the Congregation mustered 8000 men in September; but only 1000 of these were trained to arms. Ibid.430—Knox, Historie, p. 207.431—Ibid. p. 209. Forbes, i. 155, 167.432—Beausobre, Hist. Reform, i. 355–377. Macaulay’s translation. Milner’s History of the Church, iv. 948–9. This last historian, speaking of Luther’s apology to Henry, says, that he went “quite far enough, either for the dignity of a leading reformer, or the simplicity of a follower of Christ.” Luther himself, after receiving Henry’s reply, appears to have been abundantly sensible of the ridiculous situation in which he had placed himself, and, with a facetiousness which seldom forsook him, asked his friends, if they would not now advise him to write penitential epistles to the archbishop of Mentz, the archduke Ferdinand, and other princes whom he had offended. Milner, ut sup. p. 956.433—Knox, Historie, p. 210–2.434—Strype, Annals, i. 126, ii. 95–6. Life of Grindal, 170, and Life of Parker, 325–6.435—See Sir James Melvil’s account of his interview with Elizabeth, Memoirs, p. 49–51, which has been adopted, and detailed by Mr Hume, and other historians.436—Cecil was accustomed to keep back intelligence which he knew would be disagreeable to his mistress. A curious instance of this occurs with respect to the misfortune which happened to Cockburn of Ormiston, while conveying a subsidy which she had sent to the Congregation. Sadler, i. 573. We learn from one of his letters, that he did not usually communicate the epistles of our Reformer, whom he knew to be no favourite with Elizabeth. Ibid. p. 535.437—Knox, Historie, p. 212.438—Knox, Historie, 59, 213.439—Knox, Historie, p. 212–214. The State Papers of Sir Ralph Sadler have been lately published in 2 vols. 4to. The 1st volume contains the greater part of the letters that passed between Sadler and the agents of the Congregation. They throw much light upon this interesting period of our national history, and ought to be consulted, in addition to the histories which appeared previous to their publication.440—Keith, Append. 42.441—SeeNote KK.442—Sadler, i. 520, 524. Randolph mentions in one of his letters, that both Knox and Balnaves were discontented. Keith has inserted a letter in which Balnaves complains of, and vindicates himself from, the charges brought against him. Sadler afterwards endeavoured to pacify them. Keith, Append. 43, 44. Sadler, i. p. 537, 548. Notwithstanding the complaints against the Congregation for being too “open,” there is some reason to think that Sir James Croft’s own secretary had informed the queen regent of the correspondence between England and the Congregation, Forbes, i. p. 137.443—“See how Mr Knox still presses his under‑hand management!” says Keith.Quære: Did the honest bishop never find any occasion, in the course of his history, to reprimand such management in his own friends? or, did he think that intrigue was criminal, only when it was employed by protestant cabinets and ministers?444—Keith, Append. 40–42. Sadler, i. p. 523. In fact, if a storm had not dispersed and shattered the French fleet, which had on board the marquis D’Elbeuf, and a large body of troops, destined for the reinforcement of the queen regent, the English, after so long delay, would have found it very difficult to expel the French from Scotland.445—Sadler, i. 522, 534, 568.446—The lords of the Congregation having proposed to send our Reformer to London as one of their commissioners, Cecil found it necessary to discourage the proposal. “Of all others, Knoxees name, if it be not Goodman’s, is most odious here; and therefore, I wish no mention of him [coming] hither.” And in another letter he says; “His writings [i.e.Knox’s letters] doo no good here; and therefore I doo rather suppress them, and yet I meane not but that ye should contynue in sending of them.” Sadler, i. 532, 535. The editor of Sadler supposes, without any reason, that Knox and Goodman were disliked by the English court on account of their Geneva discipline, and republican tenets. The unpardonable offence of which both had been guilty was different from either of these; they had attacked “the regiment of women.”447—Sadler, i. 540. Keith, Append. 40.448—“In twenty‑four hours, I have not four free to natural rest, and easce of this wicked carcass. Remember my last request for my mother, and say to Mr George,” (Sir George Bowes, his brother‑in‑law,) “that I have need of a good and an assured horse; for great watch is laid for my apprehension, and large money promised till any that shall kyll me.——And this part of my care now poured in your bosom, I cease farther to trouble you, being troubled myself in body and spirit, for the troubles that be present, and appear to grow. At mydnicht.“Many things I have to writ, which now tym suffereth not, but after, if ye mak haste with this messinger, ye shall undirstand more.      R      ryt      I write with      sleaping eis.” Knox’s letter to Raylton, 23d October, 1559. Keith, Append. 38. Sadler, i. 681, 682.This letter, written with the Reformer’s own hand, is in the British Museum. Cotton MS. Calig. B. ix. f. 38. The conclusion of the letter, which is here printed in imitation of the original, is very descriptive of the state of the writer at the time. It also appears from this letter, that, amidst his other employments, he had already begun and made considerable progress in his History of the Reformation.449—Forbes, i. 117, 144, 163, 166. Sadler, i. 404, 417, 447.450—SeeNote LL.451—Dr Robertson says, “It was the work but of one day to examine and resolve this nice problem, concerning the behaviour of subjects towards a ruler who abuses his power.” But it may be observed, that this was theformaldetermination of the question. It had been discussed among the protestants frequently before this meeting, and, as early as the beginning of September, they were nearly unanimous about it. Sadler, i, 433. It should also be noticed, that the queen regent was only suspended from, not absolutely “deprived of,” her office.452—Knox, 182–187.453—Sadler, i. 510, 511.454—Spotswood, p. 137. Keith, p. 104.455—Villers’s Essay on the spirit and influence of the Reformation of Luther, Mill’s Translation, p. 183, 186, 321, 327.456—See above, p.7–9.457—“I prais my God,” said he, “I have not learned to cry conjuration and treasoun at every thing that the godles multitude does condemn, neither yet to fear the things that they fear.” Conference with Murray and Maitland: Historie, p. 339.458—The authorities for this statement of Knox’s political opinions will be found inNote MM.459—“Concedit autem,” says Melanchthon, “evangelium uti legibus politicis cum ratione congruentibus. Imo si talis defensio non esset concessa, transformaretur evangelium in doctrinam politicam, et stabiliret infinitam tyranniden.” Comment. in Prov. xxiv. 21, 22. And again: “Non constituit evangelium novas politias, quare nec infinitam servitutem præcepit.” 2. Artic. Symbol. Nicen. sub quæstione,Utrum armis reprimendi sunt tyranni?This argument influenced Luther to retract the unlimited condemnation of resistance which he had formerly published, and to approve of the League of Smalcald. Sleidan, Comment. lib. 8. Dean Milner has overlooked this fact, in his statement of the political principles of that Reformer.460—Knox has preserved in his History (p. 194–197) the principal topics on which he insisted in this sermon.461—Knox, Historie, p. 197, 201, 215. Spotswood, p. 140. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 19–22.462—A particular account of this expedition, overlooked in our common histories, is given in MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 25–7. Lesley (p. 519) refers to it obscurely. Spotswood (p. 140) and Keith (p. 110) have confounded it with a different expedition, which was undertaken in November preceding.463—Those who wish to see a particular account of the negociations between France and England, and of the motives which influenced both courts in their conduct towards Scotland, may consult the letters published by Forbes and Haynes, particularly those written from November 1559 to July 1560.464—Buchanani Oper. i. 313. Knox, 229–234. Spotswood, p. 147–9. Keith, p. 130–145.465—Lesley, p. 516–7. Spotswood, 133–4. Keith, 102. Sadler says, that the bishop of Amiens came “to curse, and also to dispute with the protestants, and to reconcile them, if it wolbe.” State Papers, i. 470.466—The earl of Glencairn’s satirical poem against the friars is written in the form of an epistle from this hermit. Knox, Historie, p. 25.467—He was the ancestor of Lord Colville of Ochiltree (Douglas’s Peerage, p. 147); and was killed at the siege of Leith, on the 7th of May, 1560. Knox, Historie, p. 227.468—Row’s MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 356, transcribed in 1726. An account of this pretended miracle and its detection, probably taken from the above MS., will be found in the Weekly Magazine for June 1772.469—The English ambassadors, in a letter to Elizabeth, say: “Two things have bene tow hott [too hot] for the French too meddle withal; and therefore they be passed, and left as they found them. The first is the matter of religion, which is here as freely, and rather more earnestly, (as I, the secretary, thynk,) receaved than in England: a hard thyng now to alter, as it is planted.” Haynes, p. 352. Dr Wotton, dean of Windsor, and secretary Cecil, are the subscribers of this letter; but as it would have been rather too much for the dean to say that religion was “more earnestly received” in Scotland than in England, the secretary alone vouches for that fact.470—By one of the articles of the treaty, the parliament, after agreeing upon such things as they thought necessary for the reformation of religion, were to send deputies into France to represent them to their Majesties. Knox, Historie, p. 234. Spotswood, p. 149.471—Robertson’s History of Scotland, b. i. Keith, p. 147–8.472—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 525–6. Keith, 146–7. Robertson, i. Append. No. iv. In the list of members in this parliament, the names of the lesser barons, or gentlemen of the shire, are inserted after those of the commissioners of boroughs; the roll having been made up previous to the admission of the former.473—Knox, Historie, p. 237–8.474—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 526–534. Knox, Historie, p. 240–253. Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 21–98.475—In Knox’s Historie, “the 17th day ofJuly” is printed, by mistake, instead of the 17th ofAugust. Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 534.476—Knox, Historie, p. 253.477—Keith is at a great loss to account for, and excuse, the silence of the popish clergy (to whom he is uniformly partial); and he found himself obliged to retract one apology which he had made for them, viz. that they were deterred from speaking by the threatenings of their opponents. History, p. 149, 150, comp. 488, note (a).478—Knox, Historie, p. 253.479—Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 534–5. Knox, Historie, p. 254–5.480—In an early part of the Record, is the following entry:—Item, the xii of November, (1516,) to Margaret Cornewle for i buk takin fra her and gevin to my l. of Sanct Andros,xxxiii li.481—Comp. Knox, Historie, p. 40.482—Comp. Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. p. 253–263.483—In the Treasurer’s Accompts, under the year 1534, is the following entry:“Item, to ane servand of Cocleus, quhilk brotfra his maister ane buik intitulat     , to his rewardxli.”484—The words in Italics are not in the printed copies.485—The printed copies, instead of “end,” have “fyne;” a word sometimes used in the MS. Letters.486—A charter of confirmation was granted to Mr Henry Balnaves and Christian Scheves, his spouse, of the lands of “Ester Cullessy vocat. Halhill,” on the 10th of August, 1538. Reg. Secr. Sigil. lib. xiij. f. 20. On the 12th of May, 1562, a letter under the privy seal was granted to Mr Henry Balnaves of Halhill, restoring him to his lands, honours, &c., of which he had been deprived “for certane allegit crymes of lese majestie imput to him.” Ibid. lib. xxxi. f. 16.487—i.e.deign: in the printed copies it is “disease himself.”488—The printed copies are unintelligible here.489—In a list of books belonging to the university of St Andrews, Winram’s Catechism is entered as a work distinct from that of Hamilton. Life of Andrew Melville, vol. i. p. 191.490—Carol. Rinaldinij.Matth. Analit. art. pars 3tia.491—Nouvell. de la Republ. de Lett.1685.492—Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xx. p. 422.

War not the preiching of the begging freiris,

Tint war the faith among the seculeiris.

Lyndsay, ut supra, i. 343, comp. ii. 101.

Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and papal legate for Scotland, being obliged to say grace, at an entertainment which he gave to the pope and cardinals in Rome, blundered so in his latinity, that his holiness and their eminences lost their gravity, which so disconcerted the bishop, that he concluded the blessing by giving all the false carles to the devil,in nomine patris, filii, et sancti spiritus; to which the company, not understanding his Scoto‑Latin, said Amen. “The holy bishop,” says Pitscottie, “was not a good scholar, and had not good Latin.” History, p. 106.

It is schort tyme sen ony benefice

Was sped in Rome, except great bishoprics;

But now, for ane unworthy vickarage,

A priest will rin to Rome in Pilgrimage.

Ane cavill quhilk was never at the scule

Will rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis mule:

And syne cum hame with mony a colorit crack,

With ane burdin of beneficis on his back.

Chalmers’sLyndsay, ii. 60.

Patriots have toil’d, and in their country’s cause

Bled nobly; and their deeds, as they deserve,

Receive proud recompense.————————

But fairer wreaths are due, though never paid,

To those who, posted at the shrine of truth,

Have fallen in her defence.————————

Yet few remember them.————————

————————With their names

No bard embalms and sanctifies his song:

And history, so warm on meaner themes,

Is cold on this. She execrates, indeed,

The tyranny that doom’d them to the fire,

But gives the glorious sufferers little praise.

CowperTask, Book V.

In the margin, Cowper names Hume as chargeable with the injustice which he so feelingly upbraids. While it is painful to think that other historians, since Hume, have exposed themselves to the same censure, it is pleasing to reflect, that Cowper is not the only poet who has “sanctified,” and, I trust, “embalmed his song,” with the praises of these patriots. The reader will easily perceive that I refer to the author ofThe Sabbath.

In the year 1582, archbishop Grindal, by a formal deed, declared the validity of the orders of Mr John Morrison, who had been ordained by the synod of Lothian, “according to the _laudable_ form and rite of the reformed church of Scotland,” says the instrument, “per generalem synodum sive congregationem illius comitatus, juxta laudabilem ecclesiæ Scotiæ Reformatæ formam et ritum, ad sacros ordines et sacrosanctum ministerium per manuum impositionem admissus et ordinatus.—Nos igitur formam ordinationis et præfectionis tuæ hujusmodi, modo præmisso factam, quantum in nos est, et de jure possumus, approbantes et ratificantes,” &c. Strype’s Life of Grindal. Append. Book ii. Numb. xvii. p. 101.

It has been objected, that archbishop Grindal was at this time under sequestration, and that the license was granted, not by him, but by Dr Aubrey, as vicar general. To this it is sufficient to reply, that Mr Strype is of opinion that the sequestration was taken off from the time that the writs and instruments run in the name of Aubrey alone, without any mention of Clark, (Life of Grindal, p. 271;) that, even during the period of the sequestration, “all licenses to preach, &c. were granted by these two civilians, with a deference to the archbishop, and consultation with him in what they did,” (Ibid. p. 240;) and that the license in question bears, that it was granted “withthe consent and express commandof the most reverend father in Christ, the lord Edmund, by the divine providence, archbishop of Canterbury,to us signified;”—“de consensu et expresso mandato reverendiss. in Christo patris domini Edmundi, &c. nobis significato.” Ibid. p. 271. Append. p. 101.

Bishop Burnet, and Mr Strype, (Memor. of Reform, ii. 299,) who have recorded this fact, conjectured that the patentee was a relation of our Reformer. That he was his brother, is evident from Knox’s letters, which mention his being in England about this time. In a letter written in 1553, he says: “My brother, Williame Knox, is presentlie with me. What ye wald haif frome Scotland, let me knaw this Monunday at nicht; for hie must depart on Tyisday.” MS. Letters, p. 271. Perhaps the same person is referred to in the following extract from another letter: “My brother hath communicat his haill hart with me, and I persave the mychtie operation of God. And sa let us be establissit in his infinit gudnes and maist sure promissis.” Ib. p. 266.

William Knox afterwards became a preacher, and was minister of Cockpen, in Mid‑Lothian, after the establishment of the Reformation in Scotland. No fewer than fourteen ministers of the church of Scotland are numbered among his descendants. Genealogical Account of the Knoxes, apud Scott’s History of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 152.

Priestis, content you now, priestis, content you now;

For Normand, and his companie, hes fillit the gallayis fow.

JOHANNES MALVILLUS RETHIUS,

Nobilis Fifanus, Jacobo V. regi olim familiarissimus, summa vitæ innocentia, ob puræ relligionis studium, in suspicione falsi criminis, iniquissimo judicio sublatus est Aº Christi 1548.

Quidnam ego commerui, quæ tanta injuria facti,Hostis ut in nostrum sæviat ense caput?Idem hostis, judexque simul. Pro crimine, ChristiRelligio, et fædo crimine pura manus.O secla! O mores: scelerum sic tollere pœnasUt virtus sceleri debita damna luat.Joh. Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 28, 29.

Quidnam ego commerui, quæ tanta injuria facti,Hostis ut in nostrum sæviat ense caput?Idem hostis, judexque simul. Pro crimine, ChristiRelligio, et fædo crimine pura manus.O secla! O mores: scelerum sic tollere pœnasUt virtus sceleri debita damna luat.Joh. Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 28, 29.

Quidnam ego commerui, quæ tanta injuria facti,

Hostis ut in nostrum sæviat ense caput?

Idem hostis, judexque simul. Pro crimine, Christi

Relligio, et fædo crimine pura manus.

O secla! O mores: scelerum sic tollere pœnas

Ut virtus sceleri debita damna luat.

Joh. Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 28, 29.

Quid memorem quanta Wilocus, Skinerus et Haddon,Ælmerusque tuos ornârint luce penates?O! Deus, O! quales juvenes? Quo principe digni?His tua luminibus splendet domus.Strype’s Annals, ii. Append, p. 46.

Quid memorem quanta Wilocus, Skinerus et Haddon,Ælmerusque tuos ornârint luce penates?O! Deus, O! quales juvenes? Quo principe digni?His tua luminibus splendet domus.Strype’s Annals, ii. Append, p. 46.

Quid memorem quanta Wilocus, Skinerus et Haddon,

Ælmerusque tuos ornârint luce penates?

O! Deus, O! quales juvenes? Quo principe digni?

His tua luminibus splendet domus.

Strype’s Annals, ii. Append, p. 46.

Annuaire, ou Repertoire Ecclesiastique, à l’usage des Eglises reformées et protestantes de l’empire Français, par M. Rabaut le Jeune, p. 273, 274. A Paris, 1807.

The pastor of Dieppe was a member of the first National Synod of the reformed churches of France, held at Paris in 1559. Quick’s Synodicon, 1, 2, 7. In 1630, there were upwards of 5000 communicants in the church of Dieppe. Diary of Mr Robert Trail, minister of Greyfriars, Edinburgh, p. 22, 23. MS. in the possession of the Rev. Dr Trail.

Strype’s Mem. of Parker, p. 205. This translation was often reprinted in Britain. The freedom of remark used in the notes gave offence to queen Elizabeth, and her successor James; the last of whom said, that it was the worst translation which he had seen. Notwithstanding this expression of disapprobation, it is evident that the translators appointed by his authority made great use of it; and if they had followed it still more, the version which they have given us would, upon the whole, have been improved. The late Dr Geddes had a very different opinion of it from the royal critic.

I pretend not to know the versions referred to in the following passage of a foreign critic:—“Nec vero melius operā suæ factioni, vel astuta vulpecula illa Joannes Cnoxius Scotus, vel ōes magnæ & celebris Anglicanæ veridictianæ reformationis authores, cum in suis Bibliis eodem capite, ita reponunt: Scoti primi quia proprius Calvinisimo accedunt: ‘Thou ar Piter, and vpon that rok I wil buld my kirk,’ id est, tu es Petrus, & super istam rupē ego volo ædificare meā Ecclesiā. Videmus ‘that rok’ non esse id quod Petrum Cnoxius vocauit, atque Dominus Petrum affatur, et de eodem intelligit fore ipsum Ecclesiæ suæ columen. Angli nihil habent discriminis, nisi quod dicunt ‘churk’ pro ‘Kirk.’” Paradigma De Quatuor Linguis Orientalibvs Præcipvis. Petro Victore Caietano Palma Avthore, p. 115. Parisiis, 1595.

Histoire Littéraire de Geneve, par Jean Senebier, tome i. 375, Genev. 1786. It is somewhat singular, that Calvin did not obtain this honour until December 1559. “Il n’y a cependant point de citoyen,” says Senebier, “qui ait acheté ce titre honorable aussi chèrement que lui par ses services, et je ne crois pas qu’il y en ait beaucoup qui l’aient autant mérité, et qui le rendent aussi célébre.” Ibid. p. 230, 231.

Our Reformer obtained another public testimony of esteem at this time from bishop Bale, who dedicated his work on Scottish Writers to him and Alexander Aless. The praise which he bestows on him deserves the more notice, because the bishop had been one of his opponents at Frankfort. “Te vero, Knoxe, frater amatissime, conjunxit mihi Anglia et Germania, imprimis autem doctrinæ nostræ in Christo Domino fraterna consensio. Nemo est enim qui tuam fidem, constantiam, patientiam, tot erumnis, tanta persecutione, exilioque diuturno et gravi, testatum, non collaudet, et non admiretur, non amplectatur.” Balei Script. Illustr. Maj. Brit. Poster. Pars, p. 175, 176. Basiliæ, ex officina Joan. Operini, 1559. Mense Februario.

——When we had quell’dThe strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown downHer altars, cast her idols to the fire.——The priests combined to save their craft;And soon the rumour ran of evil signsAnd tokens; in the temple had been heardWailings and loud lament; the eternal fireGave dismally a dim and doubtful flame;And from the censer, which at morn should steamSweet odours to the sun, a fetid cloudBlack and portentous rose.Southey’s Madoc, part i. book ii.

——When we had quell’dThe strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown downHer altars, cast her idols to the fire.——The priests combined to save their craft;And soon the rumour ran of evil signsAnd tokens; in the temple had been heardWailings and loud lament; the eternal fireGave dismally a dim and doubtful flame;And from the censer, which at morn should steamSweet odours to the sun, a fetid cloudBlack and portentous rose.Southey’s Madoc, part i. book ii.

——When we had quell’d

The strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown down

Her altars, cast her idols to the fire.

——The priests combined to save their craft;

And soon the rumour ran of evil signs

And tokens; in the temple had been heard

Wailings and loud lament; the eternal fire

Gave dismally a dim and doubtful flame;

And from the censer, which at morn should steam

Sweet odours to the sun, a fetid cloud

Black and portentous rose.

Southey’s Madoc, part i. book ii.

“In twenty‑four hours, I have not four free to natural rest, and easce of this wicked carcass. Remember my last request for my mother, and say to Mr George,” (Sir George Bowes, his brother‑in‑law,) “that I have need of a good and an assured horse; for great watch is laid for my apprehension, and large money promised till any that shall kyll me.——And this part of my care now poured in your bosom, I cease farther to trouble you, being troubled myself in body and spirit, for the troubles that be present, and appear to grow. At mydnicht.

“Many things I have to writ, which now tym suffereth not, but after, if ye mak haste with this messinger, ye shall undirstand more.      R      ryt      I write with      sleaping eis.” Knox’s letter to Raylton, 23d October, 1559. Keith, Append. 38. Sadler, i. 681, 682.

This letter, written with the Reformer’s own hand, is in the British Museum. Cotton MS. Calig. B. ix. f. 38. The conclusion of the letter, which is here printed in imitation of the original, is very descriptive of the state of the writer at the time. It also appears from this letter, that, amidst his other employments, he had already begun and made considerable progress in his History of the Reformation.

Item, the xii of November, (1516,) to Margaret Cornewle for i buk takin fra her and gevin to my l. of Sanct Andros,xxxiii li.

“Item, to ane servand of Cocleus, quhilk brotfra his maister ane buik intitulat     , to his rewardxli.”

Back to IndexNext