There must have been little encouragement accorded to quartet music in Salzburg:48after 1773, Mozart composed none until 1784, when he was in Vienna.49INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.There can be no doubt that the talent for violin-playing which Mozart displayed at a very early age was carefully cultivated by his father. He performed in public on his first journey and at the beginning of the first Italian tour; but by the time they reached Rome he had ceased to play in public, though he still continued his studies regularly. It was part of his official duty in Salzburg to take the violin at court concerts. His father admired Wolfgang's effrontery in taking a violin from one of the orchestra at Vienna in 1773, and performing a concerto upon it (p. 146). He afterwards devoted more serious attention to the instrument, and became a first-rate performer on it, but evidently more from his father's impulse than his own inclination. Not only was the violin-playing at court a burden to him, but he seems to have had little liking for the instrument, and no real confidence in his own powers of execution. "You have no idea yourself how well you play the violin," writes his father (October 18, 1777); "if you only do yourself justice, and play with fire, heartiness, and spirit, you may become the first violinist in Europe." But, nevertheless, he practised regularly and industriously, and his father wrote after he had left home (October 6, 1777): "I feel a little melancholy whenever I go home, for as I get near the house I always imagine that I shall hear your violin going." After 1774, Mozart's violin compositions take more of the bravura type, and afford a good standard of his technical development. He had as a rival the well-established solo violinist, Brunetti, favoured by the archbishop as being an Italian, but considered by L. Mozart as inferior to his son. "He played your concerto very well," wrote L. Mozart (October 5, 1777), "but was twice out of tune in the allegro, and once almost stuck fast in a cadenza." When Brunetti's inconvenient rival had left Salzburg, he was ready to do full justice to his performances. "Brunetti cannot praise you enough," writes the father (October 9, 1777); "and the other day, when I said you played the violin 'passabilmente,' he cried out, 'Cosa? cazzo! se suonava tutto! questo era del Principe un puntiglio mal inteso, col suo proprio danno.'"
MOZART AS A VIOLINIST.
After Mozart had left Salzburg in September, 1777, he played the violin in public both at Munich and Augsburg, and was somewhat ironical over his success. "They all stared," he writes from Munich (October 6, 1777); "I played as if I were the first violinist in Europe." And from Augsburg (October 24, 1777): "I played a symphony and Wanhall's Concerto in B flat for the violin with universal applause. At supper-time I played the Strasburg Concerto. It went like oil, and every one praised the beautiful, pure tone." But these communications ceased later on, and L. Mozart writes in anxiety (October 9, 1777): "Have you left off practising the violin since you were in Munich? I should be very sorry." (November 27, 1777): "Your violin hangs on its nail; of that I am pretty sure." And so it must have been. He was obliged to play the violin afterwards in Salzburg; but after his stay in Vienna he never made proficiency on the instrument his primary object, and it is well known that in later years, if he had to take part in a quartet or other concerted piece, he selected the viola in preference.
Mozart's most important compositions in this department are of course his violin concertos, which were doubtless written in the first place for his own use. According to his custom, he went thoroughly into the subject from its very foundation, gaining proficiency by continuous work in the one direction; in 1775 he composed five concertos for the violin (207, 211,' 216, 218, 219, K.), to which was added a sixth (268 K.), not by any means slight, fugitive attempts, but carefully conceived works of considerable compass in three movements, allegro, andante or adagio, and rondo.
The first movement, which was the most elaborate, is more suggestive still of the aria than is the corresponding movement of the symphonies. There is the same fixed alternation between solo and tutti passages, the same adornment of the solo part with passages and cadenzas, and indeed the whole movement is a reminiscence of the serious aria. On the other hand, the structure is more condensed and more animated; the passages grow out of the principalINSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.subjects, connecting and adorning them. The movement falls usually into three main divisions; the middle one, corresponding to the same division in the symphony, passes into another key, and elaborates one or more motifs more freely than in the symphony, and chiefly by changes of modulation and modification of the passages, whereby the repetition of the first division is effected. Abundant variety of detail is produced, chiefly by the different combinations of the solo part and the orchestral accompaniment; the solo passages are not usually of great length, solo and tutti alternating often and quickly.
The second movement is simple, and rests essentially on the tuneful and artistic delivery of the cantilene; embellishments are not excluded, but they are kept in the background. The character of the movement is generally light and pleasing, but a deeper, though always a cheerful mood, sometimes makes itself felt. The tone is that of a romance; the polonaise-like rhythm of the Concerto in D major (211 K.) is peculiar to it; while the G major concerto (216 K.) has a regular and more broadly conceived adagio. An adagio in E major (261 K)—composed for Brunetti in 1776, because another, probably the interesting adagio of the A major concerto (219 K.), was too "studirt," as L. Mozart writes (October 9,1777)—maintains a kind of medium; it is more serious in expression and broader in conception than the romance-like andantes, but on the whole it is pleasing and pretty rather than grand.
The last movement is, as a rule, in the form of a rondo,50in which the solo part moves more freely, especially in the connecting middle passages; the passages altogether have now scope for expansion, the tone being light and cheerful, the form easy. It is not unusual for passages in different time and measure to alternate in the rondo, as in the D major concerto (218 K.), where an andantino grazioso, 2-4, and an allegro ma non troppo, 6-8, alternate. In the G majorVIOLIN CONCERTOS.concerto (216 K.), a cheerful passage in 3-8 is interrupted by an andante in G minor—[See Page Image] followed by an allegretto in G major—[See Page Image] that leads back to the first subject. In the A major concerto (219 K.), the chief subject is tempo di menuetto, interrupted by a long allegro, 2-4, in A minor—[See Page Image]
In both these cases the clearly expressed popular tone of the interpolated passages is remarkable, and has a striking and pleasing effect. The allusion in the letters to the concerto, "with the Strasburg" points to one of these passages: "The Strasburg dance, which consisted merely in graceful movements of the arms and poses of the body, was generally executed by a very youthful couple within the circle of waltzers."51
A decided progress is observable in the concertante for violin and viola52with orchestral accompaniment (364 K.), which was probably written in 1780. It displays perfect finish in the conception of the separate subjects and passages, power and melody in the development of the orchestral accompaniments, and true artistic skill in the placing of turns and phrases where they will be most effective. It is in the usual three movements, but a more solid foundation and wider scope than usual are given to the form, in order that the two solo instruments may have free play; theINSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.tutti passages are longer and more important, which entails more participation by the orchestra in the solo portions. This gives a symphony-like character to the whole, to which the solo instruments add a peculiar brilliancy. In relation to each other they are simply treated. They generally relieve each other, either repeating whole phrases or sharing them between them; when together, they are mostly in thirds and sixths, and there seldom occurs a true two-part passage in which the two instruments move freely and independently.
In this respect the concertone composed in 1773 (190 K.) is more artistic in design and in workmanship. Here the orchestra is in contrast with two solo violins, to which the oboe is added as a solo instrument; the violoncello, though not so freely treated as the others, is also often solo. The usual concerto form is given to the three movements, the middle movement being romance-like, but more elaborate than usual, to give employment to the solo instruments. The violoncello, though it does not take a leading part in this movement, has an independent passage as accompaniment throughout. The last movement is "tempo di menuetto," resembling those in the violin Concerto in A major (219 K.), the bassoon concerto (191 K.), the clavier concerto in C (246 K.), the triple concerto (242 K.), and the clavier trio in B flat (254 K.); the form of the minuet with several trios is treated with some freedom, and approaches that of the rondo. The forcible and independent treatment of the orchestra, both in the tutti and the solo passages, gives to the whole of this composition the character of a symphony; but the solo parts are grouped with greater variety, since there are four of them, and they do not as a rule repeat the same passages or join in unison. Sometimes the violins alternate with each other, sometimes the oboe joins them or opposes them, sometimes the oboe and violoncello are both in opposition to the violins, and sometimes all the four instruments move independently side by side. A strict and ingenious fugal structure was required to give unity to this manifold variety. In the first allegro especially the motifs are chiefly imitatively treated, andMOZART'S TREATMENT OF THE VIOLIN.sometimes the varied rendering of a phrase necessitates a change of instruments; the coming and going of the instruments and their combinations are carefully planned, as well as the part taken by the orchestra in producing the general effect. In the two last movements alternation is the predominant principle, and the parts are only ingeniously interlaced here and there. The work displays throughout more of skilful mechanism and clever elaboration than of original invention and beauty.
The judgment of connoisseurs on Mozart's technical treatment of the violin tends to show that the difficulties even in solo parts are comparatively small, but that an acquaintance with the idiosyncrasies of the instrument, which could only be gained violin in hand, is always apparent; all is made as smooth and easy as possible for the performer, at the same time that effects of striking originality are produced. Our idea of Mozart as a violin-player will gain in interest by a knowledge of his judgment on other violinists. As a child, he had become acquainted at Mayence with the violinist Esser, of whom the father writes later from Salzburg (December 7, 1780): "Esser is a merry old simpleton; but he plays (when he is in earnest) with a firm and remarkable execution, and has a finer adagio touch than is the case with most allegro players. But when he is in a joking mood he plays on the G string alone with the greatest ease, and plays pieces with a lead pencil on the strings wonderfully correctly and quickly.53He plays the viola d'amour charmingly.54But what struck me as particularly childish was his whistling of a recitative and aria equal to any singer, with all the expression, flourishes, shakes, &c., in a truly marvellous manner, accompanying himself on the violinpizzicatoAt the same time he laments that, like the rest of them, he cannot play without grimaces and absurdities." On this point, little Wolfgang, unimpressed by Esser's tricks andtours de force, had said that he played well, but made too much of it, and would do better to stick to what was written.
INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.
Of Ign. Frànzl (b. 1730), whom he heard at Mannheim, he wrote to his father (November 22, 1777): "I have had the pleasure of hearing Herr Frànzl play a concerto on the violin. I was extremely pleased. You know that I am no great lover of difficulties. He plays difficult passages so that one does not know that they are difficult, and thinks one can imitate him; which is true art. He has also a good round tone, every note is correct and clear; he has a charmingstaccatoin one bow up as well as down, and I never heard such a double shake before. In a word he is, in my opinion, no juggler, but a very good substantial violinist."
Mozart wrote an oboe concerto for the celebrated oboist Gius. Ferlendi, of Brescia, who was in the Salzburg band in 1775; it does not seem to have been preserved. He tells his father (November 4, 1777) that he has made a present of it to the oboist Ramm at Mannhein, who was wild with delight, and played it five times with the greatest applause. He sent from Vienna for the little book containing the Ferlendi concerto, for which Prince Esterhazy had promised him three ducats. Another composition of Mozart's was a concerto for the flute, which, according to Schiedenhofen, was performed by Cosel in a serenade arranged by Wolfgang for his sister; this may have been the Concerto in G major (313 K.), which evidently belongs to this period. A certain Baron Thad. von Dümitz was an amateur on the bassoon; Mozart composed three concertos for him, one in C and two in B flat major (191 K.), short and unpretentious, as the instrument required; also a duet for bassoon and violoncello (292 K.).55
Although from his earliest years Mozart had excited lively admiration by his clavier and organ-playing, it will be better to consider his performances on these instruments later on, when we shall have the assistance of more direct testimony. We know little more of his studies56than that he practisedCLAVIER COMPOSITIONS.the clavier much and diligently, which, indeed, requires no proof. Compositions by Wagenseil, Paradies, Bach, and Lucchesi are incidentally mentioned as subjects for home practice.
There now remains to consider only the compositions for the clavier, of which there are curiously few known. Some may have been lost, but it is a fact that after his first childish attempts Mozart composed comparatively little for the clavier during his residence in Salzburg. There was little opportunity of performing clavier compositions, the instrument was not used solo in the court concerts, private concerts were not profitable in Salzburg, and in society Mozart generally made use of the clavier to improvise or prelude. The lessons which he gave to ladies of rank afforded him an opportunity for composing, but for these pupils he could only write show-pieces.
To the earliest authentic clavier compositions belong the variations (179 K.) on a very popular minuet by the celebrated oboist Fischer, a bravura piece for the time, full of what were then considered difficulties.57
He had them sent to Munich in 1774 in order to make a show with them, and on the journey to Paris we hear that he had recourse to the Fischer variations when he was obliged to play in polite society; proving that he was not provided with many compositions of the kind.
There were some clavier sonatas written at that time too, which Nannerl was instructed to bring to Munich (December 21, 1774), the result being a commission from Baron Dürnitz for six sonatas (279-284 K.); they are often mentioned by Mozart on the Paris journey of 1777, and he played them frequently in Munich, Augsburg and Mannheim with great success. They consist, after the old fashion, of three movements; the fourth forms an exception to the general rule, containing a long adagio, two minuets (the second instead of a trio), and an allegro; the last is another exception, the first allegro being followed by a rondeau en polonaise—like the violin concerto (218 K.)—ending with variations. MozartINSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.spoke of sonatas as difficult which are now given as lessons to beginners (February 2, 1778). Nevertheless it is no small praise to him that, after the lapse of ninety years, the judicious treatment of the instrument, the healthy freshness and finished form of these compositions entitle them still to be considered as the best foundation for a musical education. Any one capable of appreciating a work of art will find all its essential conditions fulfilled in these simple sonatas.
L. Mozart mentions in a letter (December 8, 1777) two four-hand sonatas, written by Wolfgang for himself and his sister. One may be the well-known B flat major sonata (358 K.) which Mozart wrote for from Vienna (June 27, 1781). The form is concise and little elaborated; the essential condition that each player shall contribute his independent share to the general effect is kept duly in view. A second sonata is not authenticated.58
A trio for clavier, violin, and violoncello (254 K.), belongs to August, 1776, which, according to Mozart's Munich letters (October 6,1777), Nannerl played at Salzburg with Janitsch and Reicha. It displays, like all the compositions of this period, completeness and roundness of form with maturity and cleverness of conception, and surprises us by its animation and the tender beauty of many of its turns of expression. The clavier is the chief instrument, then the violin, more simply treated, but independent. The violoncello does not yet receive full justice; it is only used as a bass, often effectively, but never overstepping its narrow province.
After the (violin?? DW) Concerto in D major (175 K.), composed in December, 1773, and played with applause at Mannheim (February 14, 1778), and, with a new finale, at Vienna (March 22, 1782), Mozart wrote no clavier music until January, 1776, when he composed a clavier Concerto in B flat major (238 K.), another in April in C major for the Countess Lützow (246 K.), and in January, 1777, one in E flat major for Madame Jenomy (271 K.). This industryCLAVIER CONCERTO (271 K.)was not the result of caprice or chance. Composition went hand in hand with his development as a virtuoso, and we can measure his progress by the increasing difficulty of his works. Unless he was to remain in Salzburg all his life,59a professional tour, to make himself known to the world, became more and more a necessity. Both brilliant execution as a virtuoso and a supply of original compositions would be necessary conditions for such a tour; Wolfgang's prudent, worldly-wise father took care that he should be prepared on all points to insure the success of the undertaking.
The most remarkable of the clavier concertos, which in form and treatment resemble the violin concertos, is the last (271 K.), which, in its freedom of form, breadth of design and passion of expression, approaches very near to the divertimento in B flat major (287 K.), which belongs to the same period. The very beginning is original, the clavier striking in with the first bars, and so giving a peculiar tone to the whole movement. Not less original is the entrance of the solo passage proper, the clavier falling in to the last bars of the gradually expiring tutti passage, with a shake of several bars length, out of which the subject springs; the same turn is afterwards made use of at the close of the first movement. The middle movement is called andantino, but expresses deep and painful emotion, and the cantilene repeatedly assumes a recitative-like character (in one beautiful climax the violins are in imitation), ending with a perfect recitative.60The last rondo (presto), a capital exercise for the fingers in its unceasing rapid movement, has a far more important character than is usual with concluding movements. A long cadenza leads back to the subject; the second time, however, it does not lead to the subject, but to aINSTRUMENTAL MUSIC."menuetto cantabile," which, kept in check by an orchestral accompaniment, has more and more the character of a free fantasia, and at last goes back to the subject in a new cadenza, which leads to a brilliant conclusion.
A concerto for three claviers, written in February, 1776, in F major (242 K.), displays an increase in solo powers; a title-page, carefully written by the father, announces it as "Dedicato al incomparabile merito di S. Exc. la Sgra. Cont. Lodron, nata Cont. d* Arco et delle sue figlie le Sgre. Cont. Aloisia et Giuseppa." We must not look for the same contrapuntal independence of the three instruments which we find in Bach's concertos, but there is no mistaking the cleverness and delicate sense of effect which are displayed in the varied combinations of the instruments—the doubling of parts, the strengthening of the melody or of the bass, the position of the accompaniment, and the alternation of the instruments. The main object of the first movement is to give equal and yet individual effect to each of the three claviers, although the third is hardly on a level with the other two; in the two last movements the third instrument is still more in the background, being chiefly confined to accompaniment, so that in the finale it does not even take part in the cadenzas. This made it easier for Mozart to arrange the concerto for two instruments; the solo parts, so altered, are preserved in his handwriting. The tone of the concerto is lively and cheerful; the whole is treated in an easy and happy vein of humour, which entertains the players quite as much as the audience. Mozart seems to have been fond of this concerto, and he informs his father with some satisfaction that it had been successfully performed both at Augsburg (October 24, 1777), and at Mannheim (March 24, 1778).
The orchestra has a perfectly independent part in this composition; but there is no very marked distinction between tutti and accompaniment; the orchestra and clavier mutually support and further each other, and their union results in a perfect work of art.
It is easy to estimate the claims made by Mozart upon the clavier-player. The principal are simple and tuneful delivery of the melody, clearness and precision in theMOZART AS VIRTUOSO.embellishments (which were more numerous than at the present day, to suit the instrument then in use), skill and steadiness in the running passages and shakes. Technical difficulties, such as passages in octaves, thirds, or sixths, occur seldom or never at this period. The use of the left hand is also limited; rapidity is only required in accompaniment passages, and independence in the execution of left-hand melodies. What the composer was able to accomplish with the limited means at his command lies clear before us; the life which the virtuoso threw into his works by performances full of spirit and genius cannot be reproduced by any observation of form and mechanism.
OUR examination of the developmentof Mozart's youthful genius, as it is to be traced in the multiplicity and variety of his studies, may fitly be concluded by a rapid survey of what he had accomplished and the position which he held at his entry into manhood.
At twenty-one years of age he could hold his own with the first masters of his time as a performer on the clavier, the organ, and the violin, and his powers as an executant were far surpassed by his accomplishments in every branch of composition. Remembering his numerous and successful contributions to theatrical music in serious and comic operas, to church music of every kind and description, to instrumental music, both concerted and solo, we are amazed at the ease and fertility of his producing powers not less than at the steady perseverance and earnestness of his studies. He never begins at random and breaks off short, never yields to chance impulses, to be abandoned before their object is attained; his will is always consciously fixed on a definite end, and to that end he bends all the force and energy of his mind.
No small share of the merit of this happy developmentEARLY MANHOOD.must be accorded to his father, whose careful and well-digested educational plan, as earnest and conscientious as it was far-seeing and full of love, counteracted the son's easy and excitable nature, and concentrated his whole strength on his artistic cultivation. But the greatest share, after all, falls to the admirable organisation of Mozart himself. His nature was so genuinely artistic that musical perfection was the very germ of that inner being of which his works were the natural and inevitable expression.
The precocity of his talent, which had produced these works at an age when most minds are only beginning to put their thoughts into articulate form, had in it nothing forced, strained, or disturbed; he seized instinctively on what was in harmony with his genius, absorbed it completely, and made it the stepping-stone to his upward progress.
We have seen how he laboured to become absolute master of every kind of form in his art, and how, step by step, his labours were rewarded. But no amount of external readiness and skill would satisfy him unless he could also give due expression to what moved his innermost soul, and impelled him to production. And so it is that even in his earliest works we find no opposition between their form and their substance; so it is that they are always awhole—at first insignificant enough both in substance and treatment, but still a whole—contained in a definite expression of artistic form. Looking back at the history of an art which has been begotten and fostered by any nation, we see how it is now favoured, now hindered, by external circumstances, how it strives and struggles through the long ages, possessing itself here by fits and starts, there by easy transitions, of all the means and forms necessary for its perfect practice. When at last the spiritual and intellectual life of the nation has become free and impelled to artistic activity, the great master arises, who, disposing at will of the inheritance of knowledge and genius bequeathed to him by his fathers, accomplishes the highest task of art in his representations of ideal beauty. The glorious contemplation of the organic development of a gifted nature, turning all to good account,FAMILY LIFE IN SALZBURG.and rejecting what impedes its growth so soon as it has served its turn, is open for us in Mozart. To him it was given to master the external conditions of his art on every side without injury to his individuality and creative force. Artist and man grew together; the deeper the passion and the more intense the emotion, the more grand and impressive became the forms in which they were embodied. And it is in this that consists the successful cultivation of any art in youth: in this mastery of the means whereby the man in his maturity makes his genius felt without apparent effort. Whatever study and discipline could attain, Mozart had attained before he left Salzburg; it was time that he should emerge from his narrow surroundings, that he should win freedom and independence, both as a man and an artist, by contact with the world.
The position held by Mozart at Salzburg, disproportionate alike to his performances and their promise, could not but fail to satisfy him as soon as he became aware of his own powers.
His life would have been simply unendurable had it not been for the healthy family life which had been from earliest childhood the foundation of his moral and social existence.
He grew up in an atmosphere of conjugal and parental affection, of sincere religion and conscientious morality, and of well-ordered economy, which could not fail in its effect on his character. "After God, papa comes," was his motto as a boy and as a man; it was the keynote of thewholehousehold, and we have seen, and shall see further, how fully Leopold Mozart deserved the trust reposed in him.
It was absolute confidence, not timid fear, which bound wife and children to him, and candour and truth ruled all the family intercourse. Not only the parents and children, but the brother and sister, were devoted to each other; the similarity of their talents, far from exciting emulation or jealousy, only bound them closer together; the sister witnessed the brilliant successes of her younger brother with pure delight, and bore his teasing with unfailing good-humour, sure, in her turn, of his ready and hearty sympathy in her joys and sorrows, whether great or small. Such a trueEARLY MANHOOD.family life as this, in which the servants1and even the pet animals2had their share, became all the firmer and heartier in proportion as circumstances narrowed the circle composing it.
The primary motive-power was the father's earnest devotion to duty, and his example gave weight to his unsparing demands on the labour and industry of his children. He considered the accomplishments of an artist as no mere pastime for hours of recreation, no passing breath of visionary inspiration; but as the ripe food of ceaseless labour, of untiring progress in moral and artistic self-knowledge. He was not content to recognise in the wonderful receptive and productive powers of his son a passport to easy indolence, but strove to make him consider them as deposits to be turned to the best account by study and cultivation. He accustomed his children to work from their youth up, and made it his first object that their outer circumstances should afford them no excuse for idle hours. "Custom." said he, "is an iron path." For this reason he gave up every occupation (except the duties demanded by his official position) which might withdraw him from his children, especially all lessons, thereby entailing a considerable pecuniary sacrifice, for which the profits of his first professional journey could only partially compensate. But he had so firm a confidence in Wolfgang's future, and he kept this object so clearly and continually in view, that nothing could divert him from it. In the boy himself there was no cause for anxiety; his trust in his father was unbounded, his nature was pliable, and his zeal for his art so great that it was never necessary to incite him to industry; indeed, his father often praises his energy and laboriousness. A further proof of the father's beneficial influence is the fact that Wolfgang did not yield to the temptation common to talented and lively youth in followingMOZART'S EDUCATION.momentary and one-sided impulses; but that he advanced step by step in a thorough and judicious cultivation of all his powers. The great number of his compositions of every kind which we have already noticed gives us no small idea of his industry; and we must remember that these performances were only possible as the result of continuous study and exercise, of which no outward sign remains. The father insisted on Wolfgang's making clear copies on quarto music paper, both of his own compositions and of examples of other composers. A long list of such exercise-books, in gray-blue covers, with every kind of composition in Mozart's handwriting, arranged and titled by his father, affords the most speaking proof of the industry and regard for order and neatness in which Wolfgang was trained.
Added to this was the continual hard practice on organ and clavier which made him the finished performer he was, then his official duties at court and church, his frequent engagements to play in private circles, and finally the lessons which he was obliged to give—one wonders in fact where he found time for it all in a day of only four-and-twenty hours. Nothing but the anomalous union of extraordinary genius with regularity and order could have produced so anomalous a result. Then again, L. Mozart was too far-seeing and cultivated a man to be satisfied with an exclusively musical education for his son. He took care that he should attain proficiency in foreign languages; he had learnt Latin in early youth (p. 61), and some knowledge of it was indispensable for sacred composition, on which account his father enjoins him (October 15, 1777) always to use a Latin prayer-book. He learnt to speak French and Italian fluently on his journeys, and his father was careful to keep up his knowledge of them. No opportunity was lost of acquiring "any kind of useful knowledge," as Leopold writes (December 18, 1777), "in order to cultivate the understanding by the reading of good books in different languages." Unfortunately we are not told what books Wolfgang read, nor in what direction his literary taste lay. It is characteristic of the father that both the children were obliged every evening to write a short accountEARLY MANHOOD.in a journal of what they had learnt and done throughout the day, in order to cultivate their observation of themselves and the things around them.
L. Mozart knew well that hot-house plants fade quickly, and was careful not to overtax the powers of his son, but to preserve him in healthy freshness, both of mind and body, by means of due diversion and recreation. He sought also to render him self-possessed and unconstrained in his intercourse with all classes of men, which Wolfgang's natural amiability rendered an easy task; it was far more difficult to impress him with the necessity for prudence and reserve, which not even the bitter experiences of after-life could teach him. Tied and hampered, as L. Mozart was, in all these endeavours by the conditions of his life in Salzburg, one support remained of which he could not be deprived; this was the beauty of the surrounding scenery. True, he makes no mention of it in his letters, but the dwellers in beautiful neighbourhoods seldom express enthusiastic admiration unless it is called forth by the observation of strangers. Whether consciously or not, however, the influence of rich and beautiful scenery must be felt by a finely organised mind, and the good fortune of a youth passed amid such impressions of surrounding nature is not less to be prized than any other happy dispensation which wakens to life the slumbering powers of the soul.
Intercourse with cultivated and art-loving men, so indispensable to a liberal education, was not easy of attainment in Salzburg. Such men were few, and almost exclusively belonged to the higher nobility. Two Counts Firmian, brothers to the Governor-General of Lombardy (p. no), were men of a lively interest in and appreciation of science and art. While still at the university they had founded a literary society which had considerable influence in spite of the strong opposition which its free scientific tendencies drew upon it.3One of the brothers, Vigilius Maria, who was provost of the cathedral, possessed a carefully selected library, and was familiar with the literature of all theTHE NOBILITY OF SALZBURG.European countries; the other, Franz Lactantius, Lord High Chamberlain to the Archbishop, was a connoisseur of painting and possessed an excellent collection of pictures. But he seems to have had little idea of music; for although he was extremely well disposed towards Wolfgang, the latter writes to his father (July 9, 1778) that nothing can be done for music in Salzburg until it is altogether left to the kapellmeister, so that the Lord High Chamberlain may have no power to interfere: "for you cannot make a kapellmeister out of a cavalier, although you may make a cavalier out of a kapellmeister." Canon Count Anton Wilibald Wolfegg had travelled extensively in order to make himself acquainted with manufactures and industries, and had specially studied architecture. The Master of the Horse, Count Leopold Joseph Küenberg, was a well-read and accomplished man; the Bishop of Chiemsee, Count Ferdinand von Zeil, was as distinguished for intellect and cultivation as for nobility of disposition.4We may gather that all these men were well disposed towards Mozart. The Chamberlain, Count George Anton Felix von Arco, the Court Marshal, Count Nicolaus Sebastian von Lodron, and the Captain of the Body-Guard, Count Leopold von Lodron, were also among his patrons. He had free entry into their houses, played at their entertainments, and gave lessons to their daughters, all the ladies, old and young, vying with each other in attentions to the distinguished virtuoso. Wolfgang sends a respectful kiss of the hand from Milan (February 17, 1770) to her Excellency Countess Arco, and thanks her for the kiss she had sent him, which he prized more highly than many a salute from a younger person. Differences of rank, however, and of personal circumstances rendered difficult any such friendly intercourse as would have been of advantage to Mozart both socially and professionally.
The circle was not an artistic one. Wolfgang praises Count Salem in Munich (October 2, 1777), and calls him aEARLY MANHOOD.true connoisseur. "He says 'Bravo!' when the other cavaliers take a pinch of snuff, or blow their noses, or cough, or begin a conversation."
The smaller or, as it was called, the "wilde" nobility lived for the most part on the numerous smaller court offices, the incomes of which did not enable them to make a show in proportion to their rank; they strove to indemnify themselves by pride and haughtiness, although there were some few cultivated families among them.5With some of these, and more particularly with their younger members, we find Wolfgang in close intercourse, but the friendship was in most instances a superficial one, which did not stand the test of years and absence. Herr von Mölk, son of the Court Chancellor, is mentioned as a friend of Wolfgang's, and an unsuccessful suitor of his sister Marianne; it was he who was so amazed and delighted with the performance of the opera at Munich that the Mozarts were ashamed of him, because it was evident that he had seen nothing all his life but Salzburg and Innspruck.6Mozart was more attached, at least in his early years, to Fräulein W. von Mölk, to whom he sends a message that he would like the same reward from her that he had for the last minuets; she knows what that is. That his heart was somewhat susceptible of impression in youth is evident from the mysterious allusions which Wolfgang makes in his letters to his sister; she is to visit—she knows whom—to give tender messages, &c. When he went to Italy in 1772, an expression in a letter from his father points to a daughter of Dr. Barisani as his reigning goddess. Other friends of Mozart's youth were Herr von Hefner, son of the town syndic; Herr von Aman, of whom he was very fond as a boy, though the intimacy afterwards died out, and Joachim von Schiedenhofen, who disgusted Mozart by marrying for money. Von Schiedenhofen kept in his youth a "diary of his own doings," extracts from which, relating to the years 1774-1777, take note of all the visits ofSOCIETY IN SALZBURG.the Mozart family. These extracts prove that the Mozarts were on friendly terms with many other court officials. They visited each other in the afternoons and evenings, and either played cards or had music. Regular entertainments are mentioned, such as meetings for the bolt-shooting which we shall presently describe, and a card club; the friends also went to concerts and masquerades together.
Intercourse with families of the citizen class, which could not fail to result from the position held by the Mozarts, and from their many years residence in the place, was more of a recreation for idle hours than a means of intellectual improvement; occasional allusions to Salzburg society are not of a favourable nature.7Among their intimate friends was our old acquaintance Hagenauer, a merchant, and for many years their landlord. We may gather from the confidential letters addressed to him by L. Mozart on the first journey that he was not only sincerely attached to them and always ready with advice and help, but that he had cultivation and tastes in advance of his surroundings. His wife, judging from some remarks of L. Mozart, was somewhat bigoted and fond of priestly intercourse. The closest friend of the family, however, who possessed the confidence both of father and children, was Jos. Bullinger, a priest, who had been educated at the Jesuit seminary in Munich and was tutor in the family of Count Arco at Salzburg. "The faithful Bullinger" was "always a chief person" in the Mozarts' house; in Wolfgang's letters home he not only always sends messages to his "good friend Bullinger," but he begs that his letters may be read to him, and sometimes that important secrets may be told to no one but Nannerl and Bullinger. After the mother's death in Paris, Wolfgang intrusted him with the mournful task of breaking the news gently to his father, which Bullinger didEARLY MANHOOD.with equal tact and sympathy; and when Wolfgang was forced, much against his will, to return to Salzburg, it was to his friend Bullinger that he poured out his heavy laden heart (August 7, 1778). And the attachment was mutual. When Wolfgang was on his way home from Paris, and his father and sister, anxious for news of him, confessed and communicated with many prayers for the preservation of their dear one, "the faithful Bullinger" also "prayed for him daily in the holy mass" (October 19, 1778). The father, too, had good cause to declare that Bullinger was his best and truest friend, from whom he had received "much courtesy and kindness," and who, when he was in embarrassment during Wolfgang's journey, assisted him by a considerable loan.
He placed the fullest confidence in Bullinger, shared with him all his plans for Wolfgang, and took counsel with him on many occasions. The friendship between them was well known in Salzburg; and in the efforts that were made to recall Wolfgang from Vienna Bullinger was employed as a go-between. He seems to have had some taste for music; at least, we hear of his taking part in some private concerts, which were held every Sunday at eleven o'clock; and Wolfgang writes, after his departure (October 11, 1777), begging him to "hold an official discourse, and give his compliments to all the members of the Academy."
Opportunities for social gaiety were more freely afforded to pleasure-loving Salzburg under Archbishop Hieronymus than under his predecessor Sigismund, whose tastes were not nearly so cheerful nor so liberal.8Salzburg society was characterised as follows: "The country gentlemen hunt and go to church; those next below them go to church and hunt; the next lower rank eat, drink, and pray; and the lowest of all pray, drink, and eat. The two latter classes conduct their love affairs in public, and the two former in private; all alike live in sensual indulgence."
AMUSEMENTS IN SALZBURG.
In 1775 a spacious hall, with some side apartments, were added to the town hall, and there, during the carnival, masked balls were given under the supervision of the magistrate, as well as concerts and other entertainments. Mozart, who was fond of dancing and jokes, excelled in masquerading; Schiedenhofen mentions his having amused every one as a peasant bridegroom, and another time as a young dandy.
But even in Salzburg the most popular entertainment was the play; a theatre was built expressly for the court on the right bank of the Salzach, and there in winter performances were given by the Munich or some other travelling company,9sledge parties and others being formed for the purpose of attending. In summer, excursions were made to the numerous objects of interest in the neighbourhood, a very favourite one being to the royal park of Hellbronn.10The Mozarts rarely participated in these pleasures.
Although the father was able to write to his son (February 12,1778): "Consider whether I have not always helped you to procure every possible pleasure that was harmless and sensible, often at the cost of great personal inconvenience," yet his limited circumstances prohibited any very frequent indulgence in such pleasures.
The increasing expenses, which he justly ascribed to the parsimonious system of the government,11necessitated the strictest economy on his part. He laid these circumstances clearly before his son (February 16, 1778):—
It has been very hard work for me ever since your birth, and even before, to support a wife and seven children, besides your grandmother and several others, on twenty florins a month, taking into account child-births, deaths, and illnesses. If you calculate these expenses you will readily believe that not only have I never had a kreutzer to spend on my own pleasure, but that it has only been by the grace of God and hard work that I have kept free from debt. I have sacrificed my whole time to you two children in order that when the time came you might be ableEARLY MANHOOD.both to maintain yourselves, and also provide me with the means of spending a peaceful old age, occupied only with thoughts for the safety of my soul, and preparations for a happy death."
But L. Mozart's economy was judicious. "Buy nothing that is bad," he wrote to his wife (October 26, 1771), "there is no saving in buying bad things." The simplicity of the manners of the household, and the modest nature of the enjoyments, may be proved by the extreme and constant popularity among the whole circle of a game called "bolt-shooting" (bölzelschiessen). A number of intimates formed themselves into a sort of little guild, and met every Sunday at the various houses of the members. Each player in turn threw a bolt or quoit, and numerous were the jokes to which the game gave rise. A sort of rivalry grew up in the furnishing of each quoit with inscriptions bearing on the foibles and peculiarities of the different players, and the tendency to joking and sarcasm of the good Salzburgers was thereby encouraged and indulged. A pleasant sociable kind of intercourse grew out of these constant meetings. The following instance will show the kind of pleasantry that was allowable on such occasions. Leopold tells his son (November 11, 1780) how one of the lady members, who was a little bit of a coquette, happened one day to trip on the step of a shop she was entering in full daylight, and to fall in a very inelegant posture. This was duly portrayed with appropriate verses on the quoit, to the uncontrollable merriment of the whole party. The bolt-shooting is never forgotten in the family correspondence; amusing quoit pictures are forwarded to absent members, and their share of the winnings received by their proxies. Mozart writes to his sister from Vienna (July 4, 1781) : "Is it not about time for the shooting supper? Pray do not forget to drink the health of a faithful shooter with due honours, and tell me when it comes to my turn, that I may paint a quoit."
Under these circumstances, the encouragement which Wolfgang needed to render his arduous labours pleasant and satisfactory could only be looked for from the sympathy of his colleagues, and the favour with which his performances were received. But, unfavourable as the state of thingsINTERCOURSE WITH FELLOW-MUSICIANS.was in Salzburg in other respects, on this point it was simply intolerable. Individual musicians, such as the faithful Schachtner, who were free from envy, and had cultivation and industry enough to appreciate intercourse with the Mozart family, formed a close and constant friendship with them. But, with the majority, intimacy was on many accounts out of the question, even when, as in the case of Michael Haydn and Adlgasser, they deserved all recognition as artists.12It was in contrast to Salzburg that L. Mozart praises the orchestra at Mannheim as "young men of good morals, neither tipplers nor gamblers, nor miserable blockheads, whose conduct and performances are alike admirable" (July 19, 1763). Wolfgang made similar observations in after years, and wrote to his father from Paris (July 9,1778) how businesslike everything was under Cannabich's conductorship, how implicitly he was obeyed, and what much better lives the musicians lived there than at Salzburg. "One of my chief reasons for detesting Salzburg is the impossibility of associating, as an honest man, with the coarse, stupid, dissolute musicians belonging to the court; one is quite ashamed of them, and it is they who bring music generally into disfavour." We can well understand how frequently the Mozart family would give offence to men of small cultivation and ill-regulated tastes. As a childish prodigy Mozart had amused them by his childlike candour and engaging confidence; but as a growing youth his performances became an intolerable source of annoyance and envy to them, not lessened by the brilliant recognition which he met with outside the walls of his native town. Their ill-will was doubtless also increased by the reserve of the Mozarts, their claims to superior cultivation, and the justification sometimes accorded to these claims; and although the father's prudence and the mother's good nature would prevent any open rupture with their colleagues, yet a tendency to severe criticism, sometimes jokingly, sometimes sarcastically expressed, is common to all the Mozarts. If we may judge of the tone of their actualEARLY MANHOOD.intercourse by the numerous allusions in their letters (and Wolfgang's forte was certainly not prudent reserve), then, indeed, Salzburg might well dread the sharpness of the Mozart tongue.
The family were on least friendly terms with the Italians attached to the service of the Archbishop. Almost everywhere in Germany the idea was firmly rooted that the reputation of the musical establishments could only be upheld by summoning composers and virtuosi from Italy. When Wolfgang wrote to his father from Munich (September 29, 1777): "So it is! All the great people have a rage for foreigners!" His father consoled him by answering (October 4,1777): "The rage for Italians is almost confined to Munich; it exists in an exaggerated degree. In Mannheim, everything is German, except a couple of male sopranos. At Trêves, under the Elector, Prince Clement of Saxony, the Maestro alone is Italian; Mayence is altogether German; and at Würzburg the only foreigner is Signor Fracassini, a violinist, now, I believe, kapellmeister, and that only for the sake of his German wife, a vocalist and a native of Würzburg. There are no foreigners at any of the smaller Protestant courts." Notwithstanding, however, the reduction of the operatic and court establishment of Stuttgart in 1768, by the dismissal of some of its chief members, the taste and feeling, as well as the majority of thepersonnel, continued to be purely Italian;13and at Bonn many Italians belonged to the court establishment, under the leadership of Lucchesi.14L. Mozart does not allude to North Germany, since it lay out of Wolfgang's projected path. The natural consequence of the intrusion of foreigners was ceaseless contention between the German musicians, who saw themselves slighted and aggrieved, and the Italians, who made their superiority most offensively felt.15Mozart had to suffer from foreign intriguesITALIANS IN SALZBURG.not only in Milan while composing his opera (p. 130), but perhaps also in Munich, and certainly in Salzburg. Archbishop Hieronymus, who set a low value on anything belonging to Salzburg, although he paid a high price for many a native manufacture bearing a foreign stamp,16introduced Italians into his band, because it had been blamed as "rough and rapid in execution, and not delicate nor in the best taste."17The kapellmeister Lolli, having become old and incapable, was replaced by Fischietti in 1772; this was a disappointment to L. Mozart, whose claims to the office were well founded, since he was considered to have placed music on its then excellent footing.18Among the soloists Brunetti was appointed to the violin, Ferrari to the violoncello, Ferlendi to the oboe, and Ceccarelli was male soprano. These Italians were not only better paid than native artists, but the "foreign asses," as Michael Haydn called them, relying on the favour of the Archbishop, conducted themselves with insolence and ill-breeding.19There can be no question that the annoyance to the two Mozarts was great at seeing strangers, far below them in social position and talent, preferred before them, while all the hard labour devolved upon themselves. Fischietti's compositions were few and far between; Wolfgang was always ready to compose operatic or sacred, vocal or instrumental music, as occasion arose. All this implanted a rooted dislike to foreigners in Mozart's young mind which the experiences of his later years did much to confirm. But the artistic element of his nature was far too strong and too pure to allow personal consideration to influence his judgment on Italian music; his heart was so sound and good that heEARLY MANHOOD.could overcome his dislike to the nation in his intercourse with individuals: it only transpires every now and then.
It was not very likely that the Mozarts—father or son—would be in high favour at court. We do not know much of their dealings with Archbishop Sigismund; but the difficulty L. Mozart had in renewing his leave of absence proves that the Archbishop was not overpleased with his repeated and lengthened stays abroad.20Wolfgang received an official post and the title of Concertmeister some time before 1770, but no salary; and even after the production of "Ascanio in Alba" L. Mozart was in doubt as to whether the Archbishop would remember his son if any vacancy occurred (p. 134). It is not known whether the salary of 150 gulden a year which he drew as Concertmeister had been granted to him by Sigismund; in any case it was not raised until 1777 by his successor, whose own sister, the Countess Schönborn, as Wolfgang writes (September 26, 1777), "positively refused to believe that he had had a monthly keepsake of twelve florins thirty kreutzers."
Mozart's position was still more unfavourable under Hieronymus, who never forgave the inhabitants of Salzburg their strongly expressed opposition to his election as Archbishop.21He knew himself to be unpopular, and, instead of courting popularity, openly displayed his contempt for his subjects.22He was a man of acute and enlightened intellect, and carried out some important reforms in his governmentARCHBISHOP HIERONYMUS.with a firm hand; but he was self-willed, parsimonious, and unscrupulous.23He seldom expressed satisfaction with his officials. His disdainful mode of address to all but those of the highest nobility, and the irritable tone of his conversation, kept all about him in timid subordination. Even his appearance (although he was of mean stature and sickly complexion)—the sharp glance of his grey eyes, the left eye rarely fully open, and the decided lines round his mouth—commanded respect and fear.24There were other circumstances besides their German extraction and Salzburg birth which rendered the two Mozarts obnoxious to the Archbishop. Count Ferdinand von Zeil, afterwards Bishop of Chiemsee, to whose generous withdrawal Hieronymus owed his election,25was one of Mozart's warmest and most constant supporters, and for him Mozart, like all Salzburg, felt the deepest love and respect. This was not the way to the favour of Hieronymus. L. Mozart's independent demeanour, doing his duty and going his way without obsequiousness or flattery, and Wolfgang's open-mouthed candour, causing him occasionally to forget his official position and the reserve it should have entailed, were so many reasons for additional tyranny on the part of the Archbishop. Added to this was the fact that Mozart, with his slender figure and boyish countenance, made a poor personal impression on Hieronymus, who was singularly apt to be imposed upon by men of commanding height and appearance.26He refused any recognition of Wolfgang's musical accomplishments, and was unsparing in his criticism of them,27telling him—asEARLY MANHOOD.Leopold wrote to Padre Martini (December 22, 1777)—that he knew nothing of his art, and should go and study at the Naples Conservatoire that he might learn something; a sufficiently unreasonable proposal to an academician of Bologna and Verona—to a young man who had traversed Italy in triumph as a composer and virtuoso. True, Mozart had no great respect for the Archbishop's critical judgment, but in the mouth of his Prince such an expression of opinion was of very unpleasant significance; for, in point of fact, Hieronymus was well aware of Mozart's genius, and never failed to honour him with commissions when any new composition was required, for which he never paid him a penny. Even if otherwise, those around him would have put him right on the point; it was of set purpose that he gave vent to these insults. He imagined that contemptuous expressions of opinion as to his performances would be the most effectual means of preventing the younger Concertmeister from preferring his claim to a higher salary than 150 gulden a year.
Such were the continual insults and opposition borne by the father and son, each on behalf of the other. "I hope" wrote Wolfgang, "that you are less annoyed than when I was in Salzburg, for I must acknowledge that I was the cause of it. I was badly treated; I did not deserve it. You naturally took my part, but too strongly; I assure you that was the chief reason that I hurried out of Salzburg." To this his father answers (November 17, 1777): "You are quite right as to my extreme annoyance at the tyrannical treatment you received; it gnawed at my heart, and prevented my sleeping; it was always in my thoughts, and would in the end have destroyed me. My dear son, when you are happy, I am happy; and your mother and sister—we are all happy; and this happiness I hope for, by the grace of God and my confidence in your own good sense." L. Mozart saw from the beginning that Wolfgang would never fill a position worthy of him in Salzburg; and he exerted himself in vain to procure a post for him at some other court. The greatest caution was necessary to keep his negotiations a secret at Salzburg; for hisPLANS FOR MOZART'S FUTURE.enemies would not fail to seize the opportunity of injuring him, perhaps of displacing him altogether. Aware of the folly of endangering his assured position, uncomfortable though it might be, he strove to allay the growing impatience of his son. The latter desired that the whole family should gain their livelihood by a grand professional tour, until they could find a secure and happier position in some place or other. His father, wiser and more experienced, pointed out to him (December 18, 1777) how entirely their circumstances had altered since his childhood, how hard it would be to gain subsistence for a whole family journeying about, how uncertain their means of maintenance would be; Leopold duly appreciated also the cares and dangers of a nomadic life. Nor was he more inclined to trust his son entirely alone. He knew Wolfgang's incapacity in all the concerns of practical life, particularly in travelling, since he "did not know the differences of coinage, and had no conception of packing up, or anything of that sort." He saw the hindrances which envy and mistrust would be sure to lay in the path of a young man who was striving to win his way by surpassing talent and great doings. Above all, he feared the temperament of his son, knowing that his careless frankness and good nature, coupled with his excitability and proneness to hasty rejoinder, would make him the easy prey of any one who might wish to use or to injure him. He addresses Wolfgang in words of warning (February 16, 1778):—
My dear Son,—You are too hot and hasty in all your affairs. Your character has entirely changed since your childhood and boyhood. You were grave and earnest as a child; and when you were busy over your music, no one might venture the least jesting with you. Even your countenance was so grave that many people in different countries believed that your precocious talent and serious face betokened an early death. Now, on the contrary, it appears to me that you are far too ready to answer jestingly on every occasion, which is the first step to a kind of familiarity which one should eschew if one desires to win respect in the world. It is your good heart which causes you to see no fault in a man, to give him your full confidence, provided he only extols you to the skies; whereas, as a boy, your excess of modesty made you cry when people praised you too much.
EARLY MANHOOD.
L. Mozart knew also that Wolfgang would be so engrossed in his art as to forget everything else, more especially whatever would be to his own advantage. He trembled for the dangers which would beset the inexperienced youth, leaving the narrow sphere of provincial life to encounter the temptations of the great world. He strove with all his might, therefore, to instil patience into his son, and represented to him that his probation in Salzburg was a necessary preparation for the tour, which would have far more certainty of success when he was somewhat maturer in age and education.
But even this patience had its limits. Wolfgang had not left Salzburg since he had produced the "Finta Giardiniera" at Munich, in 1775; if he did not wish to be altogether forgotten, he must again display his powers as a composer and executant. He had prepared himself for such a tour as he proposed by prolonged study and solo compositions. The numerous fair copies in the little books we have named had been made with the same object in view; they could be readily packed, and always at hand for performance, or to be copied again as presents. When everything was ready, the father and son applied to the Archbishop for permission to travel; this, as well as a petition for an increase of salary, was roundly refused; the Archbishop giving as his reason that he would not have his subjects "going on begging expeditions."
But the cup was now full to overflowing; Wolfgang begged leave to resign his post at Salzburg, and the Archbishop, enraged at having the tables turned upon him, accepted the resignation in the most ungracious manner. It was even expected that his anger would extend to the father, and that he had given orders to strike L. Mozart's name off the list of his musicians. This, however, was not the case; with an ungracious remark the Archbishop allowed him to retain his place.
Wolfgang's resignation excited much notice in Salzburg; and the universal regret was shared even by those immediately round the Archbishop. Count von Firmian, who was extremely fond of Wolfgang, was rejoicing on his return from a journey (as L. Mozart relates, October 4, 1777) inRESIGNATION OF SERVICE AT COURT.the pleasure that a riding-horse he had purchased for him would give his young friend, when he was met by the lamentable intelligence. When he paid his respects to the Archbishop, the latter remarked: "We have one musician less since you left." He answered, "Your Grace has lost a great performer." "How so?" "He is the greatest clavier-player that I ever heard in my life; he has done your grace good service on the violin, and he is a first-rate composer." Whereupon the Archbishop was silent. Canon Count Jos. Starhemberg too, declared later (June 29, 1778) that Mozart's complaints were fully justified, and that all visitors to Salzburg had admired young Mozart, by whom he himself was quite captivated.