89By the above letter, the writer is also enabled to correct a mis-statement at page 29 of the present volume. The election of Wallace to theRegencydid not (as is there mentioned) take place before his advance into England. The authority by which he and Sir Andrew Murray made the preparations for the invasion, appear to have been derived from the community of Scotland, and “duces exercitus regni Scotie” the highest title they considered themselves invested with at the time.90Under the impression that the letter and charters alluded to above are the composition of Wallace, we conceive some of our readers may not be displeased with the following attempt at a translation of the charter in favour of Scrymgeour, as they will then have in this volume English versions of every known document that can with any probability be considered as emanating from the pen of Wallace.“Charter of Sir William Wallace, Guardian of Scotland, in the name of King John Baliol, with the seal of the same John.“William Walays, Knight, Guardian of the Kingdom of Scotland, and Leader of the Armies of the same, in the name of the excellent Prince Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland,—with the consent of the community of the same kingdom.—To all trusty men of the said kingdom, to whom the present writing may come, Eternal Salvation in the Lord.—Be it known to You all, that We, in the name of our foresaid Lord the King of Scotland, by the consent and approbation of the Grandees of said kingdom, Give and Concede, and that self same donation and concession by the present charter, Do confirm, to Alexander, named Skirmischur, six merks of land in the territory of Dundee, namely, that land which is called the Upper Field near the town of Dundee, on the north side, with those acres in the west field, commonly fronting the Royal Grounds, near the town of Dundee, on the west side, and also the Royal Meadow in the foresaid territory of Dundee, and also the Constabulary of the Castle of Dundee, with the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging thereto, without any reservation whatsoever, on performing homage to the foresaid Lord and King, and his heirs or his successors; and for the faithful service and assistance rendered to his foresaid kingdom, in bearing the Royal Standard in the Army of Scotland, at the time the present writing has been drawn up.—Securing and preserving to the foresaid Alexander and his heirs, from our said Lord the King, and his heirs or his successors, free, quiet, entire, peaceable, and honourable possession, in perpetuity, with all the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging to said land, meadow above named, and forementioned Constabulary, fronting as at present, or in what manner soever in future, on performing annually therefore to the Lord the King, and his heirs or successors, namely, for the foresaid land, meadow and Constabulary, with their rights, liberties and privileges, the service attached to said Constabulary, as well as for all that in future may be required on account of the foresaids. In testimony of which, the commonsealCof the foresaid kingdom of Scotland has been affixed to the present writing. Given at Torphichen, on the 29th day of March, in the year of Grace 1298.”CAn engraving from this seal forms the frontispiece to the first volume of this work.91Sir Andrew Murray, who was killed at the battle of Stirling, was married to a sister of Cumyn, Lord of Badenoch.—VideScottish Baronage.92The arms of the Earl of Dunbar, were gules, a lion rampant, argent, within a bordure of the second, charged with a rose of the first. The banner of the son, at the siege of Carlaverock, was the same as that of the father, with the addition of a blue label.93“Lychtly he lowch, in scorn as it had beyn,And said; ‘He had sic message seyldyn seyne,That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng.That king off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land.That bachiller trowis, for fortoun schawis her quhell,Thar with to lest; it sall nocht lang be weill.Bot to yow, lordis, and ye will wndirstand,I mak yow wyss, I aw to mak na band.Als fre I am in this regioun to ryng,Lord off myn awne, as euyr was prince or king.In Ingland als gret part off land I haiff;Manreut tharoff thar will no man me craiff.Quhat will ye mar? I warne yow, I am fre;For your somoundis ye get no mar off me.’”In corroboration of an insolent answer having been returned by the Earl of Dunbar, Dr Jamieson quotes the following authority: “When summoned by the guardian of Scotland to attend a convention at Perth, he contemptuously refused. Blind Harrie is supported by the Tower Records.” Caledonia, ii. p. 246.Also on the following lines of the answer,“That King off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land,”the Doctor remarks “I need scarcely say, that the earl had given Wallace this contemptuous designation, as being a native of the district of Kyle in Ayrshire.” It is with much reluctance we hazard an opinion at variance with so learned and respectable an authority as Dr Jamieson, more particularly, where the subject is one connected with a study, in the pursuit of which, he has acquired a lasting and well-merited reputation. That the scoffing Earl intended any allusion to the birth-place of Wallace, by styling him “King of Kyle,” we would feel inclined to question, even if it had been established that he was a native of that district. Kyle, as well as Carrick, (two neighbouring districts of Ayrshire), are derived from the Celtic words,Cóille, andCarraig; the former signifying a forest, or woody district, and the latter the rocky portion of the country, two terms perfectly descriptive of the localities of both districts. Wallace had always been spoken of, by the English and their emissaries, as a leader of a banditti. Langtoft calls him “William Waleis that maister was of theves;” and they represented him as a sort of Robin Hood, who had established his authority in the woods of Scotland, in the same manner as the “King of merry Sherwood” had done in the forest of that name. When Gospatrick, therefore, called Wallace “King of Kyll,” we presume he meant to call him “King of the Forest,” which implied a king of robbers and outlaws; and that this was the sense in which it was understood by him and the Scottish nobles, is evident from the indignation it excited, and the instant determination of the Guardian to revenge the insult which had been thus offered to himself and those under his authority. To have called him the king of the place in which he was born, could not be considered by Wallace as a very grievous insult, considering the situation he occupied. ThatCóillewas at one time generally used all over Scotland to designate a wood, or forest, is evident from the names of many places in which the word can still be traced. It is, however, sometimes improperly confounded withCill, (a place of interment). We are afraid that the above etymology will not meet the approbation of the favourers of the pretensions of Old King Coilus, but this we cannot help; and have only to regret that the ancient language of the country has been so little consulted by those who engage to write its history.94This youth succeeded to his father’s honours in 1309, being then 24 years of age. The foreign predilections of the old baron, for a long time regulated the conduct of the son; and it was owing to him that Edward II. escaped the pursuit of Bruce, after the battle of Bannockburn.95A translation of the above document has been given by some writers nearly to the following effect:—“Andrew Murray and William Wallace, commanders of the army of Scotland, in the name of the excellent Prince Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland, with the consent of the community of the same kingdom, to all men of the said kingdom, greeting. Know ye, that we, in the name of the said King, have taken the Prior and Convent of Hexhildesham in Northumberland, their lands, men, possessions, and all their goods, moveable and immoveable, under the firm peace and protection of the said Lord the King and ours. Wherefore we strictly forbid you to do any hurt, mischief, or injury whatsoever, to them, in persons, lands or goods, under penalty of forfeiture of your own goods and estates to the said Lord the King, or to kill them, or any of them, under pain of death. These presents to remain in force for one year, and no longer. Given at Hexhildesham the 7th day of November.”96Blore’s “Monumental Remains.”97“Siege of Carlaverock.”98This celebrated Inn of Court is recorded to have been the town residence of the Bishops of Chichester, from the reign of Henry III. till that of Henry VIII. It seems, however, to have been for a short time possessed by the subject of this memoir, who, although the only Earl of Lincoln who resided there, left it the name, which it has permanently retained during the five subsequent centuries. The arms of Lacy, on the gatehouse in Chancery-Lane, were erected by Sir Thomas Lovel, together with his own, 1518.99VideLangtoft, vol. ii. 275–6. This author does not say a word of Baliol and his barons having been made acquainted with the agreement to surrender the castle on the third day.100From the following reproof, which he gave the Treasurer at Roslin, it would appear that these, or similar monies due to him, had not been justly settled for; and perhaps the chagrin he felt on that account may have partly occasioned his defection from Edward.“Symon was austere, to Rauf spak fulle grim:‘That mad the Tresorere thou has desceyued him,& me & many mo, fro our wages zede quite.Sir Rauf thou resceyued tho, bi taile & bi scrite,Thou did vs more trauaile, ilk man thou reft his wage.Now salle I wite the taile, & put the in the Arerage,Of preste thou has no merke, albe ne non amite,Bot laced in a hauberke, thai is no clerkis abite.For alle tho clerkes of Rome, that sing in kirk or rede,Thou salle haf thi dome, als thou serued in dede.’”Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 319.101Harl. MSS. 266.102Harl. MSS. No. 2253.103Ancient Songs.104Fœdera, N. E. vol. i. 872105In this explanation of the term, the writer finds himself at variance with the opinion of Mr Tytler, who says, “schiltron” seems to denote nothing more than a compact body of men. As this restricted meaning of the expression appears to have been adopted on the authority of Hemingford, who says, “qui quidem circuli Schiltronis vocabantur,” it is to be inferred that he has not examined the term with his accustomed accuracy.Schiltronis, without doubt, compounded of the two Saxon words “scheld” and “roun.” When a general, in giving the word of command, called out “Scheltron” to any portion of his army, they would have as little difficulty in understanding him, as a modern battalion would if ordered to “form square.” It may also be observed, that by placing their shields together, they derived considerable advantage, being thereby enabled to form with greater celerity; and when once in order, a more impenetrable figure could not be presented to the attack of an enemy. That this is the ancient meaning of the word, is evident from the manner it is used by old chroniclers. Hearne, in his Glossary to Peter Langtoft, thus explains “Schelde,”shield,target,buckler,protection,government. “Sheltron,”shelter,covering, or rathershiltrons, orround battailes. The expression, therefore, in Hemingford, of “circuli schiltronis,” only shows that a man, even in a learned language, may utter an absurdity.In order to render the schiltron formidable in offensive warfare, it was necessary to have the centre occupied with archers, who, enclosed within the barrier of the spearmen, could ply their deadly shafts in comparative security. That this was part of the plan of Wallace to supply his deficiency in cavalry at the battle of Falkirk, is highly probable. By this measure, neither the superiority of the enemy in this formidable description of force, nor the desertion of the Scottish cavalry, would have been so severely felt. That this arrangement did not take place, was very likely owing to the pertinacity of Steward, who commanded the archers, and rashly exposed himself and those under him to the overwhelming charges of the heavy armed squadrons of the English. This obstinacy on the part of the knight of Bonkill, affords a very natural solution of the feud between him and Wallace. Had the archers been in the centre of the schiltrons, they could have returned the murderous discharge of their enemies’ missiles with corresponding effect, and have eventually produced a more favourable termination to the operations of the day.106ToThe Bruce and The Wallace, vol. ii. Edin. 1820, 4to.
89By the above letter, the writer is also enabled to correct a mis-statement at page 29 of the present volume. The election of Wallace to theRegencydid not (as is there mentioned) take place before his advance into England. The authority by which he and Sir Andrew Murray made the preparations for the invasion, appear to have been derived from the community of Scotland, and “duces exercitus regni Scotie” the highest title they considered themselves invested with at the time.
89By the above letter, the writer is also enabled to correct a mis-statement at page 29 of the present volume. The election of Wallace to theRegencydid not (as is there mentioned) take place before his advance into England. The authority by which he and Sir Andrew Murray made the preparations for the invasion, appear to have been derived from the community of Scotland, and “duces exercitus regni Scotie” the highest title they considered themselves invested with at the time.
90Under the impression that the letter and charters alluded to above are the composition of Wallace, we conceive some of our readers may not be displeased with the following attempt at a translation of the charter in favour of Scrymgeour, as they will then have in this volume English versions of every known document that can with any probability be considered as emanating from the pen of Wallace.“Charter of Sir William Wallace, Guardian of Scotland, in the name of King John Baliol, with the seal of the same John.“William Walays, Knight, Guardian of the Kingdom of Scotland, and Leader of the Armies of the same, in the name of the excellent Prince Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland,—with the consent of the community of the same kingdom.—To all trusty men of the said kingdom, to whom the present writing may come, Eternal Salvation in the Lord.—Be it known to You all, that We, in the name of our foresaid Lord the King of Scotland, by the consent and approbation of the Grandees of said kingdom, Give and Concede, and that self same donation and concession by the present charter, Do confirm, to Alexander, named Skirmischur, six merks of land in the territory of Dundee, namely, that land which is called the Upper Field near the town of Dundee, on the north side, with those acres in the west field, commonly fronting the Royal Grounds, near the town of Dundee, on the west side, and also the Royal Meadow in the foresaid territory of Dundee, and also the Constabulary of the Castle of Dundee, with the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging thereto, without any reservation whatsoever, on performing homage to the foresaid Lord and King, and his heirs or his successors; and for the faithful service and assistance rendered to his foresaid kingdom, in bearing the Royal Standard in the Army of Scotland, at the time the present writing has been drawn up.—Securing and preserving to the foresaid Alexander and his heirs, from our said Lord the King, and his heirs or his successors, free, quiet, entire, peaceable, and honourable possession, in perpetuity, with all the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging to said land, meadow above named, and forementioned Constabulary, fronting as at present, or in what manner soever in future, on performing annually therefore to the Lord the King, and his heirs or successors, namely, for the foresaid land, meadow and Constabulary, with their rights, liberties and privileges, the service attached to said Constabulary, as well as for all that in future may be required on account of the foresaids. In testimony of which, the commonsealCof the foresaid kingdom of Scotland has been affixed to the present writing. Given at Torphichen, on the 29th day of March, in the year of Grace 1298.”
90Under the impression that the letter and charters alluded to above are the composition of Wallace, we conceive some of our readers may not be displeased with the following attempt at a translation of the charter in favour of Scrymgeour, as they will then have in this volume English versions of every known document that can with any probability be considered as emanating from the pen of Wallace.
“Charter of Sir William Wallace, Guardian of Scotland, in the name of King John Baliol, with the seal of the same John.
“William Walays, Knight, Guardian of the Kingdom of Scotland, and Leader of the Armies of the same, in the name of the excellent Prince Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland,—with the consent of the community of the same kingdom.—To all trusty men of the said kingdom, to whom the present writing may come, Eternal Salvation in the Lord.—Be it known to You all, that We, in the name of our foresaid Lord the King of Scotland, by the consent and approbation of the Grandees of said kingdom, Give and Concede, and that self same donation and concession by the present charter, Do confirm, to Alexander, named Skirmischur, six merks of land in the territory of Dundee, namely, that land which is called the Upper Field near the town of Dundee, on the north side, with those acres in the west field, commonly fronting the Royal Grounds, near the town of Dundee, on the west side, and also the Royal Meadow in the foresaid territory of Dundee, and also the Constabulary of the Castle of Dundee, with the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging thereto, without any reservation whatsoever, on performing homage to the foresaid Lord and King, and his heirs or his successors; and for the faithful service and assistance rendered to his foresaid kingdom, in bearing the Royal Standard in the Army of Scotland, at the time the present writing has been drawn up.—Securing and preserving to the foresaid Alexander and his heirs, from our said Lord the King, and his heirs or his successors, free, quiet, entire, peaceable, and honourable possession, in perpetuity, with all the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging to said land, meadow above named, and forementioned Constabulary, fronting as at present, or in what manner soever in future, on performing annually therefore to the Lord the King, and his heirs or successors, namely, for the foresaid land, meadow and Constabulary, with their rights, liberties and privileges, the service attached to said Constabulary, as well as for all that in future may be required on account of the foresaids. In testimony of which, the commonsealCof the foresaid kingdom of Scotland has been affixed to the present writing. Given at Torphichen, on the 29th day of March, in the year of Grace 1298.”
CAn engraving from this seal forms the frontispiece to the first volume of this work.
CAn engraving from this seal forms the frontispiece to the first volume of this work.
CAn engraving from this seal forms the frontispiece to the first volume of this work.
91Sir Andrew Murray, who was killed at the battle of Stirling, was married to a sister of Cumyn, Lord of Badenoch.—VideScottish Baronage.
91Sir Andrew Murray, who was killed at the battle of Stirling, was married to a sister of Cumyn, Lord of Badenoch.—VideScottish Baronage.
92The arms of the Earl of Dunbar, were gules, a lion rampant, argent, within a bordure of the second, charged with a rose of the first. The banner of the son, at the siege of Carlaverock, was the same as that of the father, with the addition of a blue label.
92The arms of the Earl of Dunbar, were gules, a lion rampant, argent, within a bordure of the second, charged with a rose of the first. The banner of the son, at the siege of Carlaverock, was the same as that of the father, with the addition of a blue label.
93“Lychtly he lowch, in scorn as it had beyn,And said; ‘He had sic message seyldyn seyne,That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng.That king off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land.That bachiller trowis, for fortoun schawis her quhell,Thar with to lest; it sall nocht lang be weill.Bot to yow, lordis, and ye will wndirstand,I mak yow wyss, I aw to mak na band.Als fre I am in this regioun to ryng,Lord off myn awne, as euyr was prince or king.In Ingland als gret part off land I haiff;Manreut tharoff thar will no man me craiff.Quhat will ye mar? I warne yow, I am fre;For your somoundis ye get no mar off me.’”In corroboration of an insolent answer having been returned by the Earl of Dunbar, Dr Jamieson quotes the following authority: “When summoned by the guardian of Scotland to attend a convention at Perth, he contemptuously refused. Blind Harrie is supported by the Tower Records.” Caledonia, ii. p. 246.Also on the following lines of the answer,“That King off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land,”the Doctor remarks “I need scarcely say, that the earl had given Wallace this contemptuous designation, as being a native of the district of Kyle in Ayrshire.” It is with much reluctance we hazard an opinion at variance with so learned and respectable an authority as Dr Jamieson, more particularly, where the subject is one connected with a study, in the pursuit of which, he has acquired a lasting and well-merited reputation. That the scoffing Earl intended any allusion to the birth-place of Wallace, by styling him “King of Kyle,” we would feel inclined to question, even if it had been established that he was a native of that district. Kyle, as well as Carrick, (two neighbouring districts of Ayrshire), are derived from the Celtic words,Cóille, andCarraig; the former signifying a forest, or woody district, and the latter the rocky portion of the country, two terms perfectly descriptive of the localities of both districts. Wallace had always been spoken of, by the English and their emissaries, as a leader of a banditti. Langtoft calls him “William Waleis that maister was of theves;” and they represented him as a sort of Robin Hood, who had established his authority in the woods of Scotland, in the same manner as the “King of merry Sherwood” had done in the forest of that name. When Gospatrick, therefore, called Wallace “King of Kyll,” we presume he meant to call him “King of the Forest,” which implied a king of robbers and outlaws; and that this was the sense in which it was understood by him and the Scottish nobles, is evident from the indignation it excited, and the instant determination of the Guardian to revenge the insult which had been thus offered to himself and those under his authority. To have called him the king of the place in which he was born, could not be considered by Wallace as a very grievous insult, considering the situation he occupied. ThatCóillewas at one time generally used all over Scotland to designate a wood, or forest, is evident from the names of many places in which the word can still be traced. It is, however, sometimes improperly confounded withCill, (a place of interment). We are afraid that the above etymology will not meet the approbation of the favourers of the pretensions of Old King Coilus, but this we cannot help; and have only to regret that the ancient language of the country has been so little consulted by those who engage to write its history.
93
“Lychtly he lowch, in scorn as it had beyn,And said; ‘He had sic message seyldyn seyne,That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng.That king off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land.That bachiller trowis, for fortoun schawis her quhell,Thar with to lest; it sall nocht lang be weill.Bot to yow, lordis, and ye will wndirstand,I mak yow wyss, I aw to mak na band.Als fre I am in this regioun to ryng,Lord off myn awne, as euyr was prince or king.In Ingland als gret part off land I haiff;Manreut tharoff thar will no man me craiff.Quhat will ye mar? I warne yow, I am fre;For your somoundis ye get no mar off me.’”
“Lychtly he lowch, in scorn as it had beyn,And said; ‘He had sic message seyldyn seyne,That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng.That king off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land.That bachiller trowis, for fortoun schawis her quhell,Thar with to lest; it sall nocht lang be weill.Bot to yow, lordis, and ye will wndirstand,I mak yow wyss, I aw to mak na band.Als fre I am in this regioun to ryng,Lord off myn awne, as euyr was prince or king.In Ingland als gret part off land I haiff;Manreut tharoff thar will no man me craiff.Quhat will ye mar? I warne yow, I am fre;For your somoundis ye get no mar off me.’”
“Lychtly he lowch, in scorn as it had beyn,And said; ‘He had sic message seyldyn seyne,That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng.That king off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land.That bachiller trowis, for fortoun schawis her quhell,Thar with to lest; it sall nocht lang be weill.Bot to yow, lordis, and ye will wndirstand,I mak yow wyss, I aw to mak na band.Als fre I am in this regioun to ryng,Lord off myn awne, as euyr was prince or king.In Ingland als gret part off land I haiff;Manreut tharoff thar will no man me craiff.Quhat will ye mar? I warne yow, I am fre;For your somoundis ye get no mar off me.’”
In corroboration of an insolent answer having been returned by the Earl of Dunbar, Dr Jamieson quotes the following authority: “When summoned by the guardian of Scotland to attend a convention at Perth, he contemptuously refused. Blind Harrie is supported by the Tower Records.” Caledonia, ii. p. 246.
Also on the following lines of the answer,
“That King off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land,”
“That King off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land,”
“That King off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;Off him I held neuir a fur off land,”
the Doctor remarks “I need scarcely say, that the earl had given Wallace this contemptuous designation, as being a native of the district of Kyle in Ayrshire.” It is with much reluctance we hazard an opinion at variance with so learned and respectable an authority as Dr Jamieson, more particularly, where the subject is one connected with a study, in the pursuit of which, he has acquired a lasting and well-merited reputation. That the scoffing Earl intended any allusion to the birth-place of Wallace, by styling him “King of Kyle,” we would feel inclined to question, even if it had been established that he was a native of that district. Kyle, as well as Carrick, (two neighbouring districts of Ayrshire), are derived from the Celtic words,Cóille, andCarraig; the former signifying a forest, or woody district, and the latter the rocky portion of the country, two terms perfectly descriptive of the localities of both districts. Wallace had always been spoken of, by the English and their emissaries, as a leader of a banditti. Langtoft calls him “William Waleis that maister was of theves;” and they represented him as a sort of Robin Hood, who had established his authority in the woods of Scotland, in the same manner as the “King of merry Sherwood” had done in the forest of that name. When Gospatrick, therefore, called Wallace “King of Kyll,” we presume he meant to call him “King of the Forest,” which implied a king of robbers and outlaws; and that this was the sense in which it was understood by him and the Scottish nobles, is evident from the indignation it excited, and the instant determination of the Guardian to revenge the insult which had been thus offered to himself and those under his authority. To have called him the king of the place in which he was born, could not be considered by Wallace as a very grievous insult, considering the situation he occupied. ThatCóillewas at one time generally used all over Scotland to designate a wood, or forest, is evident from the names of many places in which the word can still be traced. It is, however, sometimes improperly confounded withCill, (a place of interment). We are afraid that the above etymology will not meet the approbation of the favourers of the pretensions of Old King Coilus, but this we cannot help; and have only to regret that the ancient language of the country has been so little consulted by those who engage to write its history.
94This youth succeeded to his father’s honours in 1309, being then 24 years of age. The foreign predilections of the old baron, for a long time regulated the conduct of the son; and it was owing to him that Edward II. escaped the pursuit of Bruce, after the battle of Bannockburn.
94This youth succeeded to his father’s honours in 1309, being then 24 years of age. The foreign predilections of the old baron, for a long time regulated the conduct of the son; and it was owing to him that Edward II. escaped the pursuit of Bruce, after the battle of Bannockburn.
95A translation of the above document has been given by some writers nearly to the following effect:—“Andrew Murray and William Wallace, commanders of the army of Scotland, in the name of the excellent Prince Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland, with the consent of the community of the same kingdom, to all men of the said kingdom, greeting. Know ye, that we, in the name of the said King, have taken the Prior and Convent of Hexhildesham in Northumberland, their lands, men, possessions, and all their goods, moveable and immoveable, under the firm peace and protection of the said Lord the King and ours. Wherefore we strictly forbid you to do any hurt, mischief, or injury whatsoever, to them, in persons, lands or goods, under penalty of forfeiture of your own goods and estates to the said Lord the King, or to kill them, or any of them, under pain of death. These presents to remain in force for one year, and no longer. Given at Hexhildesham the 7th day of November.”
95A translation of the above document has been given by some writers nearly to the following effect:—“Andrew Murray and William Wallace, commanders of the army of Scotland, in the name of the excellent Prince Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland, with the consent of the community of the same kingdom, to all men of the said kingdom, greeting. Know ye, that we, in the name of the said King, have taken the Prior and Convent of Hexhildesham in Northumberland, their lands, men, possessions, and all their goods, moveable and immoveable, under the firm peace and protection of the said Lord the King and ours. Wherefore we strictly forbid you to do any hurt, mischief, or injury whatsoever, to them, in persons, lands or goods, under penalty of forfeiture of your own goods and estates to the said Lord the King, or to kill them, or any of them, under pain of death. These presents to remain in force for one year, and no longer. Given at Hexhildesham the 7th day of November.”
96Blore’s “Monumental Remains.”
96Blore’s “Monumental Remains.”
97“Siege of Carlaverock.”
97“Siege of Carlaverock.”
98This celebrated Inn of Court is recorded to have been the town residence of the Bishops of Chichester, from the reign of Henry III. till that of Henry VIII. It seems, however, to have been for a short time possessed by the subject of this memoir, who, although the only Earl of Lincoln who resided there, left it the name, which it has permanently retained during the five subsequent centuries. The arms of Lacy, on the gatehouse in Chancery-Lane, were erected by Sir Thomas Lovel, together with his own, 1518.
98This celebrated Inn of Court is recorded to have been the town residence of the Bishops of Chichester, from the reign of Henry III. till that of Henry VIII. It seems, however, to have been for a short time possessed by the subject of this memoir, who, although the only Earl of Lincoln who resided there, left it the name, which it has permanently retained during the five subsequent centuries. The arms of Lacy, on the gatehouse in Chancery-Lane, were erected by Sir Thomas Lovel, together with his own, 1518.
99VideLangtoft, vol. ii. 275–6. This author does not say a word of Baliol and his barons having been made acquainted with the agreement to surrender the castle on the third day.
99VideLangtoft, vol. ii. 275–6. This author does not say a word of Baliol and his barons having been made acquainted with the agreement to surrender the castle on the third day.
100From the following reproof, which he gave the Treasurer at Roslin, it would appear that these, or similar monies due to him, had not been justly settled for; and perhaps the chagrin he felt on that account may have partly occasioned his defection from Edward.“Symon was austere, to Rauf spak fulle grim:‘That mad the Tresorere thou has desceyued him,& me & many mo, fro our wages zede quite.Sir Rauf thou resceyued tho, bi taile & bi scrite,Thou did vs more trauaile, ilk man thou reft his wage.Now salle I wite the taile, & put the in the Arerage,Of preste thou has no merke, albe ne non amite,Bot laced in a hauberke, thai is no clerkis abite.For alle tho clerkes of Rome, that sing in kirk or rede,Thou salle haf thi dome, als thou serued in dede.’”Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 319.
100From the following reproof, which he gave the Treasurer at Roslin, it would appear that these, or similar monies due to him, had not been justly settled for; and perhaps the chagrin he felt on that account may have partly occasioned his defection from Edward.
“Symon was austere, to Rauf spak fulle grim:‘That mad the Tresorere thou has desceyued him,& me & many mo, fro our wages zede quite.Sir Rauf thou resceyued tho, bi taile & bi scrite,Thou did vs more trauaile, ilk man thou reft his wage.Now salle I wite the taile, & put the in the Arerage,Of preste thou has no merke, albe ne non amite,Bot laced in a hauberke, thai is no clerkis abite.For alle tho clerkes of Rome, that sing in kirk or rede,Thou salle haf thi dome, als thou serued in dede.’”Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 319.
“Symon was austere, to Rauf spak fulle grim:‘That mad the Tresorere thou has desceyued him,& me & many mo, fro our wages zede quite.Sir Rauf thou resceyued tho, bi taile & bi scrite,Thou did vs more trauaile, ilk man thou reft his wage.Now salle I wite the taile, & put the in the Arerage,Of preste thou has no merke, albe ne non amite,Bot laced in a hauberke, thai is no clerkis abite.For alle tho clerkes of Rome, that sing in kirk or rede,Thou salle haf thi dome, als thou serued in dede.’”Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 319.
“Symon was austere, to Rauf spak fulle grim:‘That mad the Tresorere thou has desceyued him,& me & many mo, fro our wages zede quite.Sir Rauf thou resceyued tho, bi taile & bi scrite,Thou did vs more trauaile, ilk man thou reft his wage.Now salle I wite the taile, & put the in the Arerage,Of preste thou has no merke, albe ne non amite,Bot laced in a hauberke, thai is no clerkis abite.For alle tho clerkes of Rome, that sing in kirk or rede,Thou salle haf thi dome, als thou serued in dede.’”
Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 319.
101Harl. MSS. 266.
101Harl. MSS. 266.
102Harl. MSS. No. 2253.
102Harl. MSS. No. 2253.
103Ancient Songs.
103Ancient Songs.
104Fœdera, N. E. vol. i. 872
104Fœdera, N. E. vol. i. 872
105In this explanation of the term, the writer finds himself at variance with the opinion of Mr Tytler, who says, “schiltron” seems to denote nothing more than a compact body of men. As this restricted meaning of the expression appears to have been adopted on the authority of Hemingford, who says, “qui quidem circuli Schiltronis vocabantur,” it is to be inferred that he has not examined the term with his accustomed accuracy.Schiltronis, without doubt, compounded of the two Saxon words “scheld” and “roun.” When a general, in giving the word of command, called out “Scheltron” to any portion of his army, they would have as little difficulty in understanding him, as a modern battalion would if ordered to “form square.” It may also be observed, that by placing their shields together, they derived considerable advantage, being thereby enabled to form with greater celerity; and when once in order, a more impenetrable figure could not be presented to the attack of an enemy. That this is the ancient meaning of the word, is evident from the manner it is used by old chroniclers. Hearne, in his Glossary to Peter Langtoft, thus explains “Schelde,”shield,target,buckler,protection,government. “Sheltron,”shelter,covering, or rathershiltrons, orround battailes. The expression, therefore, in Hemingford, of “circuli schiltronis,” only shows that a man, even in a learned language, may utter an absurdity.In order to render the schiltron formidable in offensive warfare, it was necessary to have the centre occupied with archers, who, enclosed within the barrier of the spearmen, could ply their deadly shafts in comparative security. That this was part of the plan of Wallace to supply his deficiency in cavalry at the battle of Falkirk, is highly probable. By this measure, neither the superiority of the enemy in this formidable description of force, nor the desertion of the Scottish cavalry, would have been so severely felt. That this arrangement did not take place, was very likely owing to the pertinacity of Steward, who commanded the archers, and rashly exposed himself and those under him to the overwhelming charges of the heavy armed squadrons of the English. This obstinacy on the part of the knight of Bonkill, affords a very natural solution of the feud between him and Wallace. Had the archers been in the centre of the schiltrons, they could have returned the murderous discharge of their enemies’ missiles with corresponding effect, and have eventually produced a more favourable termination to the operations of the day.
105In this explanation of the term, the writer finds himself at variance with the opinion of Mr Tytler, who says, “schiltron” seems to denote nothing more than a compact body of men. As this restricted meaning of the expression appears to have been adopted on the authority of Hemingford, who says, “qui quidem circuli Schiltronis vocabantur,” it is to be inferred that he has not examined the term with his accustomed accuracy.Schiltronis, without doubt, compounded of the two Saxon words “scheld” and “roun.” When a general, in giving the word of command, called out “Scheltron” to any portion of his army, they would have as little difficulty in understanding him, as a modern battalion would if ordered to “form square.” It may also be observed, that by placing their shields together, they derived considerable advantage, being thereby enabled to form with greater celerity; and when once in order, a more impenetrable figure could not be presented to the attack of an enemy. That this is the ancient meaning of the word, is evident from the manner it is used by old chroniclers. Hearne, in his Glossary to Peter Langtoft, thus explains “Schelde,”shield,target,buckler,protection,government. “Sheltron,”shelter,covering, or rathershiltrons, orround battailes. The expression, therefore, in Hemingford, of “circuli schiltronis,” only shows that a man, even in a learned language, may utter an absurdity.
In order to render the schiltron formidable in offensive warfare, it was necessary to have the centre occupied with archers, who, enclosed within the barrier of the spearmen, could ply their deadly shafts in comparative security. That this was part of the plan of Wallace to supply his deficiency in cavalry at the battle of Falkirk, is highly probable. By this measure, neither the superiority of the enemy in this formidable description of force, nor the desertion of the Scottish cavalry, would have been so severely felt. That this arrangement did not take place, was very likely owing to the pertinacity of Steward, who commanded the archers, and rashly exposed himself and those under him to the overwhelming charges of the heavy armed squadrons of the English. This obstinacy on the part of the knight of Bonkill, affords a very natural solution of the feud between him and Wallace. Had the archers been in the centre of the schiltrons, they could have returned the murderous discharge of their enemies’ missiles with corresponding effect, and have eventually produced a more favourable termination to the operations of the day.
106ToThe Bruce and The Wallace, vol. ii. Edin. 1820, 4to.
106ToThe Bruce and The Wallace, vol. ii. Edin. 1820, 4to.