FOOTNOTES

FOOTNOTES1Langtoft tells an improbable story of the Scots having induced him to surrender, by a promise of returning to the allegiance of Edward. Twenge must have been a noted simpleton indeed, if he could have been so easily imposed upon.—See Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 300.2Fordun à Goodall, vol. ii. p. 170.3SeeAppendix, A.4SeeAppendix, B.5Of this army the Campbells and M’Gregors formed a part, and no doubt a number of the Perthshire clans were included.6Fordun states, that the Scots army remained in England from All Saints day till Christmas, 31st October till 25th December. Wyntown also agrees with him, and thus expresses himself on the subject.“And syne frá the AlhalowmesIn Yngland till Yhule he bydand wes.All Allyrdáyle as man of WereThat tyme he brynt wyth his Powere:And wyth gret Prayis owt of that Land,Come eftyr the Yhule in-til Scotland.”Wyntown, B. viii. c. 13. v. 177–182.7In the invasion of England, one Grimesby acted as guide to the Scottish army. This person we have alluded to at page 109, vol. i. as carrying the banner of St John of Beverley, in the army of Edward. He was afterwards rewarded by the Usurper with the promise of the first benefice of twenty merks or pounds which should become vacant in Scotland. This prospect of preferment, however, did not prevent him from joining the liberator of his country. He appears to have been long in the service of England, and was most probably one of those 30,000 Scots who were sent by Alexander III. to the assistance of Henry III., when opposed by his barons. Though it be uncertain if he accompanied Edward to the Holy Land, it is however pretty evident that he attended him in his various expeditions to France; and, in his character of pursuivant, he obtained a very intimate acquaintance with the localities of that country, as well as of England. His intimate knowledge of the latter rendered his services of much importance to his countrymen. Henry represents him as a steady and useful adherent to Wallace, and describes him to be of great stature, and as having acquired among the English the name of Grimesby, on account of his grim or stern visage. This, however, is more fanciful than correct.Grimesbyis of Danish origin, and though among the Scots he was called Jop, his real name appears to have been Gilbert Grimesby. He acted as herald, as well as guide; and often marshalled the Scottish battalions on the eve of battle.8Hexham.9SeeAppendix, C.10SeeAppendix, D.11It is probable that some of our readers may be displeased with our passing over the interview which Wallace is said to have had with Queen Margaret, during the time his army was encamped in the north of England; but we always wish to have some authority for what we commit to our pages; and as we can find nothing in support of it, either in English or Scottish records, we are inclined to look upon it as a minstrel’s tale, introduced for the purpose of effect. The subject excited the inquiries of the learned Dr Jamieson, who has been at considerable pains to ascertain whether or not such an interview actually took place; and all his researches tend rather to throw discredit on the affair, in addition to the doubt which naturally arises from the silence of history. Henry, in whose work the tale is only to be found, represents Edward as being then in Britain, while it is agreed on all hands that he was, at the time, prosecuting the war in Flanders. Though the Minstrel be a favourite with us, still we like to see his statements corroborated; and we conceive, that the English Queen appearing in the Scottish camp in the manner he describes, was a circumstance too flattering to the national pride of the Scots, to be left to the pen of one solitary narrator.12SeeAppendix, E.13Respecting these two meritorious individuals, few particulars appear to be known. Guthrie is said to have been the ancestor of the Guthries of that Ilk, and was frequently employed as the confidential agent of his countrymen.Bisset is also mentioned as the progenitor of the Bissets of that Ilk; and according to Henry, he was killed on this occasion by the hand of Siward, who, in his turn, was cut down by Wallace. By the chamberlain’s accounts it appears, that one John Bisset, a poor monk of Haddington, received from King Robert Bruce a pension of 20s. per annum for clothing. Whether this was given in consequence of any relationship to the gallant patriot of that name, is not stated.The battle of Blackironside appears to have been a protracted forest-fight for the greater part of the day; and the heat of the weather induced the combatants at times, as if by mutual consent, to pause amid the deadly strife.On one of those occasions, Wallace it is said unclasped the helmet of a dead Englishman, and, repairing to a neighbouring fountain, still unstained with the carnage of the day, he dipped it into the stream, and continued to carry the water along the ranks of his fainting soldiers. When he had in this manner allayed their thirst, he afterwards partook himself; and declared, that the cooling beverage was more grateful to his palate, than the richest wines he had ever tasted. The effect which this mark of attention produced on the minds of his followers, was evinced by the vigour they displayed in the charge which they soon afterwards made on the enemy.14For the satisfaction of the reader, we will here give the charter referred to, as it is preserved inAnderson’sDiplomata et Numismata Scotiæ, (Edin. 1739)—from the original at that time in the possession of Mr David Watson, writer, Edinburgh. An engraving from the seal of Baliol, attached to this charter, forms the Frontispiece to our first volume.Charta.Domini Gulielmi Wallace, Custodis Scotiæ, nomine Johannis Balliol Regis, cum sigillo ejusdem Johannis.“Willelmus Walays miles, Custos Regni Scocie, et Ductor exercituum ejusdem, nomine preclari Principis Domini Johannis, Dei Gracia Regis Scocie illustris, de consensu communitatis ejusdem Regni. Omnibus probis hominibus dicti Regni ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit eternam in Domino, salutem. Noverit universitas vestra, nos, nomine predicti Domini nostris Regis Scocie, per consensum et assensum magnatum dicti regni, dedisse et concessisse, ac ipsas donationem et concessionem presenti carta confirmasse Alexandro dicto Skirmischur sex marcatas terre in territorio de Dunde, scilicet, terram illam que vocatur campus superior, prope villam de Dunde ex parte boreali, cum acris illis in campo occidentali que ad partem regiam spectare solebant prope villam de Dunde ex parte occidentali, et etiam pratum regium in predicto territorio de Dunde, et etiam constabulariam castri de Dunde, cum suis pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis sine aliquo retinemento, pro homagio predicto Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus faciendo, et pro fideli servicio et succursu suo predicto regno impenso portando vexillum regium in exercitu Scocie tempore confectionis presentium, tenenda et habenda predicto Alexandro et heredibus suis de predicto Domino nostro Rege et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus, libere, quiete, integre, pacifice et honorifice in perpetuum, cum omnibus pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis ad dictam terram et pratum prenominatum, et prefatum constabulariam spectantibus vel quoquo modo spectare valentibus in futurum, faciendo inde annuatim Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus, scilicet pro predictis terra, prato, et constabularia cum suis pertinenciis, libertatibus, et asyamentis, servicium quod pertinet ad dictam constabulariam tantum pro omnibus que de predictus exigi poterunt in futurum. In cujus rei testimonium, sigillum commune predicti Regni Scocie presenti scripto est appositum. Datum apud Torpheichyn vigesimo nono die Marcii, Anno Gracie millesimo ducentesimo nonogesimo octavo.”From the above document, it will appear that Wallace was sole Regent; and that, when he associated the name of the younger Sir Andrew Murray along with his own, it may be considered as only a respectful compliment to the memory of the gallant and patriotic father, whose example the young warrior was thereby excited to emulate.15This deed Baliol could have no great difficulty in executing; for though residing in the Tower, he enjoyed the full liberty of twenty miles round, and a princely retinue to attend him. That he transmitted a commission of Regency to Wallace, is not only highly probable, but placed almost beyond a doubt, not merely from the suspicions entertained by Edward, and the severe treatment which Baliol latterly experienced in consequence of his supposed duplicity, but also from the fact of Wallacepossessingandusing, in his character of Regent of the kingdom,the sealof the dethronedmonarch; and that in the presence, and with the sanction of the assembled nobility. Evidence to this effect is furnished by the charter granted to Alexander Scrymgeour, given in the preceding note; and as the lands which were at that time conferred are declared to have belonged to thecrown, the full and unrestricted authority with which Wallace was invested becomes thereby the more apparent.16Lord Hailes, on the authority of Hemingford, says ‘Temple-liston,’ and thus condescends to notice a respectable writer:—“Sir Robert Sibbald, Comment. in Relat. et Blair, p. 31, says ‘atTorphichen,’ becauseBlind Harrysays so. It was an admirable fancy to correct W. Hemingford byBlind Harry! Had Edward fixed his head-quarters at Torphichen, his communication with Edinburgh and the Frith of Forth would have been speedily cut off.”This is scarcely doing Sir Robert justice. It is more reasonable to suppose that he said so, after weighing the probabilities of the case. That Torphichen was a place of some importance, and possessed accommodation, appears certain, from the circumstance of Wallace having, only a few months before, assembled the Scottish Barons to a parliament there; and it was, as has been already mentioned, the station of a preceptory of the Templars, within the precincts of which Edward was more likely to fix his head-quarters, than in any part of the desolated country around him. During his stay, we also find him employed in conferring the honour of knighthood on a number of young esquires;—an idea very naturally produced by his residence in such a spot. That Edward’s communication with Edinburgh and the Frith of Forth became thereby liable to any interruption, is a supposition more to be admired for simplicity, than depth of reflection. The distance between Torphichen and Temple-liston, is but a very few miles. Edward was at the head of an army consisting of 7000 cavalry, and about 100,000 foot; a multitude that could find little more than tent-room in the space between the two places. Had the English monarch, therefore, been the most imbecile general that ever led men to the field,—with such a force he could have no difficulty in keeping open his communication to a much greater extent than what was required in such a position. That a portion of the English army was stationed at Temple-liston, is not to be doubted; and it seems equally certain, that Edward made the more convenient station of Torphichen his own head-quarters. Sir Robert, therefore, had reason, as well as the authority of Blind Harry, in support of his statement.17SeeAppendix, F.18These noblemen, it is said, were the Earls of Dunbar and Angus. With respect to the first, there is certainly a mistake, as he does not appeareverto have joined the standard of Wallace, and the other, with more propriety, may be called an Anglo-Scot. What share he may have had in the treason, is uncertain. That the plans of Wallace were betrayed by those in his confidence, is evident; but who the guilty parties were, remains doubtful. The subsequent conduct of Comyn excites a strong suspicion against him.19The banner of the Earl of Lincoln was of yellow silk, with a purple lion rampant. That of the Constable was of deep blue silk, with a white bend between twocotisesof fine gold, on the outside of which he had six lioncels rampant.—Walter of Exeter.20In an encampment, this ensign was placed near the royal tent, on the right of the other standards. It was intended to be expressive of destruction to the enemy, and of safety to the weary and wounded among the English.Vide Illustrations of British History.21SeeAppendix, G.22Langtoft says, the Welsh, amounting to 40,000, would not act against the Scots at Falkirk.“The Walsch folk that tide did nouther ille no gode,Thei held tham alle bi side, opon a hille thei stode.Ther thei stode that while, tille the bataile was don.”Vol. ii. p. 306.23Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 305, 306.24This warrior is thus described by Langtoft, who claims him as anEnglishman:—“Was no man Inglis maynhed no dede that day,Bot a templer of pris, Sir Brian the geayMaister templere he was on this half the se,He folowed the Scottis pas, whan the bigan to fleFer in tille a wod; men calle it Kalenters,Ther in a mire a mod, withouten help of pers,Slank thei Sir Brian alone withouten mo.”Vol. ii. p. 305, 6.By Rymer, however, he is noticed as swearing fealty to Edward in Edinburgh Castle, July 1291, after the convocation of Brigham, and designated aspreceptor templi in Scotia; and, by the same authority, it appears his example was followed byJohn de Sautre, and those under his control.25Among the various documents which his Lordship appears to consider authentic, is the following, which he thus introduces:—“I have seen the title of a public instrument, which runs thus:—‘Acte contenant les responses faites par Pierre Flotte, Seigneur de Revel, commis par le Roy (de France) pour traitter et conferer avec les Ambassadeurs Anglois, touchant l’execution du traité de treve, et reparation des infractions d’icelle. Simon de Meleun l’arbitre nommé par le Roy, offrit au Roy d’Angleterre de delivrer tous les prisonniers Anglois en rendant par lui le Roy de Escosse et son fils, et les Escossois detenus en Angleterre et ailleurs, ou les mettant en la garde d’un prelat Francois qui les gardera soubs le nom du Pape pendant que le Pape jugera de leur differend.’ The original, if extant, says Lord Hailes, might serve to explain several circumstances respecting this treaty; particularly, that Edward Baliol was in captivity, together with his father, and that the Pope proposed himself as umpire between Edward I. and his disobedient vassal.”Now, the above is all good modern French, and the orthography exactly as at present, with the exception of the following words,responses,traitter,Escosse,soubs, which appear to have had their spelling antiquated a little, to give the document a venerable air;—it has, on the whole, a very clumsy appearance, and shows that it cannot be older than the 17th century. If the “full evidence” referred to be liable to similar objections, it will not appear very surprising, that our early writers should have been so much in the dark respecting it.26Vol. i. 311, 312.27The son of Sir Chrytell, slain at Blackironside.28“His Grace the Duke of Montrose (one of whose titles is Viscount Dundaff), possesses an antique sword, on which is the followinginscription:—‘SIR IONE YE GRAME, VERRY VICHT AND WYSE,ONE OF YE CHIEFES RELIEVIT SCOTLAND THRYSE.FAVGHT VITH YS SVORD, AND NER THOUT SCHAME,COMMANDIT NANE TO BEIR IT BOT HIS NAME.’“The Duke is also proprietor of Dundaff, where Sir John Graham of Dundaff’s castle is seen in ruins.“The grave-stone of Sir John de Graham is in the churchyard of Falkirk, having the following Latin motto, with atranslation:—‘MENTE MANUQVE POTENS, ET VALLÆ FIDVS ACHATES;CONDITVR HIC GRAMVS, BELLO INTERFECTVS AB ANGLIS.XXII. JVLII ANNO 1298.’‘Heir lyes Sir John the Grame, baith wight and wise,Ane of the Cheefs who rescewit Scotland thrise,Ane better Knight, not to the world was lent,Nor was gude Grame, of truth and hardiment.’“While some of Cromwell’s troops were stationed in Falkirk, an officer desired the parochial schoolmaster to translate the Latin. This he did asfollows:—‘Of mind and courage stout,Wallace’s true Achates;Here lies Sir John the Grame,Felled by the English Baties.’“There are now three stones upon the grave. When the inscription on the first had begun to wear out by the influence of the weather, a second was put above it, with the same inscription; and a third was lately added by William Graham of Airth, Esq. At a little distance, upon the left, is an unpolished stone, said to cover the remains of the gallant knight of Bonkill.”—Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire.With regard to Stewart of Bonkill being buried in Falkirk, we are inclined to be a little sceptical, not so much from the silence of the Minstrel, as from the great probability of his having been conveyed to Bute by the surviving tenantry of that island. In a small ruined chapel, about half a mile west of Rothesay, there is still to be seen all that remains of “the auld Stewarts of Bute,” where, amidst a number of dilapidated monuments, well worth the attention of the antiquary, appears a stone figure, said to represent the gallant knight of Bonkill, in complete armour of the 13th century. In a recess in the opposite wall, there is also to be seen another figure, representingJean M’Rudrie, heiress of Bute. This lady appears to have been descended from a sea-officer, or pirate, namedRudrie, who is thus noticed in the Norwegian account of the expedition of King Haco:—“The wind was not favourable; King Haco, however, made Andreas Pott go before him, south to Bute, with some small vessels, to join those he had already sent thither. News was soon received, that they had won a fortress, the garrison of which had capitulated, and accepted terms of the Norwegians. There was with the Norwegians a sea-officer calledRudri; he considered Bute as his birth-right; and because he had not received the island of the Scots, he committed many ravages, and killed many people, and for that he was outlawed by the Scottish King. He came to Haco and took the oaths to him, and, with two of his brothers, became his subjects. As soon as the garrison, after having delivered up the stronghold, were gone away from the Norwegians, Rudri killed nine of them, because he thought he owed them no good will.” After the treaty between Alexander and the Norwegians, it would seem that Rudrie had been allowed to hold the island of Bute as a vassal of the Scottish crown; and there is every reason to believe that theJanet M’Rudrieabove mentioned was either his daughter or grand-daughter, who, by her marrying Alexander Stewart, became the mother of Sir John Stewart of Bonkill.The present noble proprietor, whose family came to the possession of Bute in the reign of Robert II., has made some slight repairs about the walls where these figures are reclining. It is, however, to be regretted, that a little more attention is not paid to the preservation of such valuable antiques.29Lamberton appears to have succeeded Frazer in the Bishoprick of St Andrew’s. This secret emissary of Edward died at Paris in 1297, to which place he probably thought proper to retire on the success of Wallace. According to his own request, his heart was brought to Scotland, and “layed in halowyed sepultour” in the wall of the cathedral over which he presided. His body was interred in the cemetery of the Preaching Friars at Paris. Lamberton, his successor, a man of learning and good reputation, had been Chancellor of Glasgow.—Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 99.30Stowe.31Observations on the Wardrobe Account of 28 Edward I. p. lx. The monastery of Cupar was also plundered on this occasion. By the inventory of Edward’s jewels taken in 1300, there appear 18 silver cups, and one silk girdle richly ornamented, which are stated to have been taken from the monastery of Cupar. This, no doubt, would form a part of the King’s share of the booty.—VideWardrobe Account, p. 353.32SeeAppendix, H.33The strength and importance of Dumbarton castle, is thus described by an English spy who visited Scotland during the regency of the Duke of Albany, and afterwards in the reign of James I. It would appear, that in those days the rock was completely surrounded by water at every influx of the tide.——passe on forthwarde to Dumbertayne,A castell stronge and harde for to obteine.In whiche castell S. Patryke was borne,That afterwarde in Irelande dyd wynne,About the whyche floweth, euen and morne,The westerne seas without noyse or dynne,Twyse in xxiiii. houres without any fayle,That no man may that stronge castell assayle.Vpon a rocke so hye the same dothe stande,That yf the walles were beaten to the roche,Yet were it full harde to clymbe with foot or hand,And so to wynne, yf any to them approche,So strong it is to get without reproche;That without honger and cruell famyshemente,Yt cannot bee taken to my iudgemente.John Hardyng’s Chronicle, p. 426.34On the summit of Dumbarton rock is to be seen the ruins of a building, known by the name of Wallace’s house. Judging by what remains, it appears to have been of very limited extent, and, though well calculated for security, would afford but scanty accommodation to the inmates. Its form is circular, and the site commands an extensive view; it, however, could make but a precarious resistance to an enemy possessed of the lower fortification. From the following lines in Barbour, it appears very probable that this was the place in which Lord William Soulis was detained a state prisoner for life, in consequence of his conspiring against RobertBruce:—The lord the Sowllis has grantyt tharThe deid in to plane parleament,Tharefor sone eftre he was sentTill his pennance to Dunbertane;And deid thar in a tour off stane.The Bruce, Buke Threttene, 406–410.35Henry states, that after Wallace had driven the English out of Dumbarton, which he accomplished by an ingenious stratagem put in execution at night, he proceeded towards the castle of Roseneath, which was occupied by the enemy, and having learned that a marriage was to take place among them on the ensuing day, he posted his men in ambush on the road between the castle and a church, situated on the “Garlouch” where the ceremony was to be performed. The cavalcade approached, accompanied by most of the soldiers of the garrison. The Scots, at the signal of their chief, burst from their concealment, and having with little difficulty overpowered and put their astonished adversaries to the sword, they took possession of the fortress, which they found amply supplied with provisions of all kinds, intended, no doubt, for the joyous occasion.The above anecdote induces the writer again to remark on the accuracy of Henry’s topography. If his work be not a faithful translation from the narrative of an eye-witness, his knowledge of the localities of the country is truly wonderful.36For the gratification of the reader who may feel curious respecting the nature of the supplies required for the support and defence of an English garrison in the 13th century, we have made the following extract from the Wardrobe Account of the munitions, sent on this occasion to Stirling; viz. 1000 stockfish, 610 ling, 4 lasts herrings, 104 cheeses, 6000 onions, 30 cwt. tallow, 1 barrel honey, 11 barrels pitch, 20 lb. wax, 20 lb. cummin, 2 lb. crocus, 6 lb. round pepper, 10 bundles steel or iron, 4 large plates with handles, 100 dishes ditto, 100 cups, 100 salt-cellars, 2 largebaliste, (de vicio) 18balistæ, (ad unum pedam) 18 doz. bow-strings, 50 bows, 2 furnace-stones, 22 cwt. hemp, 200 goose-wings for darts and arrows, 3 horse hides untanned, 6 bullocks do. ditto for the bottom of the engines, twine, thread, needles, 1 doz. parchment, 2 lb. inkpowder, 18 pieces cloth, for clothing the men, 1 piece blue cloth, being clothing for John Sampson, constable of the castle, 2 chaplains and 1 clerk, 1000 ells linen, 30 fur-skins for great-coats for the servants of the King’s household, stationed in said garrison, 4 lamb skins for hoods for the use of said constable, chaplains, and 1 clerk, 240 pair shoes, and 500 ellscanvas.AAThe above goods were sent by John the son of Walter, master of the vessel called the Godale of Beverley.37It is very probable that Edward had evidence in his possession of the commission of regency he had granted to Wallace. The English monarch had too many secret emissaries in Scotland, to remain long ignorant of a matter of such importance. What Baliol might say to the contrary would therefore meet with little credit; and his apparent duplicity, no doubt, prompted the following remark, which, according to Walsingham, Edward made use of, on delivering him to the Nuncio. “I send him to the Pope as a perjured man, and a seducer of the people.”38Independent of all the difficulties which Wallace had to encounter in the Low country, the turbulent state of the Highlands prevented him from receiving any assistance of consequence from that quarter. The chieftains there seemed to consider their interests as very little connected with the safety or independence of the Lowlanders; and they carried on their feuds with as much inveteracy, as if no foreign enemy had been in the country. We find, that “about the year 1299, there was an insurrection made against the Earl of Ross, by some of the people of that province, inhabiting the mountains called Clan-Iver-Clan-Tall-wigh, and Clan-Leawe. The Earl of Ross made such diligence, that he apprehended their captain, and imprisoned him at Dingwall: which so incensed the Highlanders, that they pursued the Earl of Ross’s second son, at Balnegowen, took him, and carried him along prisoner with them, thinking thereby to get their captain relieved. The Monroes and the Dingwalls, with some others of the Earl of Ross his dependers, gathered their forces, and pursued the Highlanders with all diligence; so, overtaking them at Beallogh-ne-broig, between Ferrindonell and Lochbrime, there ensued a cruel battle, well foughten on either side. The Clan-Iver, Clan-tall-wigh and Clan-Leaive, were almost utterly extinguished. The Monroes had a sorrowful victory, with a great loss of their men; and carried back again the Earl of Ross his son. The Laird of Kildun was there slain with seven score of the surname of Dingwall. Divers of the Monroes were slain in the conflict; and among the rest, there were killed eleven of the house of Foulis, that were to succeed one another; so that the succession of Foulis fell unto a child then lying in his cradle. For which service the Earl of Ross gave divers lands to the Monroes and Dingwalls.”—Conflicts of the clans.39In the Wardrobe Account, 28th Edward I., there is an entry of 6s. 8d. paid to Ralph de Kyrkby, the messenger who brought to the King the conditions and surrender of Stirling. The following notice respecting this intended expedition appears in the same document. “To a monk of Durham, to carry St Cuthbert’s banner into Scotland, when the King intended to go in person to raise the siege of Stirling Castle, 20 days, at 1s. per day.” One of the vicars of Beverly College had 8d. per day for carrying St John’s banner, and 1d. per day to carry it back.40Walter of Exeter, an historical bard, who accompanied the expedition, and of whose interesting work on the siege of Carlaverock Castle, written in old Norman French, an admirable translation has been given to the public, with notes and valuable biographical sketches, byNicholas Harris Nicolas, Esq. a name highly appreciated by all who have any taste for the pleasures arising from antiquarian research.41SeeAppendix, I.42For the sake of illustration, we submit the following items, taken from the wardrobe account of Edward I. for the year 1300, being part of the expenses incurred in the siege of Carlaverock:—Extract from Wardrobe Account, Edward I., 1299–1300.Account of Ade de Glasham, Carpenter, (p. 267.)For hire of 7 carriages, for conveying a certain engine, belonging to the Castle of Lochmaben, from thence to the Castle of Carlaverock, for the use of the King’s army, employed in the siege of that castle; viz.5 carriages for 7 days, from 6th July}at 6d. a day for each carriageL.1 1 62 carriages for 4 days, from 9th July4 days of a smith and his assistant, employed in the Castle of Lochmaben repairing said engine, at 6d. a day—wages of assistant, 4d.0 3 4Coals furnished for said repairs0 1 0Hire of one artilleryman for one day, making a band or strap for said engine at Carlaverock0 0 40 4 8Paid for delivering said engine at Skynburness, and putting it on board a vessel for Lochmaben0 4 0Paid at Dumfries, 2d Nov.L.1 10 2Account of Stephen Banyng, Shipmaster, (p. 272.)For freight of a certain engine, from Skynburness to Carlaverock—master’s wages for 2 days, from July 10. at 6d. a day—10 seamen at 3d. a dayL.0 6 0Account of Richard de Geyton, Master of the Nicholas de Geyton, (p. 273.)For freight of 20 bullocks (carcos’ boum) to Carlaverock, for the use of the garrison of Dumfries Castle—wages of self and 5 seamen for 8 days, at the above rateL.0 14 0Pilotage between Kirkcudbright and Carlaverock, for that time0 2 0L.0 16 0Account of William Boterel, Master of the Grace of God of Ross, (p. 274.)For freight of 5 tuns of wine (dolia) from Kirkcudbright to Carlaverock—wages of self and 7 seamen for 10 days, from 19th to 29th August, as aboveL.1 2 6[N. B.—The engagement with 30 vessels, during this expedition to Scotland, appears to have been at the rate of 6d. a day for the master, and 3d. for the seamen, from 23d July till 26th September 1300.—Admiral of the fleet, 2s. a day.—Captains of ships, from the ports of Sandwich and Dover, 1s.—Chaplain of the fleet, to confess sailors, 6d. a day, p. 275–8.]Paid Robert de Wodehons, viz. (p. 259.)For Peter de Preston and his 9 companions, mounted on horses, with full harness, and charges of 660 bowmen, from Lancashire to Carlisle, and from Carlisle to Carlaverock, to join the King on 8th July, 2 days—horsemen at 1s.—bowmen 2d. a dayL.12 11 043SeeAppendix, K.44See account of the King’s progress, page 67 of Remarks on Wardrobe Account of Edward I.45The following items, which appear in the above Account for 1300, as having reference to this campaign, and to the manner in which Edward was employed, may be interesting to some of our readers.Donation to Henry de Cornwall, wounded by the Scots near Columtach, in Galloway. For his return and medicines, by the hands of William de Toulose, who lent him the money, one half merk (dimidium marce).To a stable-boy, hurt by one of the King’s horses at Kirkcudbright,fiveshillings.Alms and Offerings at Scottish Chapels.7th July.—At the altar of St Nicholas, 7s., and St Thomas the Archbishop, 7s.—in the parish church of Applegarth.10th July—At the high altar of the Friars Minors, Dumfries, 7s. and 16th, 7s.12th July.—Do. of his own chapel of Carlaverock, at St Thomas, 7s.At the high altar, Kirkcudbright priory, and in his chapel there, July 19th, 7s.; 20th, 7s.; 22d, 7s.; 25th, 7s.; 27th, 7s.29th August.—At his own chapel Carlaverock, 7s.In his own chapel at Dumfries, October 24th, for good news about the Scots, 7s.; 28th, 7s.; November 1st, 7s.; and November 3d, at his own altar at Carlaverock, 7s.14th Oct. At his own chapel (Holm), for the report he heard of the success of the men-at-arms of the Castle of Roxburgh, 7s.There is also, in the same year, an offering at the high altar of the Royal Chapel of Westminster, for good news against the Scots; and 5l.10s. 10d. for 190 masses in honour of different saints, by the King’s chaplains, both in England and Scotland, between November 20th, 1299, and November 19th, 1300.46The curious reader may perhaps take some interest in the following notices of the workmen employed about these fortresses, and the rate of wages they received for their labour. They are taken from the Wardrobe Account. The authenticity of the document is unquestionable.Repairs at Lochmaben, October 1300.Octr. 24.Hire of 44 ditchers (fossatores) from the neighbourhood of Lochmaben, (including one overseer at 6penniesa day) for one dayL.0 8 025.Do. of 34 do. (including one overseer at 6penniesa day) for 3 days0 19 031.Do. of 50 do. (including 3 overseers at 6pennieseach per day) for 4 days1 17 4Nov. 2.Do. of one manager, at 6 pennies a day, and 178 ditchers including 9 overseers from the county of Northumberland, for 3 days4 15 0Paid William of Lochmaben, overseer, and 25 labourers from the neighbourhood of Lochmaben, for 3 days (from 27th of Octr.)0 13 6Nov. 2.Hire of 76 labourers from Cumberland, including 4 overseers as above, by the King’s order (ad mandatum Regis) for 1 day0 13 4Do. of 4 men inspecting the work of said ditchers, from 23d till 30th October, 8 days, at 4penniesa day each0 10 8Do. of 7 women helping to clean the ditches for one day (Oct. 24) at 1½pennies0 0 10½Do. for 9 women (Oct. 27) 3 days at 1½d.0 3 4½Do. for 10(Oct. 28.)}as above0 3 4½Do. for 14(Oct. 29.)Do. for 25(Oct. 30.)0 3 1½Extra gratification to said ditchers, being King’s bounty1 5 7Carriage of workmen’s tools from Northumberland, through Carlisle to Dumfries0 10 0Hire of 2 smiths from said county, from 17th Oct. till Nov. 1st, 16 days, at 4penniesa day1 1 4L.13 4 1½Amount paid to Henry Braundeston, for Ade de St Edmunds.—Seepage 269of Wardrobe Account.Hire of 2 men employed in Inglewood-forest, making charcoal for the smiths, 4 days, 2s.

1Langtoft tells an improbable story of the Scots having induced him to surrender, by a promise of returning to the allegiance of Edward. Twenge must have been a noted simpleton indeed, if he could have been so easily imposed upon.—See Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 300.

2Fordun à Goodall, vol. ii. p. 170.

3SeeAppendix, A.

4SeeAppendix, B.

5Of this army the Campbells and M’Gregors formed a part, and no doubt a number of the Perthshire clans were included.

6Fordun states, that the Scots army remained in England from All Saints day till Christmas, 31st October till 25th December. Wyntown also agrees with him, and thus expresses himself on the subject.“And syne frá the AlhalowmesIn Yngland till Yhule he bydand wes.All Allyrdáyle as man of WereThat tyme he brynt wyth his Powere:And wyth gret Prayis owt of that Land,Come eftyr the Yhule in-til Scotland.”Wyntown, B. viii. c. 13. v. 177–182.

6Fordun states, that the Scots army remained in England from All Saints day till Christmas, 31st October till 25th December. Wyntown also agrees with him, and thus expresses himself on the subject.

“And syne frá the AlhalowmesIn Yngland till Yhule he bydand wes.All Allyrdáyle as man of WereThat tyme he brynt wyth his Powere:And wyth gret Prayis owt of that Land,Come eftyr the Yhule in-til Scotland.”Wyntown, B. viii. c. 13. v. 177–182.

Wyntown, B. viii. c. 13. v. 177–182.

7In the invasion of England, one Grimesby acted as guide to the Scottish army. This person we have alluded to at page 109, vol. i. as carrying the banner of St John of Beverley, in the army of Edward. He was afterwards rewarded by the Usurper with the promise of the first benefice of twenty merks or pounds which should become vacant in Scotland. This prospect of preferment, however, did not prevent him from joining the liberator of his country. He appears to have been long in the service of England, and was most probably one of those 30,000 Scots who were sent by Alexander III. to the assistance of Henry III., when opposed by his barons. Though it be uncertain if he accompanied Edward to the Holy Land, it is however pretty evident that he attended him in his various expeditions to France; and, in his character of pursuivant, he obtained a very intimate acquaintance with the localities of that country, as well as of England. His intimate knowledge of the latter rendered his services of much importance to his countrymen. Henry represents him as a steady and useful adherent to Wallace, and describes him to be of great stature, and as having acquired among the English the name of Grimesby, on account of his grim or stern visage. This, however, is more fanciful than correct.Grimesbyis of Danish origin, and though among the Scots he was called Jop, his real name appears to have been Gilbert Grimesby. He acted as herald, as well as guide; and often marshalled the Scottish battalions on the eve of battle.

8Hexham.

9SeeAppendix, C.

10SeeAppendix, D.

11It is probable that some of our readers may be displeased with our passing over the interview which Wallace is said to have had with Queen Margaret, during the time his army was encamped in the north of England; but we always wish to have some authority for what we commit to our pages; and as we can find nothing in support of it, either in English or Scottish records, we are inclined to look upon it as a minstrel’s tale, introduced for the purpose of effect. The subject excited the inquiries of the learned Dr Jamieson, who has been at considerable pains to ascertain whether or not such an interview actually took place; and all his researches tend rather to throw discredit on the affair, in addition to the doubt which naturally arises from the silence of history. Henry, in whose work the tale is only to be found, represents Edward as being then in Britain, while it is agreed on all hands that he was, at the time, prosecuting the war in Flanders. Though the Minstrel be a favourite with us, still we like to see his statements corroborated; and we conceive, that the English Queen appearing in the Scottish camp in the manner he describes, was a circumstance too flattering to the national pride of the Scots, to be left to the pen of one solitary narrator.

12SeeAppendix, E.

13Respecting these two meritorious individuals, few particulars appear to be known. Guthrie is said to have been the ancestor of the Guthries of that Ilk, and was frequently employed as the confidential agent of his countrymen.Bisset is also mentioned as the progenitor of the Bissets of that Ilk; and according to Henry, he was killed on this occasion by the hand of Siward, who, in his turn, was cut down by Wallace. By the chamberlain’s accounts it appears, that one John Bisset, a poor monk of Haddington, received from King Robert Bruce a pension of 20s. per annum for clothing. Whether this was given in consequence of any relationship to the gallant patriot of that name, is not stated.The battle of Blackironside appears to have been a protracted forest-fight for the greater part of the day; and the heat of the weather induced the combatants at times, as if by mutual consent, to pause amid the deadly strife.On one of those occasions, Wallace it is said unclasped the helmet of a dead Englishman, and, repairing to a neighbouring fountain, still unstained with the carnage of the day, he dipped it into the stream, and continued to carry the water along the ranks of his fainting soldiers. When he had in this manner allayed their thirst, he afterwards partook himself; and declared, that the cooling beverage was more grateful to his palate, than the richest wines he had ever tasted. The effect which this mark of attention produced on the minds of his followers, was evinced by the vigour they displayed in the charge which they soon afterwards made on the enemy.

Bisset is also mentioned as the progenitor of the Bissets of that Ilk; and according to Henry, he was killed on this occasion by the hand of Siward, who, in his turn, was cut down by Wallace. By the chamberlain’s accounts it appears, that one John Bisset, a poor monk of Haddington, received from King Robert Bruce a pension of 20s. per annum for clothing. Whether this was given in consequence of any relationship to the gallant patriot of that name, is not stated.

The battle of Blackironside appears to have been a protracted forest-fight for the greater part of the day; and the heat of the weather induced the combatants at times, as if by mutual consent, to pause amid the deadly strife.

On one of those occasions, Wallace it is said unclasped the helmet of a dead Englishman, and, repairing to a neighbouring fountain, still unstained with the carnage of the day, he dipped it into the stream, and continued to carry the water along the ranks of his fainting soldiers. When he had in this manner allayed their thirst, he afterwards partook himself; and declared, that the cooling beverage was more grateful to his palate, than the richest wines he had ever tasted. The effect which this mark of attention produced on the minds of his followers, was evinced by the vigour they displayed in the charge which they soon afterwards made on the enemy.

14For the satisfaction of the reader, we will here give the charter referred to, as it is preserved inAnderson’sDiplomata et Numismata Scotiæ, (Edin. 1739)—from the original at that time in the possession of Mr David Watson, writer, Edinburgh. An engraving from the seal of Baliol, attached to this charter, forms the Frontispiece to our first volume.Charta.Domini Gulielmi Wallace, Custodis Scotiæ, nomine Johannis Balliol Regis, cum sigillo ejusdem Johannis.“Willelmus Walays miles, Custos Regni Scocie, et Ductor exercituum ejusdem, nomine preclari Principis Domini Johannis, Dei Gracia Regis Scocie illustris, de consensu communitatis ejusdem Regni. Omnibus probis hominibus dicti Regni ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit eternam in Domino, salutem. Noverit universitas vestra, nos, nomine predicti Domini nostris Regis Scocie, per consensum et assensum magnatum dicti regni, dedisse et concessisse, ac ipsas donationem et concessionem presenti carta confirmasse Alexandro dicto Skirmischur sex marcatas terre in territorio de Dunde, scilicet, terram illam que vocatur campus superior, prope villam de Dunde ex parte boreali, cum acris illis in campo occidentali que ad partem regiam spectare solebant prope villam de Dunde ex parte occidentali, et etiam pratum regium in predicto territorio de Dunde, et etiam constabulariam castri de Dunde, cum suis pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis sine aliquo retinemento, pro homagio predicto Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus faciendo, et pro fideli servicio et succursu suo predicto regno impenso portando vexillum regium in exercitu Scocie tempore confectionis presentium, tenenda et habenda predicto Alexandro et heredibus suis de predicto Domino nostro Rege et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus, libere, quiete, integre, pacifice et honorifice in perpetuum, cum omnibus pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis ad dictam terram et pratum prenominatum, et prefatum constabulariam spectantibus vel quoquo modo spectare valentibus in futurum, faciendo inde annuatim Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus, scilicet pro predictis terra, prato, et constabularia cum suis pertinenciis, libertatibus, et asyamentis, servicium quod pertinet ad dictam constabulariam tantum pro omnibus que de predictus exigi poterunt in futurum. In cujus rei testimonium, sigillum commune predicti Regni Scocie presenti scripto est appositum. Datum apud Torpheichyn vigesimo nono die Marcii, Anno Gracie millesimo ducentesimo nonogesimo octavo.”From the above document, it will appear that Wallace was sole Regent; and that, when he associated the name of the younger Sir Andrew Murray along with his own, it may be considered as only a respectful compliment to the memory of the gallant and patriotic father, whose example the young warrior was thereby excited to emulate.

Charta.

Domini Gulielmi Wallace, Custodis Scotiæ, nomine Johannis Balliol Regis, cum sigillo ejusdem Johannis.

“Willelmus Walays miles, Custos Regni Scocie, et Ductor exercituum ejusdem, nomine preclari Principis Domini Johannis, Dei Gracia Regis Scocie illustris, de consensu communitatis ejusdem Regni. Omnibus probis hominibus dicti Regni ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit eternam in Domino, salutem. Noverit universitas vestra, nos, nomine predicti Domini nostris Regis Scocie, per consensum et assensum magnatum dicti regni, dedisse et concessisse, ac ipsas donationem et concessionem presenti carta confirmasse Alexandro dicto Skirmischur sex marcatas terre in territorio de Dunde, scilicet, terram illam que vocatur campus superior, prope villam de Dunde ex parte boreali, cum acris illis in campo occidentali que ad partem regiam spectare solebant prope villam de Dunde ex parte occidentali, et etiam pratum regium in predicto territorio de Dunde, et etiam constabulariam castri de Dunde, cum suis pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis sine aliquo retinemento, pro homagio predicto Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus faciendo, et pro fideli servicio et succursu suo predicto regno impenso portando vexillum regium in exercitu Scocie tempore confectionis presentium, tenenda et habenda predicto Alexandro et heredibus suis de predicto Domino nostro Rege et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus, libere, quiete, integre, pacifice et honorifice in perpetuum, cum omnibus pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis ad dictam terram et pratum prenominatum, et prefatum constabulariam spectantibus vel quoquo modo spectare valentibus in futurum, faciendo inde annuatim Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus, scilicet pro predictis terra, prato, et constabularia cum suis pertinenciis, libertatibus, et asyamentis, servicium quod pertinet ad dictam constabulariam tantum pro omnibus que de predictus exigi poterunt in futurum. In cujus rei testimonium, sigillum commune predicti Regni Scocie presenti scripto est appositum. Datum apud Torpheichyn vigesimo nono die Marcii, Anno Gracie millesimo ducentesimo nonogesimo octavo.”

From the above document, it will appear that Wallace was sole Regent; and that, when he associated the name of the younger Sir Andrew Murray along with his own, it may be considered as only a respectful compliment to the memory of the gallant and patriotic father, whose example the young warrior was thereby excited to emulate.

15This deed Baliol could have no great difficulty in executing; for though residing in the Tower, he enjoyed the full liberty of twenty miles round, and a princely retinue to attend him. That he transmitted a commission of Regency to Wallace, is not only highly probable, but placed almost beyond a doubt, not merely from the suspicions entertained by Edward, and the severe treatment which Baliol latterly experienced in consequence of his supposed duplicity, but also from the fact of Wallacepossessingandusing, in his character of Regent of the kingdom,the sealof the dethronedmonarch; and that in the presence, and with the sanction of the assembled nobility. Evidence to this effect is furnished by the charter granted to Alexander Scrymgeour, given in the preceding note; and as the lands which were at that time conferred are declared to have belonged to thecrown, the full and unrestricted authority with which Wallace was invested becomes thereby the more apparent.

16Lord Hailes, on the authority of Hemingford, says ‘Temple-liston,’ and thus condescends to notice a respectable writer:—“Sir Robert Sibbald, Comment. in Relat. et Blair, p. 31, says ‘atTorphichen,’ becauseBlind Harrysays so. It was an admirable fancy to correct W. Hemingford byBlind Harry! Had Edward fixed his head-quarters at Torphichen, his communication with Edinburgh and the Frith of Forth would have been speedily cut off.”This is scarcely doing Sir Robert justice. It is more reasonable to suppose that he said so, after weighing the probabilities of the case. That Torphichen was a place of some importance, and possessed accommodation, appears certain, from the circumstance of Wallace having, only a few months before, assembled the Scottish Barons to a parliament there; and it was, as has been already mentioned, the station of a preceptory of the Templars, within the precincts of which Edward was more likely to fix his head-quarters, than in any part of the desolated country around him. During his stay, we also find him employed in conferring the honour of knighthood on a number of young esquires;—an idea very naturally produced by his residence in such a spot. That Edward’s communication with Edinburgh and the Frith of Forth became thereby liable to any interruption, is a supposition more to be admired for simplicity, than depth of reflection. The distance between Torphichen and Temple-liston, is but a very few miles. Edward was at the head of an army consisting of 7000 cavalry, and about 100,000 foot; a multitude that could find little more than tent-room in the space between the two places. Had the English monarch, therefore, been the most imbecile general that ever led men to the field,—with such a force he could have no difficulty in keeping open his communication to a much greater extent than what was required in such a position. That a portion of the English army was stationed at Temple-liston, is not to be doubted; and it seems equally certain, that Edward made the more convenient station of Torphichen his own head-quarters. Sir Robert, therefore, had reason, as well as the authority of Blind Harry, in support of his statement.

This is scarcely doing Sir Robert justice. It is more reasonable to suppose that he said so, after weighing the probabilities of the case. That Torphichen was a place of some importance, and possessed accommodation, appears certain, from the circumstance of Wallace having, only a few months before, assembled the Scottish Barons to a parliament there; and it was, as has been already mentioned, the station of a preceptory of the Templars, within the precincts of which Edward was more likely to fix his head-quarters, than in any part of the desolated country around him. During his stay, we also find him employed in conferring the honour of knighthood on a number of young esquires;—an idea very naturally produced by his residence in such a spot. That Edward’s communication with Edinburgh and the Frith of Forth became thereby liable to any interruption, is a supposition more to be admired for simplicity, than depth of reflection. The distance between Torphichen and Temple-liston, is but a very few miles. Edward was at the head of an army consisting of 7000 cavalry, and about 100,000 foot; a multitude that could find little more than tent-room in the space between the two places. Had the English monarch, therefore, been the most imbecile general that ever led men to the field,—with such a force he could have no difficulty in keeping open his communication to a much greater extent than what was required in such a position. That a portion of the English army was stationed at Temple-liston, is not to be doubted; and it seems equally certain, that Edward made the more convenient station of Torphichen his own head-quarters. Sir Robert, therefore, had reason, as well as the authority of Blind Harry, in support of his statement.

17SeeAppendix, F.

18These noblemen, it is said, were the Earls of Dunbar and Angus. With respect to the first, there is certainly a mistake, as he does not appeareverto have joined the standard of Wallace, and the other, with more propriety, may be called an Anglo-Scot. What share he may have had in the treason, is uncertain. That the plans of Wallace were betrayed by those in his confidence, is evident; but who the guilty parties were, remains doubtful. The subsequent conduct of Comyn excites a strong suspicion against him.

19The banner of the Earl of Lincoln was of yellow silk, with a purple lion rampant. That of the Constable was of deep blue silk, with a white bend between twocotisesof fine gold, on the outside of which he had six lioncels rampant.—Walter of Exeter.

20In an encampment, this ensign was placed near the royal tent, on the right of the other standards. It was intended to be expressive of destruction to the enemy, and of safety to the weary and wounded among the English.Vide Illustrations of British History.

21SeeAppendix, G.

22Langtoft says, the Welsh, amounting to 40,000, would not act against the Scots at Falkirk.“The Walsch folk that tide did nouther ille no gode,Thei held tham alle bi side, opon a hille thei stode.Ther thei stode that while, tille the bataile was don.”Vol. ii. p. 306.

22Langtoft says, the Welsh, amounting to 40,000, would not act against the Scots at Falkirk.

“The Walsch folk that tide did nouther ille no gode,Thei held tham alle bi side, opon a hille thei stode.Ther thei stode that while, tille the bataile was don.”Vol. ii. p. 306.

“The Walsch folk that tide did nouther ille no gode,Thei held tham alle bi side, opon a hille thei stode.Ther thei stode that while, tille the bataile was don.”

Vol. ii. p. 306.

23Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 305, 306.

24This warrior is thus described by Langtoft, who claims him as anEnglishman:—“Was no man Inglis maynhed no dede that day,Bot a templer of pris, Sir Brian the geayMaister templere he was on this half the se,He folowed the Scottis pas, whan the bigan to fleFer in tille a wod; men calle it Kalenters,Ther in a mire a mod, withouten help of pers,Slank thei Sir Brian alone withouten mo.”Vol. ii. p. 305, 6.By Rymer, however, he is noticed as swearing fealty to Edward in Edinburgh Castle, July 1291, after the convocation of Brigham, and designated aspreceptor templi in Scotia; and, by the same authority, it appears his example was followed byJohn de Sautre, and those under his control.

24This warrior is thus described by Langtoft, who claims him as anEnglishman:—

“Was no man Inglis maynhed no dede that day,Bot a templer of pris, Sir Brian the geayMaister templere he was on this half the se,He folowed the Scottis pas, whan the bigan to fleFer in tille a wod; men calle it Kalenters,Ther in a mire a mod, withouten help of pers,Slank thei Sir Brian alone withouten mo.”Vol. ii. p. 305, 6.

Vol. ii. p. 305, 6.

By Rymer, however, he is noticed as swearing fealty to Edward in Edinburgh Castle, July 1291, after the convocation of Brigham, and designated aspreceptor templi in Scotia; and, by the same authority, it appears his example was followed byJohn de Sautre, and those under his control.

25Among the various documents which his Lordship appears to consider authentic, is the following, which he thus introduces:—“I have seen the title of a public instrument, which runs thus:—‘Acte contenant les responses faites par Pierre Flotte, Seigneur de Revel, commis par le Roy (de France) pour traitter et conferer avec les Ambassadeurs Anglois, touchant l’execution du traité de treve, et reparation des infractions d’icelle. Simon de Meleun l’arbitre nommé par le Roy, offrit au Roy d’Angleterre de delivrer tous les prisonniers Anglois en rendant par lui le Roy de Escosse et son fils, et les Escossois detenus en Angleterre et ailleurs, ou les mettant en la garde d’un prelat Francois qui les gardera soubs le nom du Pape pendant que le Pape jugera de leur differend.’ The original, if extant, says Lord Hailes, might serve to explain several circumstances respecting this treaty; particularly, that Edward Baliol was in captivity, together with his father, and that the Pope proposed himself as umpire between Edward I. and his disobedient vassal.”Now, the above is all good modern French, and the orthography exactly as at present, with the exception of the following words,responses,traitter,Escosse,soubs, which appear to have had their spelling antiquated a little, to give the document a venerable air;—it has, on the whole, a very clumsy appearance, and shows that it cannot be older than the 17th century. If the “full evidence” referred to be liable to similar objections, it will not appear very surprising, that our early writers should have been so much in the dark respecting it.

Now, the above is all good modern French, and the orthography exactly as at present, with the exception of the following words,responses,traitter,Escosse,soubs, which appear to have had their spelling antiquated a little, to give the document a venerable air;—it has, on the whole, a very clumsy appearance, and shows that it cannot be older than the 17th century. If the “full evidence” referred to be liable to similar objections, it will not appear very surprising, that our early writers should have been so much in the dark respecting it.

26Vol. i. 311, 312.

27The son of Sir Chrytell, slain at Blackironside.

28“His Grace the Duke of Montrose (one of whose titles is Viscount Dundaff), possesses an antique sword, on which is the followinginscription:—‘SIR IONE YE GRAME, VERRY VICHT AND WYSE,ONE OF YE CHIEFES RELIEVIT SCOTLAND THRYSE.FAVGHT VITH YS SVORD, AND NER THOUT SCHAME,COMMANDIT NANE TO BEIR IT BOT HIS NAME.’“The Duke is also proprietor of Dundaff, where Sir John Graham of Dundaff’s castle is seen in ruins.“The grave-stone of Sir John de Graham is in the churchyard of Falkirk, having the following Latin motto, with atranslation:—‘MENTE MANUQVE POTENS, ET VALLÆ FIDVS ACHATES;CONDITVR HIC GRAMVS, BELLO INTERFECTVS AB ANGLIS.XXII. JVLII ANNO 1298.’‘Heir lyes Sir John the Grame, baith wight and wise,Ane of the Cheefs who rescewit Scotland thrise,Ane better Knight, not to the world was lent,Nor was gude Grame, of truth and hardiment.’“While some of Cromwell’s troops were stationed in Falkirk, an officer desired the parochial schoolmaster to translate the Latin. This he did asfollows:—‘Of mind and courage stout,Wallace’s true Achates;Here lies Sir John the Grame,Felled by the English Baties.’“There are now three stones upon the grave. When the inscription on the first had begun to wear out by the influence of the weather, a second was put above it, with the same inscription; and a third was lately added by William Graham of Airth, Esq. At a little distance, upon the left, is an unpolished stone, said to cover the remains of the gallant knight of Bonkill.”—Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire.With regard to Stewart of Bonkill being buried in Falkirk, we are inclined to be a little sceptical, not so much from the silence of the Minstrel, as from the great probability of his having been conveyed to Bute by the surviving tenantry of that island. In a small ruined chapel, about half a mile west of Rothesay, there is still to be seen all that remains of “the auld Stewarts of Bute,” where, amidst a number of dilapidated monuments, well worth the attention of the antiquary, appears a stone figure, said to represent the gallant knight of Bonkill, in complete armour of the 13th century. In a recess in the opposite wall, there is also to be seen another figure, representingJean M’Rudrie, heiress of Bute. This lady appears to have been descended from a sea-officer, or pirate, namedRudrie, who is thus noticed in the Norwegian account of the expedition of King Haco:—“The wind was not favourable; King Haco, however, made Andreas Pott go before him, south to Bute, with some small vessels, to join those he had already sent thither. News was soon received, that they had won a fortress, the garrison of which had capitulated, and accepted terms of the Norwegians. There was with the Norwegians a sea-officer calledRudri; he considered Bute as his birth-right; and because he had not received the island of the Scots, he committed many ravages, and killed many people, and for that he was outlawed by the Scottish King. He came to Haco and took the oaths to him, and, with two of his brothers, became his subjects. As soon as the garrison, after having delivered up the stronghold, were gone away from the Norwegians, Rudri killed nine of them, because he thought he owed them no good will.” After the treaty between Alexander and the Norwegians, it would seem that Rudrie had been allowed to hold the island of Bute as a vassal of the Scottish crown; and there is every reason to believe that theJanet M’Rudrieabove mentioned was either his daughter or grand-daughter, who, by her marrying Alexander Stewart, became the mother of Sir John Stewart of Bonkill.The present noble proprietor, whose family came to the possession of Bute in the reign of Robert II., has made some slight repairs about the walls where these figures are reclining. It is, however, to be regretted, that a little more attention is not paid to the preservation of such valuable antiques.

28“His Grace the Duke of Montrose (one of whose titles is Viscount Dundaff), possesses an antique sword, on which is the followinginscription:—

‘SIR IONE YE GRAME, VERRY VICHT AND WYSE,ONE OF YE CHIEFES RELIEVIT SCOTLAND THRYSE.FAVGHT VITH YS SVORD, AND NER THOUT SCHAME,COMMANDIT NANE TO BEIR IT BOT HIS NAME.’

“The Duke is also proprietor of Dundaff, where Sir John Graham of Dundaff’s castle is seen in ruins.

“The grave-stone of Sir John de Graham is in the churchyard of Falkirk, having the following Latin motto, with atranslation:—

‘MENTE MANUQVE POTENS, ET VALLÆ FIDVS ACHATES;CONDITVR HIC GRAMVS, BELLO INTERFECTVS AB ANGLIS.XXII. JVLII ANNO 1298.’

‘MENTE MANUQVE POTENS, ET VALLÆ FIDVS ACHATES;CONDITVR HIC GRAMVS, BELLO INTERFECTVS AB ANGLIS.

XXII. JVLII ANNO 1298.’

‘Heir lyes Sir John the Grame, baith wight and wise,Ane of the Cheefs who rescewit Scotland thrise,Ane better Knight, not to the world was lent,Nor was gude Grame, of truth and hardiment.’

“While some of Cromwell’s troops were stationed in Falkirk, an officer desired the parochial schoolmaster to translate the Latin. This he did asfollows:—

‘Of mind and courage stout,Wallace’s true Achates;Here lies Sir John the Grame,Felled by the English Baties.’

“There are now three stones upon the grave. When the inscription on the first had begun to wear out by the influence of the weather, a second was put above it, with the same inscription; and a third was lately added by William Graham of Airth, Esq. At a little distance, upon the left, is an unpolished stone, said to cover the remains of the gallant knight of Bonkill.”—Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire.

With regard to Stewart of Bonkill being buried in Falkirk, we are inclined to be a little sceptical, not so much from the silence of the Minstrel, as from the great probability of his having been conveyed to Bute by the surviving tenantry of that island. In a small ruined chapel, about half a mile west of Rothesay, there is still to be seen all that remains of “the auld Stewarts of Bute,” where, amidst a number of dilapidated monuments, well worth the attention of the antiquary, appears a stone figure, said to represent the gallant knight of Bonkill, in complete armour of the 13th century. In a recess in the opposite wall, there is also to be seen another figure, representingJean M’Rudrie, heiress of Bute. This lady appears to have been descended from a sea-officer, or pirate, namedRudrie, who is thus noticed in the Norwegian account of the expedition of King Haco:—“The wind was not favourable; King Haco, however, made Andreas Pott go before him, south to Bute, with some small vessels, to join those he had already sent thither. News was soon received, that they had won a fortress, the garrison of which had capitulated, and accepted terms of the Norwegians. There was with the Norwegians a sea-officer calledRudri; he considered Bute as his birth-right; and because he had not received the island of the Scots, he committed many ravages, and killed many people, and for that he was outlawed by the Scottish King. He came to Haco and took the oaths to him, and, with two of his brothers, became his subjects. As soon as the garrison, after having delivered up the stronghold, were gone away from the Norwegians, Rudri killed nine of them, because he thought he owed them no good will.” After the treaty between Alexander and the Norwegians, it would seem that Rudrie had been allowed to hold the island of Bute as a vassal of the Scottish crown; and there is every reason to believe that theJanet M’Rudrieabove mentioned was either his daughter or grand-daughter, who, by her marrying Alexander Stewart, became the mother of Sir John Stewart of Bonkill.

The present noble proprietor, whose family came to the possession of Bute in the reign of Robert II., has made some slight repairs about the walls where these figures are reclining. It is, however, to be regretted, that a little more attention is not paid to the preservation of such valuable antiques.

29Lamberton appears to have succeeded Frazer in the Bishoprick of St Andrew’s. This secret emissary of Edward died at Paris in 1297, to which place he probably thought proper to retire on the success of Wallace. According to his own request, his heart was brought to Scotland, and “layed in halowyed sepultour” in the wall of the cathedral over which he presided. His body was interred in the cemetery of the Preaching Friars at Paris. Lamberton, his successor, a man of learning and good reputation, had been Chancellor of Glasgow.—Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 99.

30Stowe.

31Observations on the Wardrobe Account of 28 Edward I. p. lx. The monastery of Cupar was also plundered on this occasion. By the inventory of Edward’s jewels taken in 1300, there appear 18 silver cups, and one silk girdle richly ornamented, which are stated to have been taken from the monastery of Cupar. This, no doubt, would form a part of the King’s share of the booty.—VideWardrobe Account, p. 353.

32SeeAppendix, H.

33The strength and importance of Dumbarton castle, is thus described by an English spy who visited Scotland during the regency of the Duke of Albany, and afterwards in the reign of James I. It would appear, that in those days the rock was completely surrounded by water at every influx of the tide.——passe on forthwarde to Dumbertayne,A castell stronge and harde for to obteine.In whiche castell S. Patryke was borne,That afterwarde in Irelande dyd wynne,About the whyche floweth, euen and morne,The westerne seas without noyse or dynne,Twyse in xxiiii. houres without any fayle,That no man may that stronge castell assayle.Vpon a rocke so hye the same dothe stande,That yf the walles were beaten to the roche,Yet were it full harde to clymbe with foot or hand,And so to wynne, yf any to them approche,So strong it is to get without reproche;That without honger and cruell famyshemente,Yt cannot bee taken to my iudgemente.John Hardyng’s Chronicle, p. 426.

——passe on forthwarde to Dumbertayne,A castell stronge and harde for to obteine.In whiche castell S. Patryke was borne,That afterwarde in Irelande dyd wynne,About the whyche floweth, euen and morne,The westerne seas without noyse or dynne,Twyse in xxiiii. houres without any fayle,That no man may that stronge castell assayle.Vpon a rocke so hye the same dothe stande,That yf the walles were beaten to the roche,Yet were it full harde to clymbe with foot or hand,And so to wynne, yf any to them approche,So strong it is to get without reproche;That without honger and cruell famyshemente,Yt cannot bee taken to my iudgemente.John Hardyng’s Chronicle, p. 426.

——passe on forthwarde to Dumbertayne,A castell stronge and harde for to obteine.

In whiche castell S. Patryke was borne,That afterwarde in Irelande dyd wynne,About the whyche floweth, euen and morne,The westerne seas without noyse or dynne,Twyse in xxiiii. houres without any fayle,That no man may that stronge castell assayle.

Vpon a rocke so hye the same dothe stande,That yf the walles were beaten to the roche,Yet were it full harde to clymbe with foot or hand,And so to wynne, yf any to them approche,So strong it is to get without reproche;That without honger and cruell famyshemente,Yt cannot bee taken to my iudgemente.

John Hardyng’s Chronicle, p. 426.

34On the summit of Dumbarton rock is to be seen the ruins of a building, known by the name of Wallace’s house. Judging by what remains, it appears to have been of very limited extent, and, though well calculated for security, would afford but scanty accommodation to the inmates. Its form is circular, and the site commands an extensive view; it, however, could make but a precarious resistance to an enemy possessed of the lower fortification. From the following lines in Barbour, it appears very probable that this was the place in which Lord William Soulis was detained a state prisoner for life, in consequence of his conspiring against RobertBruce:—The lord the Sowllis has grantyt tharThe deid in to plane parleament,Tharefor sone eftre he was sentTill his pennance to Dunbertane;And deid thar in a tour off stane.The Bruce, Buke Threttene, 406–410.

The lord the Sowllis has grantyt tharThe deid in to plane parleament,Tharefor sone eftre he was sentTill his pennance to Dunbertane;And deid thar in a tour off stane.The Bruce, Buke Threttene, 406–410.

The lord the Sowllis has grantyt tharThe deid in to plane parleament,Tharefor sone eftre he was sentTill his pennance to Dunbertane;And deid thar in a tour off stane.

The Bruce, Buke Threttene, 406–410.

35Henry states, that after Wallace had driven the English out of Dumbarton, which he accomplished by an ingenious stratagem put in execution at night, he proceeded towards the castle of Roseneath, which was occupied by the enemy, and having learned that a marriage was to take place among them on the ensuing day, he posted his men in ambush on the road between the castle and a church, situated on the “Garlouch” where the ceremony was to be performed. The cavalcade approached, accompanied by most of the soldiers of the garrison. The Scots, at the signal of their chief, burst from their concealment, and having with little difficulty overpowered and put their astonished adversaries to the sword, they took possession of the fortress, which they found amply supplied with provisions of all kinds, intended, no doubt, for the joyous occasion.The above anecdote induces the writer again to remark on the accuracy of Henry’s topography. If his work be not a faithful translation from the narrative of an eye-witness, his knowledge of the localities of the country is truly wonderful.

The above anecdote induces the writer again to remark on the accuracy of Henry’s topography. If his work be not a faithful translation from the narrative of an eye-witness, his knowledge of the localities of the country is truly wonderful.

36For the gratification of the reader who may feel curious respecting the nature of the supplies required for the support and defence of an English garrison in the 13th century, we have made the following extract from the Wardrobe Account of the munitions, sent on this occasion to Stirling; viz. 1000 stockfish, 610 ling, 4 lasts herrings, 104 cheeses, 6000 onions, 30 cwt. tallow, 1 barrel honey, 11 barrels pitch, 20 lb. wax, 20 lb. cummin, 2 lb. crocus, 6 lb. round pepper, 10 bundles steel or iron, 4 large plates with handles, 100 dishes ditto, 100 cups, 100 salt-cellars, 2 largebaliste, (de vicio) 18balistæ, (ad unum pedam) 18 doz. bow-strings, 50 bows, 2 furnace-stones, 22 cwt. hemp, 200 goose-wings for darts and arrows, 3 horse hides untanned, 6 bullocks do. ditto for the bottom of the engines, twine, thread, needles, 1 doz. parchment, 2 lb. inkpowder, 18 pieces cloth, for clothing the men, 1 piece blue cloth, being clothing for John Sampson, constable of the castle, 2 chaplains and 1 clerk, 1000 ells linen, 30 fur-skins for great-coats for the servants of the King’s household, stationed in said garrison, 4 lamb skins for hoods for the use of said constable, chaplains, and 1 clerk, 240 pair shoes, and 500 ellscanvas.A

AThe above goods were sent by John the son of Walter, master of the vessel called the Godale of Beverley.

37It is very probable that Edward had evidence in his possession of the commission of regency he had granted to Wallace. The English monarch had too many secret emissaries in Scotland, to remain long ignorant of a matter of such importance. What Baliol might say to the contrary would therefore meet with little credit; and his apparent duplicity, no doubt, prompted the following remark, which, according to Walsingham, Edward made use of, on delivering him to the Nuncio. “I send him to the Pope as a perjured man, and a seducer of the people.”

38Independent of all the difficulties which Wallace had to encounter in the Low country, the turbulent state of the Highlands prevented him from receiving any assistance of consequence from that quarter. The chieftains there seemed to consider their interests as very little connected with the safety or independence of the Lowlanders; and they carried on their feuds with as much inveteracy, as if no foreign enemy had been in the country. We find, that “about the year 1299, there was an insurrection made against the Earl of Ross, by some of the people of that province, inhabiting the mountains called Clan-Iver-Clan-Tall-wigh, and Clan-Leawe. The Earl of Ross made such diligence, that he apprehended their captain, and imprisoned him at Dingwall: which so incensed the Highlanders, that they pursued the Earl of Ross’s second son, at Balnegowen, took him, and carried him along prisoner with them, thinking thereby to get their captain relieved. The Monroes and the Dingwalls, with some others of the Earl of Ross his dependers, gathered their forces, and pursued the Highlanders with all diligence; so, overtaking them at Beallogh-ne-broig, between Ferrindonell and Lochbrime, there ensued a cruel battle, well foughten on either side. The Clan-Iver, Clan-tall-wigh and Clan-Leaive, were almost utterly extinguished. The Monroes had a sorrowful victory, with a great loss of their men; and carried back again the Earl of Ross his son. The Laird of Kildun was there slain with seven score of the surname of Dingwall. Divers of the Monroes were slain in the conflict; and among the rest, there were killed eleven of the house of Foulis, that were to succeed one another; so that the succession of Foulis fell unto a child then lying in his cradle. For which service the Earl of Ross gave divers lands to the Monroes and Dingwalls.”—Conflicts of the clans.

39In the Wardrobe Account, 28th Edward I., there is an entry of 6s. 8d. paid to Ralph de Kyrkby, the messenger who brought to the King the conditions and surrender of Stirling. The following notice respecting this intended expedition appears in the same document. “To a monk of Durham, to carry St Cuthbert’s banner into Scotland, when the King intended to go in person to raise the siege of Stirling Castle, 20 days, at 1s. per day.” One of the vicars of Beverly College had 8d. per day for carrying St John’s banner, and 1d. per day to carry it back.

40Walter of Exeter, an historical bard, who accompanied the expedition, and of whose interesting work on the siege of Carlaverock Castle, written in old Norman French, an admirable translation has been given to the public, with notes and valuable biographical sketches, byNicholas Harris Nicolas, Esq. a name highly appreciated by all who have any taste for the pleasures arising from antiquarian research.

41SeeAppendix, I.

42For the sake of illustration, we submit the following items, taken from the wardrobe account of Edward I. for the year 1300, being part of the expenses incurred in the siege of Carlaverock:—Extract from Wardrobe Account, Edward I., 1299–1300.Account of Ade de Glasham, Carpenter, (p. 267.)For hire of 7 carriages, for conveying a certain engine, belonging to the Castle of Lochmaben, from thence to the Castle of Carlaverock, for the use of the King’s army, employed in the siege of that castle; viz.5 carriages for 7 days, from 6th July}at 6d. a day for each carriageL.1 1 62 carriages for 4 days, from 9th July4 days of a smith and his assistant, employed in the Castle of Lochmaben repairing said engine, at 6d. a day—wages of assistant, 4d.0 3 4Coals furnished for said repairs0 1 0Hire of one artilleryman for one day, making a band or strap for said engine at Carlaverock0 0 40 4 8Paid for delivering said engine at Skynburness, and putting it on board a vessel for Lochmaben0 4 0Paid at Dumfries, 2d Nov.L.1 10 2Account of Stephen Banyng, Shipmaster, (p. 272.)For freight of a certain engine, from Skynburness to Carlaverock—master’s wages for 2 days, from July 10. at 6d. a day—10 seamen at 3d. a dayL.0 6 0Account of Richard de Geyton, Master of the Nicholas de Geyton, (p. 273.)For freight of 20 bullocks (carcos’ boum) to Carlaverock, for the use of the garrison of Dumfries Castle—wages of self and 5 seamen for 8 days, at the above rateL.0 14 0Pilotage between Kirkcudbright and Carlaverock, for that time0 2 0L.0 16 0Account of William Boterel, Master of the Grace of God of Ross, (p. 274.)For freight of 5 tuns of wine (dolia) from Kirkcudbright to Carlaverock—wages of self and 7 seamen for 10 days, from 19th to 29th August, as aboveL.1 2 6[N. B.—The engagement with 30 vessels, during this expedition to Scotland, appears to have been at the rate of 6d. a day for the master, and 3d. for the seamen, from 23d July till 26th September 1300.—Admiral of the fleet, 2s. a day.—Captains of ships, from the ports of Sandwich and Dover, 1s.—Chaplain of the fleet, to confess sailors, 6d. a day, p. 275–8.]Paid Robert de Wodehons, viz. (p. 259.)For Peter de Preston and his 9 companions, mounted on horses, with full harness, and charges of 660 bowmen, from Lancashire to Carlisle, and from Carlisle to Carlaverock, to join the King on 8th July, 2 days—horsemen at 1s.—bowmen 2d. a dayL.12 11 0

42For the sake of illustration, we submit the following items, taken from the wardrobe account of Edward I. for the year 1300, being part of the expenses incurred in the siege of Carlaverock:—

Extract from Wardrobe Account, Edward I., 1299–1300.

43SeeAppendix, K.

44See account of the King’s progress, page 67 of Remarks on Wardrobe Account of Edward I.

45The following items, which appear in the above Account for 1300, as having reference to this campaign, and to the manner in which Edward was employed, may be interesting to some of our readers.Donation to Henry de Cornwall, wounded by the Scots near Columtach, in Galloway. For his return and medicines, by the hands of William de Toulose, who lent him the money, one half merk (dimidium marce).To a stable-boy, hurt by one of the King’s horses at Kirkcudbright,fiveshillings.Alms and Offerings at Scottish Chapels.7th July.—At the altar of St Nicholas, 7s., and St Thomas the Archbishop, 7s.—in the parish church of Applegarth.10th July—At the high altar of the Friars Minors, Dumfries, 7s. and 16th, 7s.12th July.—Do. of his own chapel of Carlaverock, at St Thomas, 7s.At the high altar, Kirkcudbright priory, and in his chapel there, July 19th, 7s.; 20th, 7s.; 22d, 7s.; 25th, 7s.; 27th, 7s.29th August.—At his own chapel Carlaverock, 7s.In his own chapel at Dumfries, October 24th, for good news about the Scots, 7s.; 28th, 7s.; November 1st, 7s.; and November 3d, at his own altar at Carlaverock, 7s.14th Oct. At his own chapel (Holm), for the report he heard of the success of the men-at-arms of the Castle of Roxburgh, 7s.There is also, in the same year, an offering at the high altar of the Royal Chapel of Westminster, for good news against the Scots; and 5l.10s. 10d. for 190 masses in honour of different saints, by the King’s chaplains, both in England and Scotland, between November 20th, 1299, and November 19th, 1300.

45The following items, which appear in the above Account for 1300, as having reference to this campaign, and to the manner in which Edward was employed, may be interesting to some of our readers.

Donation to Henry de Cornwall, wounded by the Scots near Columtach, in Galloway. For his return and medicines, by the hands of William de Toulose, who lent him the money, one half merk (dimidium marce).

To a stable-boy, hurt by one of the King’s horses at Kirkcudbright,fiveshillings.

Alms and Offerings at Scottish Chapels.

7th July.—At the altar of St Nicholas, 7s., and St Thomas the Archbishop, 7s.—in the parish church of Applegarth.

10th July—At the high altar of the Friars Minors, Dumfries, 7s. and 16th, 7s.

12th July.—Do. of his own chapel of Carlaverock, at St Thomas, 7s.

At the high altar, Kirkcudbright priory, and in his chapel there, July 19th, 7s.; 20th, 7s.; 22d, 7s.; 25th, 7s.; 27th, 7s.

29th August.—At his own chapel Carlaverock, 7s.

In his own chapel at Dumfries, October 24th, for good news about the Scots, 7s.; 28th, 7s.; November 1st, 7s.; and November 3d, at his own altar at Carlaverock, 7s.

14th Oct. At his own chapel (Holm), for the report he heard of the success of the men-at-arms of the Castle of Roxburgh, 7s.

There is also, in the same year, an offering at the high altar of the Royal Chapel of Westminster, for good news against the Scots; and 5l.10s. 10d. for 190 masses in honour of different saints, by the King’s chaplains, both in England and Scotland, between November 20th, 1299, and November 19th, 1300.

46The curious reader may perhaps take some interest in the following notices of the workmen employed about these fortresses, and the rate of wages they received for their labour. They are taken from the Wardrobe Account. The authenticity of the document is unquestionable.Repairs at Lochmaben, October 1300.Octr. 24.Hire of 44 ditchers (fossatores) from the neighbourhood of Lochmaben, (including one overseer at 6penniesa day) for one dayL.0 8 025.Do. of 34 do. (including one overseer at 6penniesa day) for 3 days0 19 031.Do. of 50 do. (including 3 overseers at 6pennieseach per day) for 4 days1 17 4Nov. 2.Do. of one manager, at 6 pennies a day, and 178 ditchers including 9 overseers from the county of Northumberland, for 3 days4 15 0Paid William of Lochmaben, overseer, and 25 labourers from the neighbourhood of Lochmaben, for 3 days (from 27th of Octr.)0 13 6Nov. 2.Hire of 76 labourers from Cumberland, including 4 overseers as above, by the King’s order (ad mandatum Regis) for 1 day0 13 4Do. of 4 men inspecting the work of said ditchers, from 23d till 30th October, 8 days, at 4penniesa day each0 10 8Do. of 7 women helping to clean the ditches for one day (Oct. 24) at 1½pennies0 0 10½Do. for 9 women (Oct. 27) 3 days at 1½d.0 3 4½Do. for 10(Oct. 28.)}as above0 3 4½Do. for 14(Oct. 29.)Do. for 25(Oct. 30.)0 3 1½Extra gratification to said ditchers, being King’s bounty1 5 7Carriage of workmen’s tools from Northumberland, through Carlisle to Dumfries0 10 0Hire of 2 smiths from said county, from 17th Oct. till Nov. 1st, 16 days, at 4penniesa day1 1 4L.13 4 1½Amount paid to Henry Braundeston, for Ade de St Edmunds.—Seepage 269of Wardrobe Account.Hire of 2 men employed in Inglewood-forest, making charcoal for the smiths, 4 days, 2s.

Amount paid to Henry Braundeston, for Ade de St Edmunds.—Seepage 269of Wardrobe Account.

Hire of 2 men employed in Inglewood-forest, making charcoal for the smiths, 4 days, 2s.

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