LIFEOFSIR WILLIAM WALLACE.CHAPTER I.WALLACE APPOINTED GUARDIAN OF THE KINGDOM.—INVADES ENGLAND.—INROAD OF DE CLIFFORD ON THE SOUTH OF SCOTLAND.Stirling Castle capitulated immediately after the battle, and Sir MarmadukeTwenge,1who had taken shelter in it, was sent prisoner to Dumbarton. The surrender of the castle of Dundee followed; and, with the exception of the garrisons remaining in Roxburgh, Berwick, and Dunbar, Scotland was once more completely cleared of her invaders. These places, with the exceptionof the last, were also given up, as soon as they were summoned by the leaders of the Scottish army; and about this time, at a meeting held in the Forest-kirk, Selkirkshire, Wallace was elected, or declared Regent of Scotland, in the name of King John; the appointment being sanctioned by the presence of the Earl of Lennox, Sir William Douglas, and a number of the most powerful among the nobility.Thus armed with legitimate authority, the newly appointed Guardian began to exercise it in the manner that he conceived would be most conducive to the general interest and welfare of the country. He had often experienced the difficulties which feudal vassalage presented to his efforts in behalf of the national independence. The numerous serfs who were retained in bondage by the more powerful barons, could be either restrained from taking up arms, or withdrawn at the caprice of their masters, even when their services were of the greatest importance. A power so dangerous in the hands of a party comparatively small, had been productive of the most ruinous consequences. To reform a system pregnant with mischief, and one at the same time so much in favour with the prejudices of the age, required wisdom and energy, such as he possessed. Aware of the opposition which an open and declared attempt to emancipate theadscripti glebæwould create,—he attacked the system in the only part where it appeared to be vulnerable. Having divided the country into districts, he caused a muster-roll to be made out, containing the names of all who were capable of bearing arms between the age of sixteen and sixty. These he divided and subdivided in amanner peculiarly his own. Over every four men he appointed a fifth; over every nine, a tenth; over every nineteen, a twentieth; and thus continued the gradation of rank till it reached the chiliarch, or commander of athousand.2In the different parishes, gibbets were also erected to enforce obedience to these regulations; and whoever refused to appear for the defence of his country when summoned, was hung up as an example to others. Those barons who interposed their authority to prevent their vassals from joining the ranks of the patriots, were either punished with imprisonment, or confiscation of property.Though the active and restless mind of Wallace may now seem to have had full employment in the various duties of his office,—yet, amidst the multiplicity of objects of internal policy which occupied his time, the resuscitation of the foreign trade of the kingdom appears to have had its proper share of his attention. The advantage which Scotland derived from her foreign commercial intercourse, as has been already stated, was too important to be soon forgotten; and the heroic and faithful conduct of the Flemings at the siege of Berwick, was too recent not to be dwelt on with grateful remembrance. In order, therefore, to renew the connection with those useful strangers, accredited persons appear to have been despatched with letters to the free towns of Hamburg andLubeck.3Having provided for the necessary supplies of men, the Guardian determined on retaliating the injuries Scotland had sustained at the hands of herlate oppressors. Meanwhile a famine,—the natural consequence of the neglect of agriculture during the unsettled state of the country, had begun to make its appearance; and was soon followed by a pestilence,—occasioned, doubtless, by the multitude of putrid carcasses which remained, partially at least, if not altogether, exposed after the recent carnage. To alleviate, as far as possible, the misery consequent on those dreaded calamities, he commanded all the standing crops to be carefully gathered in, and stored up in barns and yards under proper regulations, to meet the exigencies of the country during winter. In order, at the same time, to concentrate the strength and resources of the country, and establish that unanimity so necessary for its defence, he summoned all the vassals of the Scottish crown to meet him at Perth. From this parliament, which was pretty numerously attended, Patrick, Earl of Dunbar, thought proper to absent himself. The great power and military experience of this baron, joined to the circumstance of his occupying a fortress which was considered as the key of theeasternpart of the kingdom, made it an object of some importance that his allegiance should be unquestionable. An early partisan of Edward, he had as yet shown no disposition to relinquish his unnatural connection with the enemy. When the subject of his absence came, therefore, to be discussed before the Scottish Nobles, they unanimously resolved on proceeding against him without delay. Wallace, however, proposed the more gentle expedient of remonstrance, before having recourse to extremities; and a deputation was accordingly sent, to request his attendance as a Scottish Peer, in orderto take part in the government of the country, and to aid, with his counsel and his arms, in the establishment of the national independence. Possessed of large dominions in England, as well as an extensive inheritance in Scotland, this Earl felt little inclination to incur the displeasure of his Lord Paramount in the South, by a too ready accession to the cause of liberty in the North; and he accordingly returned a haughty and scornful answer, no way calculated to allay the prejudice which his former contemptuous behaviour had excited against him. As soon, therefore, as the various objects which had engaged the attention of the parliament were disposed of, Wallace proceeded, with a select body of four hundred men, to reduce the turbulent chieftain. A little to the east of Dunbar, the Guardian found the Earl awaiting his approach at the head of nine hundred followers; and a desperate conflict immediately commenced, which ended in the flight of Patrick, who escaped toEngland.4The castle of Dunbar was in consequence surrendered to the victor, who gave it in charge to Sir Christopher Seton, with a competent garrison for its defence.1297. Early in October a proclamation was issued for every one capable of bearing arms to appear on the moor of Roslin. An immense multitude attended. The most vigorous and the best equipped were then selected; and having thus embodied an efficient, numerous, and gallant army, Wallace excited their ardour by a short and animating address, in which he told them, that, united as they were, with only one glorious object in view, they hadnothing but victory to expect,—their country had been stript of its wealth by their late oppressors, and it was now their duty and interest to recover it, and punish the aggressors. Thearmy5then proceeded in high spirits towards the English frontier,—their leader rightly judging, that, by withdrawing so many men, a larger quantity of provisions would remain for those left behind; and by adopting this measure, his soldiers also, while they escaped from the contagion which had appeared in Scotland, would be moreover rewarded for their past labours, by the riches they would find in the more flourishing regions of the South; which, having enjoyed a long interval of peace, might be conceived to be overflowing with that description of wealth most desirable in the estimation of the needy adventurers of the North;—and the latter, no doubt, as they drove home their lowing and bleating prey from the rich pastures of Durham and the neighbouring counties, considered that they were merely removing their own property, of which they had been unjustly deprived by the tyranny of the English.In this expedition, Wallace divided the command of the army with Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell, the promising son of the brave Sir Andrew, who fell in the late engagement. This honour he may have thought due to the patriotic conduct of the father, in adhering to the fortunes of his country, amidst the general defection of the Scottish barons. And—as it might tend to give thelieto those reports which began to be circulated ofan intention to aggrandize himself at the expense of the aristocracy,—the appointment was evidently a measure of judicious and honourable policy.On the approach of the Scottish army, the inhabitants of Northumberland deserted their dwellings, and fled to Newcastle, carrying with them their wives and children, their cattle and household stuff. The Guardian, however, for a short time delayed his advance; and having received notice that several of the burgesses of Aberdeen, and others in that quarter, had disobeyed his summons to appear at Roslin, he hurried back to the North, where, on apprehending the parties, those whose excuses were inadmissible, he ordered for immediate execution. Hastily rejoining his forces, he crossed the Border, and succeeded in surprising the English, who, thinking the storm had blown over, were returned to their homes.The Scots now commenced their destructive reprisals, by wasting with fire and sword the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland. In this work of devastation they were assisted by Robert de Ros of Werk, a great northern baron, who, as we have already observed, had deserted the standard of Edward in 1295. It is presumed that the same influence which formerly seduced him from his loyalty, still existed; and it is a pity that the name of the lady who made so patriotic a use of her charms, has not been preserved by the historians of her country.The former inroads of the Scots were trifling, compared with the wide-spreading desolation which now marked their career. The havoc they made, and the spoils they collected, are feelingly dwelton by the English writers of the day. Langtoft thus expresseshimself:—“To werre than ros thei eft, tille God thei mad a vowe,That no thing suld be left, that myght to Inglond prowe,Mercy suld none haue, tille alle thei suld do wo,Kirke suld no man saue, bot brenne ther in & slo.In Northumberland ther first thei bigan,& alle that com tille hande, they slouh and ouer ranTo Flandres tille Edward tithinges men him sent,That Scottis com in hard, the North is nere alle brent,& more salle zit be lorn, bot if we haf socoure.Nouht standes tham biforn, toun, castelle ne toure.”Vol. ii. p. 298, 299.Hemingford says, “At this time the praise of God was not heard in any church or monastery through the whole country, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne to the gates of Carlisle; for the monks and canons regular, and other priests who were ministers of the Lord, fled with the whole people from the face of the enemy; nor was there any to oppose them, except now and then a few English who belonged to the Castle of Alnwick, who ventured from their strongholds, and slew some stragglers. But these were but slight successes; and the Scots roved over thecountry6from the Feastof St Luke to St Martin’s day, inflicting on it all the miseries of rapine andbloodshed.”7The Guardian having summoned in all his plundering parties, and concentrated his army, directed his march towards Carlisle. The sack of this city would have been most desirable to the invaders, not only on account of its riches, but also as in some measure enabling them to avenge the injuries inflicted upon Berwick. The place, however, was strongly fortified; and the Scots not being provided with a battering train, they had to content themselves with sending a summons; which, beingdisregarded by the garrison, they passed on, and laid waste Cumberland and Allerdale, from Inglewood Forest to Derwentwater and Cockermouth. Winter now advanced:—the frost set in with uncommon severity,—and the Scots, who had created a desert around them, began also to dread the miseries of famine, as well as the inclemency of the season. Their encampments could now be traced by the frozen bodies of those who had perished during the night from the intensity of the cold. Under these circumstances, Wallace gave orders for their return to Scotland.On their reachingHexceldsham,8the monastery of which had been plundered during their advance, the following singular scene is said by Hemmingford to have occurred. Three monks, all who had the courage to remain, were observed in a small chapel. Thinking that the danger was over, they had forsaken their concealments, and were endeavouring to repair the damages of the late visitation, when, in the midst of their labours, they discovered the Scottish army returning, and fled in dismay to the oratory. The soldiers, however, with their long spears, were soon among them; and brandishing their weapons, commanded them, at their peril, to give up the treasures of the monastery. “Alas!” said one of the monks, “it is but a short time since you yourselves have seized our whole property, and you know best where it now is.” At this juncture Wallace entered, and commanding his soldiers to be silent, requested one of the monks to perform mass: he obeyed, and the Guardian and his attendants heard theservice with becoming reverence. When the elevation of the host was about to take place, Wallace retired for a moment to lay aside his helmet and arms. Instantly the avarice and ferocity of the soldiers broke out. They pressed upon the priest, snatched the cup from the high altar, tore away the ornaments and sacred vestments, and even stole the book which contained the ceremony. When their leader returned, he found the priest in fear and horror at the sacrilege. Wallace, indignant at such conduct, gave orders that the villains should be searched for, and put to death. In the mean time, he took the monks under his own special protection.As some atonement for the outrage committed, the Guardian granted to the monks of Hexceldsham a charter of protection for twelve months, from the 7th November1297,9by which their lives and property were held sacred. “The prohibition,” says Lord Hailes, “to slay any ecclesiastic of the monastery of Hexceldsham, shows that the Scots had been guilty of uncommon barbarities.” Had his Lordship said that the conduct of the Scots was merely an humble imitation of the example which the English had set them in their “Good Friday”revelriesat the sack of Berwick, he would have been nearer the truth. We find no such restraint put upon the English soldiery, who were allowed to murder their lay and clerical victims indiscriminately; not even excepting nuns, whose sex, independent of every other consideration, ought to have been their protection. If a shadow of humanity can be discoveredin the mode of warfare carried on by the two nations, it certainly belongs of right to those who published a prohibition of such enormities. In the invasion by the Scots in 1296, there is no charge brought against them of killing priests. Langtoft says, vol. ii. p. 273, that in coming to Hexham and Leynertofte, they merely chased out the chanons, and took away their goods. Their subsequent severity must therefore have been forced upon them by their enemies.English writers have lamented, with eloquence and pathos, the cruelties exercised in this invasion; and from their silence respecting the atrocities of their own countrymen, have endeavoured to fix the stain of exclusive barbarity on the arms of Scotland. This is all natural enough, and quite consistent with that national prejudice by which the people of every country are more or less imbued; but it is painfully mortifying, when we find Scotchmen of acknowledged talent and penetration forgetting what is due to themselves and to their country; and from a weak fear of being thought illiberal, following humbly in the train of such authors, and echoing their reflections; or favouringly assenting to theirex partestatements, in place of standing forward and showing the world, that their countrymen, in resorting to such severities, merely exercised a system of fair retaliation, for the purpose of repressing enormities of the deepest dye, committed in support of an aggression of the most unparalleled baseness.During the time the Scottish army was engaged in ravaging the northern counties of England, Robert de Clifford, at the head of one hundred men-at-arms, and twenty thousand foot, left Carlisle,and proceeded to plunder in Scotland. His success, however, was not great, having killed three hundred and eight Scots, burned two villages, and taken a few prisoners, with whom he returned home about Christmas.Whilst the Guardian was thus successfully prosecuting the cause of his country’s independence, his efforts, at the same time, were becoming daily more beneficial to the real liberties of the very people to whom he was opposed. Elated, first by the conquest of Wales, and afterwards by that of Scotland, Edward had already begun to stretch forth the iron road of oppression over the legitimate subjects of his own native kingdom; and, trusting to the assistance he should receive from the barons of his newly acquired conquests, who, he might naturally suppose would not be found reluctant to act as instruments in holding their late conquerors in subjection, he assumed, towards the nobles of England, an air of haughty superiority that awakened their jealousy, and alarmed their fears. But as the investigation of this subject would interrupt the course of our narrative, we shall reserve it till the end of thevolume.10
Stirling Castle capitulated immediately after the battle, and Sir MarmadukeTwenge,1who had taken shelter in it, was sent prisoner to Dumbarton. The surrender of the castle of Dundee followed; and, with the exception of the garrisons remaining in Roxburgh, Berwick, and Dunbar, Scotland was once more completely cleared of her invaders. These places, with the exceptionof the last, were also given up, as soon as they were summoned by the leaders of the Scottish army; and about this time, at a meeting held in the Forest-kirk, Selkirkshire, Wallace was elected, or declared Regent of Scotland, in the name of King John; the appointment being sanctioned by the presence of the Earl of Lennox, Sir William Douglas, and a number of the most powerful among the nobility.
Thus armed with legitimate authority, the newly appointed Guardian began to exercise it in the manner that he conceived would be most conducive to the general interest and welfare of the country. He had often experienced the difficulties which feudal vassalage presented to his efforts in behalf of the national independence. The numerous serfs who were retained in bondage by the more powerful barons, could be either restrained from taking up arms, or withdrawn at the caprice of their masters, even when their services were of the greatest importance. A power so dangerous in the hands of a party comparatively small, had been productive of the most ruinous consequences. To reform a system pregnant with mischief, and one at the same time so much in favour with the prejudices of the age, required wisdom and energy, such as he possessed. Aware of the opposition which an open and declared attempt to emancipate theadscripti glebæwould create,—he attacked the system in the only part where it appeared to be vulnerable. Having divided the country into districts, he caused a muster-roll to be made out, containing the names of all who were capable of bearing arms between the age of sixteen and sixty. These he divided and subdivided in amanner peculiarly his own. Over every four men he appointed a fifth; over every nine, a tenth; over every nineteen, a twentieth; and thus continued the gradation of rank till it reached the chiliarch, or commander of athousand.2In the different parishes, gibbets were also erected to enforce obedience to these regulations; and whoever refused to appear for the defence of his country when summoned, was hung up as an example to others. Those barons who interposed their authority to prevent their vassals from joining the ranks of the patriots, were either punished with imprisonment, or confiscation of property.
Though the active and restless mind of Wallace may now seem to have had full employment in the various duties of his office,—yet, amidst the multiplicity of objects of internal policy which occupied his time, the resuscitation of the foreign trade of the kingdom appears to have had its proper share of his attention. The advantage which Scotland derived from her foreign commercial intercourse, as has been already stated, was too important to be soon forgotten; and the heroic and faithful conduct of the Flemings at the siege of Berwick, was too recent not to be dwelt on with grateful remembrance. In order, therefore, to renew the connection with those useful strangers, accredited persons appear to have been despatched with letters to the free towns of Hamburg andLubeck.3
Having provided for the necessary supplies of men, the Guardian determined on retaliating the injuries Scotland had sustained at the hands of herlate oppressors. Meanwhile a famine,—the natural consequence of the neglect of agriculture during the unsettled state of the country, had begun to make its appearance; and was soon followed by a pestilence,—occasioned, doubtless, by the multitude of putrid carcasses which remained, partially at least, if not altogether, exposed after the recent carnage. To alleviate, as far as possible, the misery consequent on those dreaded calamities, he commanded all the standing crops to be carefully gathered in, and stored up in barns and yards under proper regulations, to meet the exigencies of the country during winter. In order, at the same time, to concentrate the strength and resources of the country, and establish that unanimity so necessary for its defence, he summoned all the vassals of the Scottish crown to meet him at Perth. From this parliament, which was pretty numerously attended, Patrick, Earl of Dunbar, thought proper to absent himself. The great power and military experience of this baron, joined to the circumstance of his occupying a fortress which was considered as the key of theeasternpart of the kingdom, made it an object of some importance that his allegiance should be unquestionable. An early partisan of Edward, he had as yet shown no disposition to relinquish his unnatural connection with the enemy. When the subject of his absence came, therefore, to be discussed before the Scottish Nobles, they unanimously resolved on proceeding against him without delay. Wallace, however, proposed the more gentle expedient of remonstrance, before having recourse to extremities; and a deputation was accordingly sent, to request his attendance as a Scottish Peer, in orderto take part in the government of the country, and to aid, with his counsel and his arms, in the establishment of the national independence. Possessed of large dominions in England, as well as an extensive inheritance in Scotland, this Earl felt little inclination to incur the displeasure of his Lord Paramount in the South, by a too ready accession to the cause of liberty in the North; and he accordingly returned a haughty and scornful answer, no way calculated to allay the prejudice which his former contemptuous behaviour had excited against him. As soon, therefore, as the various objects which had engaged the attention of the parliament were disposed of, Wallace proceeded, with a select body of four hundred men, to reduce the turbulent chieftain. A little to the east of Dunbar, the Guardian found the Earl awaiting his approach at the head of nine hundred followers; and a desperate conflict immediately commenced, which ended in the flight of Patrick, who escaped toEngland.4The castle of Dunbar was in consequence surrendered to the victor, who gave it in charge to Sir Christopher Seton, with a competent garrison for its defence.
1297. Early in October a proclamation was issued for every one capable of bearing arms to appear on the moor of Roslin. An immense multitude attended. The most vigorous and the best equipped were then selected; and having thus embodied an efficient, numerous, and gallant army, Wallace excited their ardour by a short and animating address, in which he told them, that, united as they were, with only one glorious object in view, they hadnothing but victory to expect,—their country had been stript of its wealth by their late oppressors, and it was now their duty and interest to recover it, and punish the aggressors. Thearmy5then proceeded in high spirits towards the English frontier,—their leader rightly judging, that, by withdrawing so many men, a larger quantity of provisions would remain for those left behind; and by adopting this measure, his soldiers also, while they escaped from the contagion which had appeared in Scotland, would be moreover rewarded for their past labours, by the riches they would find in the more flourishing regions of the South; which, having enjoyed a long interval of peace, might be conceived to be overflowing with that description of wealth most desirable in the estimation of the needy adventurers of the North;—and the latter, no doubt, as they drove home their lowing and bleating prey from the rich pastures of Durham and the neighbouring counties, considered that they were merely removing their own property, of which they had been unjustly deprived by the tyranny of the English.
In this expedition, Wallace divided the command of the army with Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell, the promising son of the brave Sir Andrew, who fell in the late engagement. This honour he may have thought due to the patriotic conduct of the father, in adhering to the fortunes of his country, amidst the general defection of the Scottish barons. And—as it might tend to give thelieto those reports which began to be circulated ofan intention to aggrandize himself at the expense of the aristocracy,—the appointment was evidently a measure of judicious and honourable policy.
On the approach of the Scottish army, the inhabitants of Northumberland deserted their dwellings, and fled to Newcastle, carrying with them their wives and children, their cattle and household stuff. The Guardian, however, for a short time delayed his advance; and having received notice that several of the burgesses of Aberdeen, and others in that quarter, had disobeyed his summons to appear at Roslin, he hurried back to the North, where, on apprehending the parties, those whose excuses were inadmissible, he ordered for immediate execution. Hastily rejoining his forces, he crossed the Border, and succeeded in surprising the English, who, thinking the storm had blown over, were returned to their homes.
The Scots now commenced their destructive reprisals, by wasting with fire and sword the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland. In this work of devastation they were assisted by Robert de Ros of Werk, a great northern baron, who, as we have already observed, had deserted the standard of Edward in 1295. It is presumed that the same influence which formerly seduced him from his loyalty, still existed; and it is a pity that the name of the lady who made so patriotic a use of her charms, has not been preserved by the historians of her country.
The former inroads of the Scots were trifling, compared with the wide-spreading desolation which now marked their career. The havoc they made, and the spoils they collected, are feelingly dwelton by the English writers of the day. Langtoft thus expresseshimself:—
“To werre than ros thei eft, tille God thei mad a vowe,That no thing suld be left, that myght to Inglond prowe,Mercy suld none haue, tille alle thei suld do wo,Kirke suld no man saue, bot brenne ther in & slo.In Northumberland ther first thei bigan,& alle that com tille hande, they slouh and ouer ranTo Flandres tille Edward tithinges men him sent,That Scottis com in hard, the North is nere alle brent,& more salle zit be lorn, bot if we haf socoure.Nouht standes tham biforn, toun, castelle ne toure.”Vol. ii. p. 298, 299.
“To werre than ros thei eft, tille God thei mad a vowe,That no thing suld be left, that myght to Inglond prowe,Mercy suld none haue, tille alle thei suld do wo,Kirke suld no man saue, bot brenne ther in & slo.In Northumberland ther first thei bigan,& alle that com tille hande, they slouh and ouer ranTo Flandres tille Edward tithinges men him sent,That Scottis com in hard, the North is nere alle brent,& more salle zit be lorn, bot if we haf socoure.Nouht standes tham biforn, toun, castelle ne toure.”Vol. ii. p. 298, 299.
“To werre than ros thei eft, tille God thei mad a vowe,That no thing suld be left, that myght to Inglond prowe,Mercy suld none haue, tille alle thei suld do wo,Kirke suld no man saue, bot brenne ther in & slo.In Northumberland ther first thei bigan,& alle that com tille hande, they slouh and ouer ranTo Flandres tille Edward tithinges men him sent,That Scottis com in hard, the North is nere alle brent,& more salle zit be lorn, bot if we haf socoure.Nouht standes tham biforn, toun, castelle ne toure.”
Vol. ii. p. 298, 299.
Hemingford says, “At this time the praise of God was not heard in any church or monastery through the whole country, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne to the gates of Carlisle; for the monks and canons regular, and other priests who were ministers of the Lord, fled with the whole people from the face of the enemy; nor was there any to oppose them, except now and then a few English who belonged to the Castle of Alnwick, who ventured from their strongholds, and slew some stragglers. But these were but slight successes; and the Scots roved over thecountry6from the Feastof St Luke to St Martin’s day, inflicting on it all the miseries of rapine andbloodshed.”7
The Guardian having summoned in all his plundering parties, and concentrated his army, directed his march towards Carlisle. The sack of this city would have been most desirable to the invaders, not only on account of its riches, but also as in some measure enabling them to avenge the injuries inflicted upon Berwick. The place, however, was strongly fortified; and the Scots not being provided with a battering train, they had to content themselves with sending a summons; which, beingdisregarded by the garrison, they passed on, and laid waste Cumberland and Allerdale, from Inglewood Forest to Derwentwater and Cockermouth. Winter now advanced:—the frost set in with uncommon severity,—and the Scots, who had created a desert around them, began also to dread the miseries of famine, as well as the inclemency of the season. Their encampments could now be traced by the frozen bodies of those who had perished during the night from the intensity of the cold. Under these circumstances, Wallace gave orders for their return to Scotland.
On their reachingHexceldsham,8the monastery of which had been plundered during their advance, the following singular scene is said by Hemmingford to have occurred. Three monks, all who had the courage to remain, were observed in a small chapel. Thinking that the danger was over, they had forsaken their concealments, and were endeavouring to repair the damages of the late visitation, when, in the midst of their labours, they discovered the Scottish army returning, and fled in dismay to the oratory. The soldiers, however, with their long spears, were soon among them; and brandishing their weapons, commanded them, at their peril, to give up the treasures of the monastery. “Alas!” said one of the monks, “it is but a short time since you yourselves have seized our whole property, and you know best where it now is.” At this juncture Wallace entered, and commanding his soldiers to be silent, requested one of the monks to perform mass: he obeyed, and the Guardian and his attendants heard theservice with becoming reverence. When the elevation of the host was about to take place, Wallace retired for a moment to lay aside his helmet and arms. Instantly the avarice and ferocity of the soldiers broke out. They pressed upon the priest, snatched the cup from the high altar, tore away the ornaments and sacred vestments, and even stole the book which contained the ceremony. When their leader returned, he found the priest in fear and horror at the sacrilege. Wallace, indignant at such conduct, gave orders that the villains should be searched for, and put to death. In the mean time, he took the monks under his own special protection.
As some atonement for the outrage committed, the Guardian granted to the monks of Hexceldsham a charter of protection for twelve months, from the 7th November1297,9by which their lives and property were held sacred. “The prohibition,” says Lord Hailes, “to slay any ecclesiastic of the monastery of Hexceldsham, shows that the Scots had been guilty of uncommon barbarities.” Had his Lordship said that the conduct of the Scots was merely an humble imitation of the example which the English had set them in their “Good Friday”revelriesat the sack of Berwick, he would have been nearer the truth. We find no such restraint put upon the English soldiery, who were allowed to murder their lay and clerical victims indiscriminately; not even excepting nuns, whose sex, independent of every other consideration, ought to have been their protection. If a shadow of humanity can be discoveredin the mode of warfare carried on by the two nations, it certainly belongs of right to those who published a prohibition of such enormities. In the invasion by the Scots in 1296, there is no charge brought against them of killing priests. Langtoft says, vol. ii. p. 273, that in coming to Hexham and Leynertofte, they merely chased out the chanons, and took away their goods. Their subsequent severity must therefore have been forced upon them by their enemies.
English writers have lamented, with eloquence and pathos, the cruelties exercised in this invasion; and from their silence respecting the atrocities of their own countrymen, have endeavoured to fix the stain of exclusive barbarity on the arms of Scotland. This is all natural enough, and quite consistent with that national prejudice by which the people of every country are more or less imbued; but it is painfully mortifying, when we find Scotchmen of acknowledged talent and penetration forgetting what is due to themselves and to their country; and from a weak fear of being thought illiberal, following humbly in the train of such authors, and echoing their reflections; or favouringly assenting to theirex partestatements, in place of standing forward and showing the world, that their countrymen, in resorting to such severities, merely exercised a system of fair retaliation, for the purpose of repressing enormities of the deepest dye, committed in support of an aggression of the most unparalleled baseness.
During the time the Scottish army was engaged in ravaging the northern counties of England, Robert de Clifford, at the head of one hundred men-at-arms, and twenty thousand foot, left Carlisle,and proceeded to plunder in Scotland. His success, however, was not great, having killed three hundred and eight Scots, burned two villages, and taken a few prisoners, with whom he returned home about Christmas.
Whilst the Guardian was thus successfully prosecuting the cause of his country’s independence, his efforts, at the same time, were becoming daily more beneficial to the real liberties of the very people to whom he was opposed. Elated, first by the conquest of Wales, and afterwards by that of Scotland, Edward had already begun to stretch forth the iron road of oppression over the legitimate subjects of his own native kingdom; and, trusting to the assistance he should receive from the barons of his newly acquired conquests, who, he might naturally suppose would not be found reluctant to act as instruments in holding their late conquerors in subjection, he assumed, towards the nobles of England, an air of haughty superiority that awakened their jealousy, and alarmed their fears. But as the investigation of this subject would interrupt the course of our narrative, we shall reserve it till the end of thevolume.10