FOOTNOTES1.Text inFirmamentum, 10;Spec., 189;Spec., Morin. Tract., iii., 2b. M. Müller (Anfänge) has made a study of the Rule of 1221 which is a masterpiece ofexegetical scent. Nevertheless if he had more carefully collated the different texts he would have arrived at still more striking results, thanks to the variants which he would have been able to establish. I cite a single example.TextFirm.—Wadding, adopted by Mr. M.Text of theSpeculum, 189 ff.Omnes fratres ubicunque sunt vel vadunt, caveant sibi a malo visu et frequentia mulierum et nullus cum eis consilietur solus. Sacerdos honeste loquatur cum eis dando penitentiam vel aliud spirituale consilium.Omnes fratres ubicunque sunt et vadunt caveant se a malo visu et frequentia mulierum et nullus cum eis concilietur aut per viam vadat solus aut ad mensam in una paropside comedat. (!!) Sacerdos honeste loquatur cum eis dando ... etc.This passage is sufficient to show the superiority of the text of the Speculum, which is to be preferred also in other respects, but this is not the place for entering into these details. It is evident that the phrase in which we see the earliest friars sometimes sharing the repast of the sisters and eating from their porringer is not a later interpolation.2.Tribul., 12b;Spec., 54b;Arbor.V., 3;Spec., 8b.3.Cf.cap.17 and 21.4.2 Cel., 3, 136.5.See below,p. 354, text in theFirmamentum, 19 ff.;Speculum, Morin, tract. iii., 214a ff.; cf.Conform., 137 ff.6.Cum facit (subditus) voluntatem (prælati) dummodo benefacit vera obedientia est. Admon., iii.;Conform., 139a, 2.—Si vero prælatus subdito aliquid contra animam præcipiat licet ei non obediat tamen ipsum non dimittat., Ibid.—Nullus tenetur ad obedientiam in eo ubi committitus delictum vel peccatum. Epist., ii.7.2 Cel., 3, 89;Spec., 29b;Conform., 176b, 1; Bon., 77.8.Per caritatem spiritus voluntarii serviant et obediant invicem. Et hæc est vera et sancta obedientia. Reg., 1221, v.9.Tribul., Laur. MS., 14b;Spec., 125a;Conform., 107b, 1; 184b, 1.10.Wadding gives it (Epist.xvi.), after the autograph preserved in the treasury of the Conventuals of Spoleto. The authenticity of this piece is evident.11.This plural, which perplexed Wadding, shows plainly that Brother Leo had spoken in the name of a group.12.This date for the new communications between them seems incontestable, though it has never been proposed; in fact, we are only concerned to find a time when all three could have met at Rome (2 Cel., 3, 86;Spec., 27a), between December 22, 1216 (the approbation of the Dominicans), and August 6, 1221 (death of Dominic). Only two periods are possible: the early months of 1218 (Potthast, 5739 and 5747) and the winter of 1220-1221. At any other time one of the three was absent from Rome.On the other hand we know that Ugolini was in Rome in the winter of 1220-1221 (Huillard Bréholles,Hist. dipl., ii., pp. 48, 123, 142. Cf. Potthast, 6589).—For Dominic see A. SS., Aug., vol. i., p. 503. The later date is imperative because Ugolini could not offer prelatures to the Brothers Minor before their explicit approbation (June 11, 1219), and this offer had no meaning with regard to the Dominicans until after the definitive establishment of their Order.13.See the imperial letters of February 10, 1221; Huillard-Bréholles, vol. ii., pp. 122-127.14.2 Cel., 3, 86; Bon., 78;Spec., 27b.15.Vide K. Eubel:Die Bischöfe, Cardinäle und Päpste aus dem Minoritenorden bis1305, 8vo, 1889.16.He was in Northern Italy. VideRegistri: Doc., 17-28.17.Reynerius, cardinal-deacon with the title of S. M. in Cosmedin, Bishop of Viterbo (cf. Innocent III.,Opera, Migne, 1, col. ccxiii), 1 Cel., 125. He had been named rector of the Duchy of Spoleto, August 3, 1220. Potthast, 6319.18.Giord, 16. The presence of Dominic at an earlier chapter had therefore been quite natural.19.This view harmonizes in every particular with the witness of 1 Cel., 36 and 37, which shows the Third Order as having been quite naturally born of the enthusiasm excited by the preaching of Francis immediately after his return from Rome in 1210 (cf.Auctor vit. sec.; A. SS., p. 593b). Nothing in any other document contradicts it; quite the contrary. Vide 3 Soc., 60. Cf.Anon. Perus.; A. SS., p. 600; Bon., 25, 46. Cf. A. SS., pp. 631-634. The first bull which concerns the Brothers of Penitence (without naming them) is of December 16, 1221,Significatum est. If it really refers to them, as Sbaralea thinks, with all those who have interested themselves in the question to M. Müller inclusively—but which, it appears, might be contested—it is because in 1221 they had made appeal to the pope against the podestàs of Faenza and the neighboring cities. This evidently supposes an association not recently born. Sbaralea,Bull. fr., 1, p. 8; Horoy, vol. iv., col. 49; Potthast, 6736.20.BullSupra montemof August 17, 1289, Potthast. 23044. M. Müller has made a luminous study of the origin of this bull; it may be considered final in all essential points (Anfänge, pp. 117-171). By this bull Nicholas IV.—minister-general of the Brothers Minor before becoming pope—sought to draw into the hands of his Order the direction of all associations of pious laics (Third Order of St. Dominic, the Gaudentes, the Humiliati. etc.). He desired by that to give a greater impulse to those fraternities which depended directly on the court of Rome, and augment their power by unifying them.21.Vide BullSignificatum estof December 16, 1221. Cf.Supra montem, chap. vii.22.The Rule of the Third Order of the Humiliati, which dates from 1201, contains a similar clause. Tiraboschi, vol ii., p. 132.23.In the A. SS., Aprilis, vol. ii. p. 600-616. Orlando di Chiusi also received the habit from the hands of Francis. VideInstrumentum, etc., below,p. 400. The Franciscan fraternity, under the influence of the other third orders, rapidly lost its specific character. As to this title, Third Order, it surely had originally a hierarchical sense, upon which little by little a chronological sense has been superposed. All these questions become singularly clearer when they are compared with what is known of the Humiliati.
1.Text inFirmamentum, 10;Spec., 189;Spec., Morin. Tract., iii., 2b. M. Müller (Anfänge) has made a study of the Rule of 1221 which is a masterpiece ofexegetical scent. Nevertheless if he had more carefully collated the different texts he would have arrived at still more striking results, thanks to the variants which he would have been able to establish. I cite a single example.TextFirm.—Wadding, adopted by Mr. M.Text of theSpeculum, 189 ff.Omnes fratres ubicunque sunt vel vadunt, caveant sibi a malo visu et frequentia mulierum et nullus cum eis consilietur solus. Sacerdos honeste loquatur cum eis dando penitentiam vel aliud spirituale consilium.Omnes fratres ubicunque sunt et vadunt caveant se a malo visu et frequentia mulierum et nullus cum eis concilietur aut per viam vadat solus aut ad mensam in una paropside comedat. (!!) Sacerdos honeste loquatur cum eis dando ... etc.This passage is sufficient to show the superiority of the text of the Speculum, which is to be preferred also in other respects, but this is not the place for entering into these details. It is evident that the phrase in which we see the earliest friars sometimes sharing the repast of the sisters and eating from their porringer is not a later interpolation.2.Tribul., 12b;Spec., 54b;Arbor.V., 3;Spec., 8b.3.Cf.cap.17 and 21.4.2 Cel., 3, 136.5.See below,p. 354, text in theFirmamentum, 19 ff.;Speculum, Morin, tract. iii., 214a ff.; cf.Conform., 137 ff.6.Cum facit (subditus) voluntatem (prælati) dummodo benefacit vera obedientia est. Admon., iii.;Conform., 139a, 2.—Si vero prælatus subdito aliquid contra animam præcipiat licet ei non obediat tamen ipsum non dimittat., Ibid.—Nullus tenetur ad obedientiam in eo ubi committitus delictum vel peccatum. Epist., ii.7.2 Cel., 3, 89;Spec., 29b;Conform., 176b, 1; Bon., 77.8.Per caritatem spiritus voluntarii serviant et obediant invicem. Et hæc est vera et sancta obedientia. Reg., 1221, v.9.Tribul., Laur. MS., 14b;Spec., 125a;Conform., 107b, 1; 184b, 1.10.Wadding gives it (Epist.xvi.), after the autograph preserved in the treasury of the Conventuals of Spoleto. The authenticity of this piece is evident.11.This plural, which perplexed Wadding, shows plainly that Brother Leo had spoken in the name of a group.12.This date for the new communications between them seems incontestable, though it has never been proposed; in fact, we are only concerned to find a time when all three could have met at Rome (2 Cel., 3, 86;Spec., 27a), between December 22, 1216 (the approbation of the Dominicans), and August 6, 1221 (death of Dominic). Only two periods are possible: the early months of 1218 (Potthast, 5739 and 5747) and the winter of 1220-1221. At any other time one of the three was absent from Rome.On the other hand we know that Ugolini was in Rome in the winter of 1220-1221 (Huillard Bréholles,Hist. dipl., ii., pp. 48, 123, 142. Cf. Potthast, 6589).—For Dominic see A. SS., Aug., vol. i., p. 503. The later date is imperative because Ugolini could not offer prelatures to the Brothers Minor before their explicit approbation (June 11, 1219), and this offer had no meaning with regard to the Dominicans until after the definitive establishment of their Order.13.See the imperial letters of February 10, 1221; Huillard-Bréholles, vol. ii., pp. 122-127.14.2 Cel., 3, 86; Bon., 78;Spec., 27b.15.Vide K. Eubel:Die Bischöfe, Cardinäle und Päpste aus dem Minoritenorden bis1305, 8vo, 1889.16.He was in Northern Italy. VideRegistri: Doc., 17-28.17.Reynerius, cardinal-deacon with the title of S. M. in Cosmedin, Bishop of Viterbo (cf. Innocent III.,Opera, Migne, 1, col. ccxiii), 1 Cel., 125. He had been named rector of the Duchy of Spoleto, August 3, 1220. Potthast, 6319.18.Giord, 16. The presence of Dominic at an earlier chapter had therefore been quite natural.19.This view harmonizes in every particular with the witness of 1 Cel., 36 and 37, which shows the Third Order as having been quite naturally born of the enthusiasm excited by the preaching of Francis immediately after his return from Rome in 1210 (cf.Auctor vit. sec.; A. SS., p. 593b). Nothing in any other document contradicts it; quite the contrary. Vide 3 Soc., 60. Cf.Anon. Perus.; A. SS., p. 600; Bon., 25, 46. Cf. A. SS., pp. 631-634. The first bull which concerns the Brothers of Penitence (without naming them) is of December 16, 1221,Significatum est. If it really refers to them, as Sbaralea thinks, with all those who have interested themselves in the question to M. Müller inclusively—but which, it appears, might be contested—it is because in 1221 they had made appeal to the pope against the podestàs of Faenza and the neighboring cities. This evidently supposes an association not recently born. Sbaralea,Bull. fr., 1, p. 8; Horoy, vol. iv., col. 49; Potthast, 6736.20.BullSupra montemof August 17, 1289, Potthast. 23044. M. Müller has made a luminous study of the origin of this bull; it may be considered final in all essential points (Anfänge, pp. 117-171). By this bull Nicholas IV.—minister-general of the Brothers Minor before becoming pope—sought to draw into the hands of his Order the direction of all associations of pious laics (Third Order of St. Dominic, the Gaudentes, the Humiliati. etc.). He desired by that to give a greater impulse to those fraternities which depended directly on the court of Rome, and augment their power by unifying them.21.Vide BullSignificatum estof December 16, 1221. Cf.Supra montem, chap. vii.22.The Rule of the Third Order of the Humiliati, which dates from 1201, contains a similar clause. Tiraboschi, vol ii., p. 132.23.In the A. SS., Aprilis, vol. ii. p. 600-616. Orlando di Chiusi also received the habit from the hands of Francis. VideInstrumentum, etc., below,p. 400. The Franciscan fraternity, under the influence of the other third orders, rapidly lost its specific character. As to this title, Third Order, it surely had originally a hierarchical sense, upon which little by little a chronological sense has been superposed. All these questions become singularly clearer when they are compared with what is known of the Humiliati.
1.Text inFirmamentum, 10;Spec., 189;Spec., Morin. Tract., iii., 2b. M. Müller (Anfänge) has made a study of the Rule of 1221 which is a masterpiece ofexegetical scent. Nevertheless if he had more carefully collated the different texts he would have arrived at still more striking results, thanks to the variants which he would have been able to establish. I cite a single example.
TextFirm.—Wadding, adopted by Mr. M.Text of theSpeculum, 189 ff.Omnes fratres ubicunque sunt vel vadunt, caveant sibi a malo visu et frequentia mulierum et nullus cum eis consilietur solus. Sacerdos honeste loquatur cum eis dando penitentiam vel aliud spirituale consilium.Omnes fratres ubicunque sunt et vadunt caveant se a malo visu et frequentia mulierum et nullus cum eis concilietur aut per viam vadat solus aut ad mensam in una paropside comedat. (!!) Sacerdos honeste loquatur cum eis dando ... etc.
This passage is sufficient to show the superiority of the text of the Speculum, which is to be preferred also in other respects, but this is not the place for entering into these details. It is evident that the phrase in which we see the earliest friars sometimes sharing the repast of the sisters and eating from their porringer is not a later interpolation.
2.Tribul., 12b;Spec., 54b;Arbor.V., 3;Spec., 8b.
3.Cf.cap.17 and 21.
4.2 Cel., 3, 136.
5.See below,p. 354, text in theFirmamentum, 19 ff.;Speculum, Morin, tract. iii., 214a ff.; cf.Conform., 137 ff.
6.Cum facit (subditus) voluntatem (prælati) dummodo benefacit vera obedientia est. Admon., iii.;Conform., 139a, 2.—Si vero prælatus subdito aliquid contra animam præcipiat licet ei non obediat tamen ipsum non dimittat., Ibid.—Nullus tenetur ad obedientiam in eo ubi committitus delictum vel peccatum. Epist., ii.
7.2 Cel., 3, 89;Spec., 29b;Conform., 176b, 1; Bon., 77.
8.Per caritatem spiritus voluntarii serviant et obediant invicem. Et hæc est vera et sancta obedientia. Reg., 1221, v.
9.Tribul., Laur. MS., 14b;Spec., 125a;Conform., 107b, 1; 184b, 1.
10.Wadding gives it (Epist.xvi.), after the autograph preserved in the treasury of the Conventuals of Spoleto. The authenticity of this piece is evident.
11.This plural, which perplexed Wadding, shows plainly that Brother Leo had spoken in the name of a group.
12.This date for the new communications between them seems incontestable, though it has never been proposed; in fact, we are only concerned to find a time when all three could have met at Rome (2 Cel., 3, 86;Spec., 27a), between December 22, 1216 (the approbation of the Dominicans), and August 6, 1221 (death of Dominic). Only two periods are possible: the early months of 1218 (Potthast, 5739 and 5747) and the winter of 1220-1221. At any other time one of the three was absent from Rome.
On the other hand we know that Ugolini was in Rome in the winter of 1220-1221 (Huillard Bréholles,Hist. dipl., ii., pp. 48, 123, 142. Cf. Potthast, 6589).—For Dominic see A. SS., Aug., vol. i., p. 503. The later date is imperative because Ugolini could not offer prelatures to the Brothers Minor before their explicit approbation (June 11, 1219), and this offer had no meaning with regard to the Dominicans until after the definitive establishment of their Order.
13.See the imperial letters of February 10, 1221; Huillard-Bréholles, vol. ii., pp. 122-127.
14.2 Cel., 3, 86; Bon., 78;Spec., 27b.
15.Vide K. Eubel:Die Bischöfe, Cardinäle und Päpste aus dem Minoritenorden bis1305, 8vo, 1889.
16.He was in Northern Italy. VideRegistri: Doc., 17-28.
17.Reynerius, cardinal-deacon with the title of S. M. in Cosmedin, Bishop of Viterbo (cf. Innocent III.,Opera, Migne, 1, col. ccxiii), 1 Cel., 125. He had been named rector of the Duchy of Spoleto, August 3, 1220. Potthast, 6319.
18.Giord, 16. The presence of Dominic at an earlier chapter had therefore been quite natural.
19.This view harmonizes in every particular with the witness of 1 Cel., 36 and 37, which shows the Third Order as having been quite naturally born of the enthusiasm excited by the preaching of Francis immediately after his return from Rome in 1210 (cf.Auctor vit. sec.; A. SS., p. 593b). Nothing in any other document contradicts it; quite the contrary. Vide 3 Soc., 60. Cf.Anon. Perus.; A. SS., p. 600; Bon., 25, 46. Cf. A. SS., pp. 631-634. The first bull which concerns the Brothers of Penitence (without naming them) is of December 16, 1221,Significatum est. If it really refers to them, as Sbaralea thinks, with all those who have interested themselves in the question to M. Müller inclusively—but which, it appears, might be contested—it is because in 1221 they had made appeal to the pope against the podestàs of Faenza and the neighboring cities. This evidently supposes an association not recently born. Sbaralea,Bull. fr., 1, p. 8; Horoy, vol. iv., col. 49; Potthast, 6736.
20.BullSupra montemof August 17, 1289, Potthast. 23044. M. Müller has made a luminous study of the origin of this bull; it may be considered final in all essential points (Anfänge, pp. 117-171). By this bull Nicholas IV.—minister-general of the Brothers Minor before becoming pope—sought to draw into the hands of his Order the direction of all associations of pious laics (Third Order of St. Dominic, the Gaudentes, the Humiliati. etc.). He desired by that to give a greater impulse to those fraternities which depended directly on the court of Rome, and augment their power by unifying them.
21.Vide BullSignificatum estof December 16, 1221. Cf.Supra montem, chap. vii.
22.The Rule of the Third Order of the Humiliati, which dates from 1201, contains a similar clause. Tiraboschi, vol ii., p. 132.
23.In the A. SS., Aprilis, vol. ii. p. 600-616. Orlando di Chiusi also received the habit from the hands of Francis. VideInstrumentum, etc., below,p. 400. The Franciscan fraternity, under the influence of the other third orders, rapidly lost its specific character. As to this title, Third Order, it surely had originally a hierarchical sense, upon which little by little a chronological sense has been superposed. All these questions become singularly clearer when they are compared with what is known of the Humiliati.
After the chapter of 1221 the evolution of the Order hurried on with a rapidity which nothing was strong enough to check.
The creation of the ministers was an enormous step in this direction; by the very pressure of things the latter came to establish a residence; those who command must have their subordinates within reach, must know at all times where they are; the Brothers, therefore, could no longer continue to do without convents properly so-called. This change naturally brought about many others; up to this time they had had no churches. Without churches the friars were only itinerant preachers, and their purpose could not but be perfectly disinterested; they were, as Francis had wished, the friendly auxiliaries of the clergy. With churches it was inevitable that they should first fatally aspire to preach in them and attract the crowd to them, then in some sort erect them into counter parishes.1
The bull of March 22, 1222,2shows us the papacy hastening these transformations with all its power. The pontiff accords to Brother Francis and the other friars the privilege of celebrating the sacred mysteries in their churches in times of interdict, on the natural condition of not ringing the bells, of closing the door, and previously expelling those who were excommunicated.
By an astonishing inadvertence the bull itself bears witness to its uselessness, at least for the time in which it was given: "We accord to you," it runs, "the permission to celebrate the sacraments in times of interdict in your churches,if you come to have any." This is a new proof that in 1222 the Order as yet had none; but it is not difficult to see in this very document a pressing invitation to change their way of working, and not leave this privilege to be of no avail.
Another document of the same time shows a like purpose, though manifested in another direction. By the bullEx parteof March 29, 1222, Honorius III. laid upon the Preachers and Minors of Lisbon conjointly a singularly delicate mission; he gave them full powers to proceed against the bishop and clergy of that city, who exacted from the faithful that they should leave to themby will one-third of their property, and refused the Church's burial service to those who disobeyed.3
The fact that the pope committed to the Brothers the care of choosing what measures they should take proves how anxious they were at Rome to forget the object for which they had been created, and to transform them into deputies of the Holy See. It is, therefore, needless to point out that the mention of Francis's name at the head of the former of these bulls has no significance. We do not picture the Poverello seeking a privilege for circumstances not yet existing! We perceive here the influence of Ugolini,4who had found the Brother Minor after his own heart in the person of Elias.
What was Francis doing all this time? We have no knowledge, but the very absence of information, so abundant for the period that precedes as well as for that which follows, shows plainly enough that he has quitted Portiuncula, and gone to live in one of those Umbrian hermitages that had always had so strong an attachment for him.5There is hardly a hill in Central Italy that has not preserved some memento of him. It would be hard to walk half a day between Florence and Rome without coming upon some hut on a hillside bearing his name or that of one of his disciples.
There was a time when these huts were inhabited, when in these leafy booths Egidio, Masseo, Bernardo, Silvestro, Ginepro, and many others whose names history has forgotten, received visits from their spiritual father, coming to them for their consolation.6
They gave him love for love and consolation for consolation. His poor heart had great need of both, for in his long, sleepless nights it had come to him at times to hear strange voices; weariness and regret were laying hold on him, and looking over the past he was almost driven to doubt of himself, his Lady Poverty, and everything.
Between Chiusi and Radicofani—an hour's walk from the village of Sartiano—a few Brothers had made a shelter which served them by way of hermitage, with a little cabin for Francis in a retired spot. There he passed one of the most agonizing nights of his life. The thought that he had exaggerated the virtue of asceticism and not counted enough upon the mercy of God assailed him, and suddenly he came to regret the use he had made of his life. A picture of what he might have been, of the tranquil and happy home that might have been his, rose up before him in such living colors that he felt himself giving way. In vain he disciplined himself with his hempen girdle until the blood came; the vision would not depart.
It was midwinter; a heavy fall of snow covered the ground; he rushed out without his garment, and gathering up great heaps of snow began to make a row of images. "See," he said, "here is thy wife, and behind her are two sons and two daughters, with the servant and the maid carrying all the baggage."
With this child-like representation of the tyranny of material cares which he had escaped, he finally put away the temptation.7
There is nothing to show whether or not we should fix at the same epoch another incident which legend gives as taking place at Sartiano. One day a brother of whom he asked, "Whence do you come?" replied, "From your cell." This simple answer was enough to make the vehement lover of Poverty refuse to occupy it again. "Foxes have holes," he loved to repeat, "and the birds of the air have nests, but the Son of man had not where to lay his head. When the Lord spent forty days and forty nights praying and fasting in the desert, he built himself neither cell nor house, but made the side of a rock his shelter."8
It would be a mistake to think, as some have done, that as time went on Francis changed his point of view. Certain ecclesiastical writers have assumed that since he desired the multiplication of his Order, he for that very reason consented to its transformation. The suggestion is specious, but in this matter we are not left to conjecture; almost everything which was done in the Order after 1221 was done either without Francis's knowledge or against his will. If one were inclined to doubt this, it would need only to glance over that most solemn and also most adequate manifesto of his thought—his Will. There he is shown freed from all the temptations which had at times made him hesitate in the expression of his ideas, bravely gathering himself up to summon back the primitive ideal, and set it up in opposition to all the concessions which had been wrung from his weakness.
The Will is not an appendix to the Rule of 1223, it is almost its revocation. But it would be a mistake to see in it the first attempt made to return to the early ideal.The last five years of his life were only one incessant effort at protest, both by his example and his words.
In 1222 he addressed to the brethren of Bologna a letter filled with sad forebodings. In that city, where the Dominicans, overwhelmed with attentions, were occupied with making themselves a stronghold in the system of instruction, the Brothers Minor were more than anywhere else tempted to forsake the way of simplicity and poverty. Francis's warnings had put on such dark and threatening colors that after the famous earthquake of December 23, 1222, which spread terror over all northern Italy, there was no hesitation in believing that he had predicted the catastrophe.9He had indeed predicted a catastrophe which was none the less horrible for being wholly moral, and the vision of which forced from him the most bitter imprecations:
"Lord Jesus, thou didst choose thine apostles to the number of twelve, and if one of them did betray thee, the others, remaining united to thee, preached thy holy gospel, filled with one and the same inspiration; and behold now, remembering the former days, thou hast raised up the Religion of the Brothers in order to uphold faith, and that by them the mystery of thy gospel may be accomplished. Who will take their place if, instead of fulfilling their mission and being shining examples for all, they are seen to give themselves up to works of darkness? Oh! may they be accursed by thee, Lord, and by all the court of heaven, and by me, thine unworthy servant, they who by their bad example overturn and destroy all that thou didst do in the beginning and ceasest not to do by the holy Brothers of this Order."10
"Lord Jesus, thou didst choose thine apostles to the number of twelve, and if one of them did betray thee, the others, remaining united to thee, preached thy holy gospel, filled with one and the same inspiration; and behold now, remembering the former days, thou hast raised up the Religion of the Brothers in order to uphold faith, and that by them the mystery of thy gospel may be accomplished. Who will take their place if, instead of fulfilling their mission and being shining examples for all, they are seen to give themselves up to works of darkness? Oh! may they be accursed by thee, Lord, and by all the court of heaven, and by me, thine unworthy servant, they who by their bad example overturn and destroy all that thou didst do in the beginning and ceasest not to do by the holy Brothers of this Order."10
This passage from Thomas of Celano, the most moderate of the biographers, shows to what a pitch of vehemence and indignation the gentle Francis could be worked up.
In spite of very natural efforts to throw a veil of reserveover the anguish of the founder with regard to the future of his spiritual family, we find traces of it at every step. "The time will come," he said one day, "when our Order will so have lost all good renown that its members will be ashamed to show themselves by daylight."11
He saw in a dream a statue with the head of pure gold, the breast and arms of silver, the body of crystal, and the legs of iron. He thought it was an omen of the future in store for his institute.12
He believed his sons to be attacked with two maladies, unfaithful at once to poverty and humility; but perhaps he dreaded for them the demon of learning more than the temptation of riches.
What were his views on the subject of learning? It is probable that he never examined the question as a whole, but he had no difficulty in seeing that there will always be students enough in the universities, and that if scientific effort is an homage offered to God, there is no risk of worshippers of this class being wanting; but in vain he looked about him on all sides, he saw no one to fulfil the mission of love and humility reserved for his Order, if the friars came to be unfaithful to it.
Therefore there was something more in his anguish than the grief of seeing his hopes confounded. The rout of an army is nothing in comparison with the overthrow of an idea; and in him an idea had been incarnated, the idea of peace and happiness restored to mankind, by the victory of love over the trammels of material things.
By an ineffable mystery he felt himself the Man of his age, him in whose body are borne all the efforts, the desires,the aspirations of men; with him, in him, by him humanity yearns to be renewed, and to use the language of the gospel, born again.
In this lies his true beauty. By this, far more than by a vain conformity, an exterior imitation, he is a Christ.
He also bears the affliction of the world, and if we will look into the very depths of his soul we must give this word affliction the largest possible meaning for him as for Jesus. By their pity they bore the physical sufferings of humanity, but their overwhelming anguish was something far different from this, it was the birth-throes of the divine. They suffer, because in them the Word is made flesh, and at Gethsemane, as under the olive-trees of Greccio, they are in agony "because their own received them not."
Yes, St. Francis forever felt the travail of the transformation taking place in the womb of humanity, going forward to its divine destiny, and he offered himself, a living oblation, that in him might take place the mysterious palingenesis.
Do we now understand his pain? He was trembling for the mystery of the gospel. There is in him something which reminds us of the tremor of life when it stands face to face with death, something by so much the more painful as we have here to do with moral life.
This explains how the man who would run after ruffians that he might make disciples of them could be pitiless toward his fellow-laborers who by an indiscreet, however well-intentioned, zeal forgot their vocation and would transform their Order into a scientific institute.
Under pretext of putting learning at the service of God and of religion, the Church had fostered the worst of vices, pride. According to some it is her title to glory, but it will be her greatest shame.
Must we renounce the use of this weapon against the enemies of the faith? she asks. But can you imagine Jesus joining the school of the rabbins under the pretext of learning how to reply to them, enfeebling his thought by their dialectic subtleties and fantastic exegesis? He might perhaps have been a great doctor, but would he have become the Saviour of the world? You feel that he would not.
When we hear preachers going into raptures over the marvellous spread of the gospel preached by twelve poor fishermen of Galilee, might we not point out to them that the miracle is at once more and less astounding than they say? More—for among the twelve several returned to the shores of their charming lake, and forgetful of the mystic net, thought of the Crucified One, if they thought of him at all, only to lament him, and not to raise him from the dead by continuing his work in the four quarters of the world; less—for if even now, in these dying days of the nineteenth century, preachers would go forth beside themselves with love, sacrificing themselves for each and all as in the old days their Master did, the miracle would be repeated again.
But no; theology has killed religion. The clergy repeat to satiety that we must not confound the two; but what good does this do if in practice we do not distinguish them?
Never was learning more eagerly coveted than in the thirteenth century. The Empire and the Church were anxiously asking of it the arguments with which they might defend their opposing claims. Innocent III. sends the collection of his Decretals to the University of Bologna and heaps favors upon it. Frederick II. founds that of Naples, and the Patarini themselves send their sons from Tuscany and Lombardy to study at Paris.
We remember the success of Francis's preaching atBologna,13in August, 1220; at the same period he had strongly reprimanded Pietro Staccia, the provincial minister and a doctor of laws, not only for having installed the Brothers in a house which appeared to belong to them, but especially for having organized a sort of college there.
It appears that the minister paid no attention to these reproaches. When Francis became aware of his obstinacy he cursed him with frightful vehemence; his indignation was so great that when, later on, Pietro Staccia was about to die and his numerous friends came to entreat Francis to revoke his malediction, all their efforts were in vain.14
In the face of this attitude of the founder it is very difficult to believe in the authenticity of the note purporting to be addressed to Anthony of Padua:
"To my very dear Anthony, brother Francis, greetings in Christ."It pleases me that you interpret to the Brothers the sacred writings and theology, in such a way, however (conformably to our Rule), that the spirit of holy prayer be not extinguished either in you or in the others, which I desire earnestly. Greetings."
"To my very dear Anthony, brother Francis, greetings in Christ.
"It pleases me that you interpret to the Brothers the sacred writings and theology, in such a way, however (conformably to our Rule), that the spirit of holy prayer be not extinguished either in you or in the others, which I desire earnestly. Greetings."
Must we see in this a pious fraud to weaken the numberless clear declarations of Francis against learning?
It is difficult to picture to ourselves the rivalry whichexisted at this time between the Dominicans and Franciscans in the attempt to draw the most illustrious masters into their respective Orders. Petty intrigues were organized, in which the devotees had each his part, to lead such or such a famous doctor to assume the habit.15If the object of St. Francis had been scientific, the friars of Bologna, Paris, and Oxford could not have done more.16
The current was so strong that the elder Orders were swept away in it whether they would or no; twenty years later the Cistercians also desired to become legists, theologians, decretalists, and the rest.
Perhaps Francis did not in the outset perceive the gravity of the danger, but illusion was no longer possible, and from this time he showed, as we have seen, an implacable firmness. If later on his thought was travestied, the guilty ones—the popes and most of the ministers-general—were obliged to resort to feats of prestidigitation that are not to their credit. "Suppose," he would say, "that you had subtility and learning enough to know all things, that you were acquainted with all languages, the courses of the stars, and all the rest, what is there in that to be proud of? A single demon knows more on these subjects than all the men in this world put together.17But there is one thing that the demon is incapableof, and which is the glory of man: to be faithful to God."18
Definite information with regard to the chapters of 1222 and 1223 is wanting. The proposed modifications of the project of 1221 were discussed by the ministers19and afterward definitively settled by Cardinal Ugolini. The latter had long conferences on the subject with Francis, who has himself given us the account of them.20
The result of them all was the Rule of 1223. Very soon a swarm of marvellous stories, which it would be tedious to examine in detail, came to be clustered around the origin of this document; all that we need to retain of them is the memory that they keep of the struggles of Francis against the ministers for the preservation of his ideal.
Before going to Rome to ask for the final approbation he had meditated long in the solitude of Monte Colombo, near Rieti. This hill was soon represented as a new Sinai, and the disciples pictured their master on its heights receiving another Decalogue from the hands of Jesus himself.21
Angelo Clareno, one of the most complacent narrators of these traditions, takes upon himself to point out their slight value; he shows us Honorious III. modifying an essential passage in the plan at the last moment.22Ihave already so far described this Rule that there is no need to return to the subject here.
It was approved November 25, 1223.23Many memories appear to have clustered about the journey of Francis to Rome. One day Cardinal Ugolini, whose hospitality he had accepted, was much surprised, and his guests as well, to find him absent as they were about to sit down at table, but they soon saw him coming, carrying a quantity of pieces of dry bread, which he joyfully distributed to all the noble company. His host, somewhat abashed by the proceeding, having undertaken after the meal to reproach him a little, Francis explained that he had no right to forget, for a sumptuous feast, the bread of charity on which he was fed every day, and that he desired thus to show his brethren that the richest table is not worth so much to the poor in spirit as this table of the Lord.24
We have seen that during the earlier years the Brothers Minor had been in the habit of earning their bread by going out as servants. Some of them, a very small number, had continued to do so. Little by little, in this matter also all had been changed. Under color of serving, the friars entered the families of the highest personages of the pontifical court, and became their confidential attendants; instead of submitting themselves to all, as the Rule of 1221 ordained, they were above everyone.
Entirely losing sight of the apostolic life, they became courtiers of a special type; their character, half ecclesiastic and half lay, rendered them capable of carrying out a number of delicate missions and of playing a part inthe varied intrigues for which the greater number of Roman prelates have always seemed to live.25By way of protest Francis had only one weapon, his example.
One day, the Speculum relates, the Blessed Francis came to Rome to see the Bishop of Ostia (Ugolini), and after having remained some time at his house, he went also to visit Cardinal Leo, who had a great devotion for him.It was winter; the cold, the wind, the rain made any journey impossible, so the cardinal begged him to pass a few days in his house and to take his food there, like the other poor folk who came there to eat. ... "I will give you," he added, "a good lodging, quite retired, where if you like you may pray and eat." Then Brother Angelo, one of the twelve first disciples, who lived with the cardinal, said to Francis: "There is, close by here, a great tower standing by itself and very quiet; you will be there as in a hermitage." Francis went to see it and it pleased him. Then, returning to the cardinal, "Monsignor," he said, "it is possible that I may pass a few days with you." The latter was very joyful, and Brother Angelo went to prepare the tower for the Blessed Francis and his companion.But the very first night, when he would have slept, the demons came and smote him. Calling then to his companion, "Brother," he said, "the demons have come and smitten me with violence; remain near me, I beg, for I am afraid here alone."He was trembling in all his members, like one who has a fever. They passed the night both without sleeping. "The demons are commissioned with the chastisements of God," said Francis; "as a podestà sends his executioner to punish the criminal, so God sends demons, who in this are his ministers.... Why has he sent them to me? Perhaps this is the reason: The cardinal desired to be kind to me, and I have truly great need of repose, but the Brothers who are out in the world, suffering hunger and a thousand tribulations, and also those others who are in hermitages or in miserable houses, when they hear of my sojourn with a cardinal will be moved to repine. 'We endure all privations,' they will say, 'while he has all that he can desire; 'but I ought to give them a good example—that is my true mission." ...Early next morning, therefore he quitted the tower, and having told the cardinal all, took leave of him and returned to the hermitage of Monte Colombo, near Rieti. "They think me a holy man," he said, "and see, it needed demons to cast me out ofprison."26
One day, the Speculum relates, the Blessed Francis came to Rome to see the Bishop of Ostia (Ugolini), and after having remained some time at his house, he went also to visit Cardinal Leo, who had a great devotion for him.
It was winter; the cold, the wind, the rain made any journey impossible, so the cardinal begged him to pass a few days in his house and to take his food there, like the other poor folk who came there to eat. ... "I will give you," he added, "a good lodging, quite retired, where if you like you may pray and eat." Then Brother Angelo, one of the twelve first disciples, who lived with the cardinal, said to Francis: "There is, close by here, a great tower standing by itself and very quiet; you will be there as in a hermitage." Francis went to see it and it pleased him. Then, returning to the cardinal, "Monsignor," he said, "it is possible that I may pass a few days with you." The latter was very joyful, and Brother Angelo went to prepare the tower for the Blessed Francis and his companion.
But the very first night, when he would have slept, the demons came and smote him. Calling then to his companion, "Brother," he said, "the demons have come and smitten me with violence; remain near me, I beg, for I am afraid here alone."
He was trembling in all his members, like one who has a fever. They passed the night both without sleeping. "The demons are commissioned with the chastisements of God," said Francis; "as a podestà sends his executioner to punish the criminal, so God sends demons, who in this are his ministers.... Why has he sent them to me? Perhaps this is the reason: The cardinal desired to be kind to me, and I have truly great need of repose, but the Brothers who are out in the world, suffering hunger and a thousand tribulations, and also those others who are in hermitages or in miserable houses, when they hear of my sojourn with a cardinal will be moved to repine. 'We endure all privations,' they will say, 'while he has all that he can desire; 'but I ought to give them a good example—that is my true mission." ...
Early next morning, therefore he quitted the tower, and having told the cardinal all, took leave of him and returned to the hermitage of Monte Colombo, near Rieti. "They think me a holy man," he said, "and see, it needed demons to cast me out ofprison."26
This story, notwithstanding its strange coloring, shows plainly how strong was his instinct for independence. To compare the hospitality of a cardinal to an imprisonment! He spoke better than he knew, characterizing in one word the relation of the Church to his Order.
The lark was not dead; in spite of cold and the north wind it gayly took its flight to the vale of Rieti.
It was mid-December. An ardent desire to observe to the life the memories of Christmas had taken possession of Francis. He opened his heart to one of his friends, the knight Giovanni di Greccio, who undertook the necessary preparations.
The imitation of Jesus has in all times been the very centre of Christianity; but one must be singularly spiritual to be satisfied with the imitation of the heart. With most men there is need that this should be preceded and sustained by an external imitation. It is indeed the spirit that gives life, but it is only in the country of the angels that one can say that the flesh profiteth nothing.
In the Middle Ages a religious festival was before all things else a representation, more or less faithful, of the event which it recalled; hence thesantonsof Provence, the processions of thePalmesel, the Holy Supper of Maundy Thursday, the Road to the Cross of Good Friday, the drama of the Resurrection of Easter, and the flaming tow of Whitsunday. Francis was too thoroughly Italian not to love these festivals where every visible thing speaks of God and of his love.
The population of Greccio and its environs was, therefore, convoked, as well as the Brothers from the neighboring monasteries. On the evening of the vigil of Christmas one might have seen the faithful hastening to the hermitage by every path with torches in their hands, making the forests ring with their joyful hymns.
Everyone was rejoicing—Francis most of all. The knight had prepared a stable with straw, and brought an ox and an ass, whose breath seemed to give warmth to the poorbambino, benumbed with the cold. At the sight the saint felt tears of pity bedew his face; he was no longer in Greccio, his heart was in Bethlehem.
Finally they began to chant matins; then the mass was begun, and Francis, as deacon, read the Gospel. Already hearts were touched by the simple recital of the sacred legend in a voice so gentle and so fervent, but when he preached, his emotion soon overcame the audience; his voice had so unutterable a tenderness that they also forgot everything, and were living over again the feeling of the shepherds of Judea who in those old days went to adore the God made man, born in a stable.27
Toward the close of the thirteenth century, the author of theStabat Mater dolorosa, Giacopone dei Todi, that Franciscan of genius who spent a part of his life in dungeons, inspired by the memory of Greccio, composed another Stabat, that of joy,Stabat Mater speciosa. This hymn of Mary beside the manger is not less noble than that of Mary at the foot of the cross. The sentiment is even more tender, and it is hard to explain its neglect except by an unjust caprice of fate.
Stabat Mater speciosaJuxtum fœnum gaudiosaDum jacebat parvulus.Quæ gaudebat et ridebatExsultabat cum videbatNati partum inclyti.Fac me vere congaudereJesulino cohærereDonec ego vixero.28
Stabat Mater speciosaJuxtum fœnum gaudiosaDum jacebat parvulus.Quæ gaudebat et ridebatExsultabat cum videbatNati partum inclyti.Fac me vere congaudereJesulino cohærereDonec ego vixero.28
Stabat Mater speciosaJuxtum fœnum gaudiosaDum jacebat parvulus.
Quæ gaudebat et ridebatExsultabat cum videbatNati partum inclyti.
Fac me vere congaudereJesulino cohærereDonec ego vixero.28
FOOTNOTES1.All this took place with prodigious rapidity. The dimensions of the Basilica of Assisi, the plans of which were made in 1228, no more permits it to be considered as a conventual chapel than Santa-Croce in Florence, San Francesco in Sienna, or the Basilica San Antonio at Padua, monuments commenced between 1230 and 1240. Already before 1245 one party of the episcopate utters a cry of alarm, in which he speaks of nothing less than of closing the door of the secular churches, which have become useless. He complains with incredible bitterness that the Minor and Preaching Friars have absolutely supplanted the parochial clergy. This letter may be found in Pierre de la Vigne, addressed at once to Frederick II. and the Council of Lyons:Epistolæ, Basle, 1740, 2 vols., vol. i., pp. 220-222. It is much to be desired that a critical text should be given. See also the satire against the two new Orders, done in rhyme about 1242 by Pierre de la Vigne, and of which, allowing for possible exaggerations, the greater number of the incidents cannot have been invented: E. du Méril,Poésies pop. lat., pp. 153-177, Paris, 8vo, 1847.2.And not of the 29th, as Sbaralea will have it.Bull. fr., vol. i., n. 10. Horoy, vol. iv., col. 129; the original, still in the archives of Assisi, bears the title:Datum Anagnie 11 Kalendas Aprilis pontificatus nostri anno sexto.3.Potthast, 6809; Horoy, iv., col. 129. See also the bullEcce Venit Deusof July 14, 1227; L. Auvray:Registres de Grégoire IX., no. 129; cf. 153; Potthast, 8027 and 8028, 8189.4.He had finished his mission as legate in Lombardy toward the close of September, 1221 (see his register; cf. Böhmer,Acta imp. sel. doc., 951). In the spring of 1222 we find him continually near the pope at Anagni, Veroli, Alatri (Potthast, 6807, 6812, 6849). The Holy See had still at that time a marked predilection for the Preachers; the very trite privilege of power to celebrate the offices in times of interdict had been accorded them March 7, 1222, but instead of the formula usual in such cases, a revised form had been made expressly for them, with a handsome eulogy. Ripolli,Bull. Præd., t. i., p. 15.5.2 Cel., 3, 93:Subtrahebat se a consortio fratrum.6.It is needless to say that local traditions, in this case, though as to detail they must be accepted only with great reserve, yet on the whole are surely true. The geography of St. Francis's life is yet to be made.7.2 Cel., 3, 59; Bon., 60;Conform., 122b, 2.8.2 Cel., 3, 5;Spec., 12a;Conform., 169b, 2.9.Eccl., 6. Vide Liebermann's text,Mon. Germ. hist. Script., t. 28, p. 663.10.2 Cel., 3, 93; Bon., 104 and 105;Conform., 101a, 2.11.2 Cel., 3, 93;Spec., 49b; 182a;Conform., 182a, 1;Tribul., fo5a; 2 Cel., 3, 98; 113; 115; 1 Cel., 28, 50; 96; 103; 104; 108; 111; 118.12.2 Cel., 3, 27;Spec., 38b;Conform., 181b, 1;Tribul., 7b. Cf.Spec., 220b;Conform., 103b.13.Francis's successors were nearly all without exception students of Bologna. Pietro di Catana was doctor of laws, as also Giovanni Parenti (Giord., 51).—Elias had beenscriptorat Bologna.—Alberto of Pisa had been minister there (Eccl., 6).—Aymon had been reader there (Eccl., 6).—Crescentius wrote works on jurisprudence (Conform., 121b, 1, etc., etc.).14.This name cannot be warranted; he is called Giovanni di Laschaccia in a passage of theConformities(104a, 1); Pietro Schiaccia in the Italian MS. of theTribulations(fo75a); Petrus Stacia in the Laurentinian MS. (13b; cf.Archiv., ii., p. 258).Tribul., 13b;Spec., 184b. This story has been much amplified in other places.Spec., 126a;Conform., 104b, 1.15.Vide Eccl., 3: History of the entrance of Adam of Oxford into the Order. Cf.,Chartularium Univ. Par., t. i., nos. 47 and 49.16.Eccleston's entire chronicle is a living witness to this.17.Admonitio, v.; cf.Conform., 141a.Compare theConstitutiones antiquæ(Speculum, Morin, iii., fo195b-206) with the Rule. From the opening chapters the contradiction is apparent:Ordinamus quod nullus recipiatur in ordine nostro nisi sit talis clericus qui sit competenter instructus in grammatica vel logica; aut nisi sit talis laicus de cujus ingressu esset valde celebris et edificatio in populo et in clero. This is surely far from the spirit of him who said:Et quicumque venerit amicus vel adversarius fur vel latro benigne recipiatur. Rule of 1221, cap. vii. See also the Exposition of the Rule of Bonaventura.Speculum, Morin, iii., fo21-40.18.Upon Francis's attitude toward learning seeTribul., Laur., 14b;Spec., 184a; 2 Cel., 3, 8; 48; 100; 116; 119; 120-124. Bon., chap. 152, naturally expresses only Bonaventura's views. See especially Rule of 1221, cap. xvii.; of 1223, cap. x.19.Spec., 7b:Fecit Franciscus regulam quam papa Honorius confirmavit cum bulla, de qua regula multa fuerunt extracta per ministros contra voluntatem b. Francisci. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 136.20.BullQuo elongatiof September 28, 1230; Sbaralea, i., p. 56.21.Bon., 55 and 56 [3 Soc., 62];Spec., 76; 124a;Tribul., Laur., 17b-19b; Ubertini,Arbor. V., 5;Conform., 88a, 2.22.Tribul., Laur., 19a;Archiv., t. iii., p. 601. Cf. A. SS., p. 638e.23.Potthast, 7108.—The work of this bull was completed by that of December 18, 1223. (The original of theSacro ConventobearsDatum Laterani XV. Kal. jan.)Fratrem Minorum: Potthast, 7123.24.2 Cel., 3, 19; Bon., 95;Spec., 18b;Conform., 171a, 1.25.2 Cel., 3, 61 and 62. Cf. Eccl., 6, the account of Rod. de Rosa.26.Spec., 47b ff.; 2 Cel., 3, 61; Bon., 84 and 85.27.1 Cel., 84-87; Bon., 149.28.This little poem was published entire by M. Ozanam in vol. v. of his works, p. 184.
1.All this took place with prodigious rapidity. The dimensions of the Basilica of Assisi, the plans of which were made in 1228, no more permits it to be considered as a conventual chapel than Santa-Croce in Florence, San Francesco in Sienna, or the Basilica San Antonio at Padua, monuments commenced between 1230 and 1240. Already before 1245 one party of the episcopate utters a cry of alarm, in which he speaks of nothing less than of closing the door of the secular churches, which have become useless. He complains with incredible bitterness that the Minor and Preaching Friars have absolutely supplanted the parochial clergy. This letter may be found in Pierre de la Vigne, addressed at once to Frederick II. and the Council of Lyons:Epistolæ, Basle, 1740, 2 vols., vol. i., pp. 220-222. It is much to be desired that a critical text should be given. See also the satire against the two new Orders, done in rhyme about 1242 by Pierre de la Vigne, and of which, allowing for possible exaggerations, the greater number of the incidents cannot have been invented: E. du Méril,Poésies pop. lat., pp. 153-177, Paris, 8vo, 1847.2.And not of the 29th, as Sbaralea will have it.Bull. fr., vol. i., n. 10. Horoy, vol. iv., col. 129; the original, still in the archives of Assisi, bears the title:Datum Anagnie 11 Kalendas Aprilis pontificatus nostri anno sexto.3.Potthast, 6809; Horoy, iv., col. 129. See also the bullEcce Venit Deusof July 14, 1227; L. Auvray:Registres de Grégoire IX., no. 129; cf. 153; Potthast, 8027 and 8028, 8189.4.He had finished his mission as legate in Lombardy toward the close of September, 1221 (see his register; cf. Böhmer,Acta imp. sel. doc., 951). In the spring of 1222 we find him continually near the pope at Anagni, Veroli, Alatri (Potthast, 6807, 6812, 6849). The Holy See had still at that time a marked predilection for the Preachers; the very trite privilege of power to celebrate the offices in times of interdict had been accorded them March 7, 1222, but instead of the formula usual in such cases, a revised form had been made expressly for them, with a handsome eulogy. Ripolli,Bull. Præd., t. i., p. 15.5.2 Cel., 3, 93:Subtrahebat se a consortio fratrum.6.It is needless to say that local traditions, in this case, though as to detail they must be accepted only with great reserve, yet on the whole are surely true. The geography of St. Francis's life is yet to be made.7.2 Cel., 3, 59; Bon., 60;Conform., 122b, 2.8.2 Cel., 3, 5;Spec., 12a;Conform., 169b, 2.9.Eccl., 6. Vide Liebermann's text,Mon. Germ. hist. Script., t. 28, p. 663.10.2 Cel., 3, 93; Bon., 104 and 105;Conform., 101a, 2.11.2 Cel., 3, 93;Spec., 49b; 182a;Conform., 182a, 1;Tribul., fo5a; 2 Cel., 3, 98; 113; 115; 1 Cel., 28, 50; 96; 103; 104; 108; 111; 118.12.2 Cel., 3, 27;Spec., 38b;Conform., 181b, 1;Tribul., 7b. Cf.Spec., 220b;Conform., 103b.13.Francis's successors were nearly all without exception students of Bologna. Pietro di Catana was doctor of laws, as also Giovanni Parenti (Giord., 51).—Elias had beenscriptorat Bologna.—Alberto of Pisa had been minister there (Eccl., 6).—Aymon had been reader there (Eccl., 6).—Crescentius wrote works on jurisprudence (Conform., 121b, 1, etc., etc.).14.This name cannot be warranted; he is called Giovanni di Laschaccia in a passage of theConformities(104a, 1); Pietro Schiaccia in the Italian MS. of theTribulations(fo75a); Petrus Stacia in the Laurentinian MS. (13b; cf.Archiv., ii., p. 258).Tribul., 13b;Spec., 184b. This story has been much amplified in other places.Spec., 126a;Conform., 104b, 1.15.Vide Eccl., 3: History of the entrance of Adam of Oxford into the Order. Cf.,Chartularium Univ. Par., t. i., nos. 47 and 49.16.Eccleston's entire chronicle is a living witness to this.17.Admonitio, v.; cf.Conform., 141a.Compare theConstitutiones antiquæ(Speculum, Morin, iii., fo195b-206) with the Rule. From the opening chapters the contradiction is apparent:Ordinamus quod nullus recipiatur in ordine nostro nisi sit talis clericus qui sit competenter instructus in grammatica vel logica; aut nisi sit talis laicus de cujus ingressu esset valde celebris et edificatio in populo et in clero. This is surely far from the spirit of him who said:Et quicumque venerit amicus vel adversarius fur vel latro benigne recipiatur. Rule of 1221, cap. vii. See also the Exposition of the Rule of Bonaventura.Speculum, Morin, iii., fo21-40.18.Upon Francis's attitude toward learning seeTribul., Laur., 14b;Spec., 184a; 2 Cel., 3, 8; 48; 100; 116; 119; 120-124. Bon., chap. 152, naturally expresses only Bonaventura's views. See especially Rule of 1221, cap. xvii.; of 1223, cap. x.19.Spec., 7b:Fecit Franciscus regulam quam papa Honorius confirmavit cum bulla, de qua regula multa fuerunt extracta per ministros contra voluntatem b. Francisci. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 136.20.BullQuo elongatiof September 28, 1230; Sbaralea, i., p. 56.21.Bon., 55 and 56 [3 Soc., 62];Spec., 76; 124a;Tribul., Laur., 17b-19b; Ubertini,Arbor. V., 5;Conform., 88a, 2.22.Tribul., Laur., 19a;Archiv., t. iii., p. 601. Cf. A. SS., p. 638e.23.Potthast, 7108.—The work of this bull was completed by that of December 18, 1223. (The original of theSacro ConventobearsDatum Laterani XV. Kal. jan.)Fratrem Minorum: Potthast, 7123.24.2 Cel., 3, 19; Bon., 95;Spec., 18b;Conform., 171a, 1.25.2 Cel., 3, 61 and 62. Cf. Eccl., 6, the account of Rod. de Rosa.26.Spec., 47b ff.; 2 Cel., 3, 61; Bon., 84 and 85.27.1 Cel., 84-87; Bon., 149.28.This little poem was published entire by M. Ozanam in vol. v. of his works, p. 184.
1.All this took place with prodigious rapidity. The dimensions of the Basilica of Assisi, the plans of which were made in 1228, no more permits it to be considered as a conventual chapel than Santa-Croce in Florence, San Francesco in Sienna, or the Basilica San Antonio at Padua, monuments commenced between 1230 and 1240. Already before 1245 one party of the episcopate utters a cry of alarm, in which he speaks of nothing less than of closing the door of the secular churches, which have become useless. He complains with incredible bitterness that the Minor and Preaching Friars have absolutely supplanted the parochial clergy. This letter may be found in Pierre de la Vigne, addressed at once to Frederick II. and the Council of Lyons:Epistolæ, Basle, 1740, 2 vols., vol. i., pp. 220-222. It is much to be desired that a critical text should be given. See also the satire against the two new Orders, done in rhyme about 1242 by Pierre de la Vigne, and of which, allowing for possible exaggerations, the greater number of the incidents cannot have been invented: E. du Méril,Poésies pop. lat., pp. 153-177, Paris, 8vo, 1847.
2.And not of the 29th, as Sbaralea will have it.Bull. fr., vol. i., n. 10. Horoy, vol. iv., col. 129; the original, still in the archives of Assisi, bears the title:Datum Anagnie 11 Kalendas Aprilis pontificatus nostri anno sexto.
3.Potthast, 6809; Horoy, iv., col. 129. See also the bullEcce Venit Deusof July 14, 1227; L. Auvray:Registres de Grégoire IX., no. 129; cf. 153; Potthast, 8027 and 8028, 8189.
4.He had finished his mission as legate in Lombardy toward the close of September, 1221 (see his register; cf. Böhmer,Acta imp. sel. doc., 951). In the spring of 1222 we find him continually near the pope at Anagni, Veroli, Alatri (Potthast, 6807, 6812, 6849). The Holy See had still at that time a marked predilection for the Preachers; the very trite privilege of power to celebrate the offices in times of interdict had been accorded them March 7, 1222, but instead of the formula usual in such cases, a revised form had been made expressly for them, with a handsome eulogy. Ripolli,Bull. Præd., t. i., p. 15.
5.2 Cel., 3, 93:Subtrahebat se a consortio fratrum.
6.It is needless to say that local traditions, in this case, though as to detail they must be accepted only with great reserve, yet on the whole are surely true. The geography of St. Francis's life is yet to be made.
7.2 Cel., 3, 59; Bon., 60;Conform., 122b, 2.
8.2 Cel., 3, 5;Spec., 12a;Conform., 169b, 2.
9.Eccl., 6. Vide Liebermann's text,Mon. Germ. hist. Script., t. 28, p. 663.
10.2 Cel., 3, 93; Bon., 104 and 105;Conform., 101a, 2.
11.2 Cel., 3, 93;Spec., 49b; 182a;Conform., 182a, 1;Tribul., fo5a; 2 Cel., 3, 98; 113; 115; 1 Cel., 28, 50; 96; 103; 104; 108; 111; 118.
12.2 Cel., 3, 27;Spec., 38b;Conform., 181b, 1;Tribul., 7b. Cf.Spec., 220b;Conform., 103b.
13.Francis's successors were nearly all without exception students of Bologna. Pietro di Catana was doctor of laws, as also Giovanni Parenti (Giord., 51).—Elias had beenscriptorat Bologna.—Alberto of Pisa had been minister there (Eccl., 6).—Aymon had been reader there (Eccl., 6).—Crescentius wrote works on jurisprudence (Conform., 121b, 1, etc., etc.).
14.This name cannot be warranted; he is called Giovanni di Laschaccia in a passage of theConformities(104a, 1); Pietro Schiaccia in the Italian MS. of theTribulations(fo75a); Petrus Stacia in the Laurentinian MS. (13b; cf.Archiv., ii., p. 258).Tribul., 13b;Spec., 184b. This story has been much amplified in other places.Spec., 126a;Conform., 104b, 1.
15.Vide Eccl., 3: History of the entrance of Adam of Oxford into the Order. Cf.,Chartularium Univ. Par., t. i., nos. 47 and 49.
16.Eccleston's entire chronicle is a living witness to this.
17.Admonitio, v.; cf.Conform., 141a.
Compare theConstitutiones antiquæ(Speculum, Morin, iii., fo195b-206) with the Rule. From the opening chapters the contradiction is apparent:Ordinamus quod nullus recipiatur in ordine nostro nisi sit talis clericus qui sit competenter instructus in grammatica vel logica; aut nisi sit talis laicus de cujus ingressu esset valde celebris et edificatio in populo et in clero. This is surely far from the spirit of him who said:Et quicumque venerit amicus vel adversarius fur vel latro benigne recipiatur. Rule of 1221, cap. vii. See also the Exposition of the Rule of Bonaventura.Speculum, Morin, iii., fo21-40.
18.Upon Francis's attitude toward learning seeTribul., Laur., 14b;Spec., 184a; 2 Cel., 3, 8; 48; 100; 116; 119; 120-124. Bon., chap. 152, naturally expresses only Bonaventura's views. See especially Rule of 1221, cap. xvii.; of 1223, cap. x.
19.Spec., 7b:Fecit Franciscus regulam quam papa Honorius confirmavit cum bulla, de qua regula multa fuerunt extracta per ministros contra voluntatem b. Francisci. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 136.
20.BullQuo elongatiof September 28, 1230; Sbaralea, i., p. 56.
21.Bon., 55 and 56 [3 Soc., 62];Spec., 76; 124a;Tribul., Laur., 17b-19b; Ubertini,Arbor. V., 5;Conform., 88a, 2.
22.Tribul., Laur., 19a;Archiv., t. iii., p. 601. Cf. A. SS., p. 638e.
23.Potthast, 7108.—The work of this bull was completed by that of December 18, 1223. (The original of theSacro ConventobearsDatum Laterani XV. Kal. jan.)Fratrem Minorum: Potthast, 7123.
24.2 Cel., 3, 19; Bon., 95;Spec., 18b;Conform., 171a, 1.
25.2 Cel., 3, 61 and 62. Cf. Eccl., 6, the account of Rod. de Rosa.
26.Spec., 47b ff.; 2 Cel., 3, 61; Bon., 84 and 85.
27.1 Cel., 84-87; Bon., 149.
28.This little poem was published entire by M. Ozanam in vol. v. of his works, p. 184.
The upper valley of the Arno forms in the very centre of Italy a country apart, the Casentino, which through centuries had its own life, somewhat like an island in the midst of the ocean.
The river flows out from it by a narrow defile at the south, and on all other sides the Apennines encircle it with a girdle of inaccessible mountains.1
This plain, some ten leagues in diameter, is enlivened with picturesque villages, finely posted on hillocks at the base of which flows the stream; here are Bibbiena, Poppi, the antique Romena sung by Dante, the Camaldoli, and up there on the crest Chiusi, long ago the capital of the country, with the ruins of Count Orlando's castle.
The people are charming and refined; the mountains have sheltered them from wars, and on every side we see the signs of labor, prosperity, a gentle gayety. At any moment we might fancy ourselves transported into some valley of the Vivarais or Provence. The vegetation on the borders of the Arno is thoroughly tropical; the olive and the mulberry marry with the vine. On the lower hill-slopes are wheat fields divided by meadows;then come the chestnuts and the oaks, higher still the pine, the fir, the larch, and above all the bare rock.
Among all the peaks there is one which especially attracts the attention; instead of a rounded and so to say flattened top, it uplifts itself slender, proud, isolated; it is the Verna.2
One might think it an immense rock fallen from the sky. It is in fact an erratic block set there, a little like a petrified Noah's ark on the summit of Mount Ararat. The basaltic mass, perpendicular on all sides, is crowned with a plateau planted with pines and gigantic beeches, and accessible only by a footpath.3
Such was the solitude which Orlando had given to Francis, and to which Francis had already many a time come for quiet and contemplation.
Seated upon the few stones of the Penna,4he heard only the whispering of the wind among the trees, but in the splendor of the sunrise or the sunset he could see nearly all the districts in which he had sown the seed of the gospel: the Romagna and the March of Ancona, losing themselves on the horizon in the waves of the Adriatic; Umbria, and farther away, Tuscany, vanishing in the waters of the Mediterranean.
The impression on this height is not crushing like that which one has in the Alps: a feeling infinitely calm andsweet flows over you; you are high enough to judge of men from above, not high enough to forget their existence.
Besides the wide horizons, Francis found there other objects of delight; in this forest, one of the noblest in Europe, live legions of birds, which never having been hunted are surprisingly tame.5Subtile perfumes arise from the ground, and in the midst of borage and lichens frail and exquisite cyclamens blossom in fantastic variety.
He desired to return thither after the chapter of 1224. This meeting, held in the beginning of June, was the last at which he was present. The new Rule was there put into the hands of the ministers, and the mission to England decided upon.
It was in the early days of August that Francis took his way toward Verna. With him were only a few Brothers, Masseo, Angelo, and Leo. The first had been charged to direct the little band, and spare him all duties except that of prayer.6
They had been two days on the road when it became necessary to seek for an ass for Francis, who was too much enfeebled to go farther on foot.
The Brothers, in asking for this service, had not concealed the name of their master, and the peasant, to whom they had addressed themselves respectfully, asked leave to guide the beast himself. After going on a certain time, "Is it true," he said, "that you are Brother Francis of Assisi?" "Very well," he went on,after the answer in the affirmative, "apply yourself to be as good as folk say you are, that they may not be deceived in their expectation; that is my advice." Francis immediately got down from his beast and, prostrating himself before the peasant, thanked him warmly.7
Meanwhile the warmest hour of the day had come on. The peasant, exhausted with fatigue, little by little forgot his surprise and joy; one does not feel the burning of thirst the less for walking beside a saint. He had begun to regret his kindness, when Francis pointed with his finger to a spring, unknown till then, and which has never since been seen.8
At last they arrived at the foot of the last precipice. Before scaling it they paused to rest a little under a great oak, and immediately flocks of birds gathered around them, testifying their joy by songs and flutterings of their wings. Hovering around Francis, they alighted on his head, his shoulders, or his arms. "I see," he said joyfully to his companions, "that it is pleasing to our Lord Jesus that we live in this solitary mount, since our brothers and sisters the birds have shown such great delight at our coming."9
This mountain was at once his Tabor and his Calvary. We must not wonder, then, that legends have flourished here even more numerously than at any other period of his life; the greater number of them have the exquisite charm of the little flowers, rosy and perfumed, which hide themselves modestly at the feet of the fir-trees of Verna.
The summer nights up there are of unparalleled beauty: nature, stifled by the heat of the sun, seems then to breathe anew. In the trees, behind the rocks, on theturf, a thousand voices rise up, sweetly harmonizing with the murmur of the great woods; but among all these voices there is not one which forces itself upon the attention, it is a melody which you enjoy without listening. You let your eyes wander over the landscape, still for long hours illumined with hieratic tints by the departed star of day, and the peaks of the Apennines, flooded with rainbow hues, drop down into your soul what the Franciscan poet called the nostalgia of the everlasting hills.10
More than anyone Francis felt it. The very evening of their arrival, seated upon a mound in the midst of his Brothers, he gave them his directions for their dwelling-place.
The quiet of nature would have sufficed to sow in their hearts some germs of sadness, and the voice of the master harmonized with the emotion of the last gleams of light; he spoke with them of his approaching death, with the regret of the laborer overtaken by the shades of evening before the completion of his task, with the sighs of the father who trembles for the future of his children.11
For himself he desired from this time to prepare himself for death by prayer and contemplation; and he begged them to protect him from all intrusion. Orlando,12who had already come to bid them welcome and offer his services, had at his request hastily caused a hut of boughs to be made, at the foot of a great beech. It was there that he desired to dwell, at a stone's throw from the cells inhabited by his companions. Brother Leo was charged to bring him each day that which he would need.
He retired to it immediately after this memorable conversation, but several days later, embarrassed no doubt by the pious curiosity of the friars, who watched all his movements, he went farther into the woods, and on Assumption Day he there began the Lent which he desired to observe in honor of the Archangel Michael and the celestial host.
Genius has its modesty as well as love. The poet, the artist, the saint, need to be alone when the Spirit comes to move them. Every effort of thought, of imagination, or of will is a prayer, and one does not pray in public.
Alas for the man who has not in his inmost heart some secret which may not be told, because it cannot be spoken, and because if it were spoken it could not be understood.Secretum meum mihi! Jesus felt it deeply: the raptures of Tabor are brief; they may not be told.
Before these soul mysteries materialists and devotees often meet and are of one mind in demanding precision in those things which can the least endure it.
The believer asks in what spot on the Verna Francis received the stigmata; whether the seraph which appeared to him was Jesus or a celestial spirit; what words were spoken as he imprinted them upon him;13and he no more understands that hour when Francis swooned with woe and love than the materialist, who asks to see with his eyes and touch with his hands the gaping wound.
Let us try to avoid these extremes. Let us hear what the documents give us, and not seek to do them violence, to wrest from them what they do not tell, what they cannot tell.
They show us Francis distressed for the future of the Order, and with an infinite desire for new spiritual progress.
He was consumed with the fever of saints, that need of immolation which wrung from St. Theresa the passionate cry, "Either to suffer or to die!" He was bitterly reproaching himself with not having been found worthy of martyrdom, not having been able to give himself for Him who gave himself for us.
We touch here upon one of the most powerful and mysterious elements of the Christian life. We may very easily not understand it, but we may not for all that deny it. It is the root of true mysticism.14The really new thing that Jesus brought into the world was that, feeling himself in perfect union with the heavenly Father, he called all men to unite themselves to him and through him to God: "I am the vine, and ye are the branches; he who abides in me and I in him brings forth much fruit, for apart from me ye can do nothing."
The Christ not only preached this union, he made it felt. On the evening of his last day he instituted its sacrament, and there is probably no sect which denies that communion is at once the symbol, the principle, and the end of the religious life. For eighteen centuries Christians who differ on everything else cannot but look with one accord to him who in the upper chamber instituted the rite of the new times.
The night before he died he took the bread and brakeit and distributed it to them, saying, "Take and eat, for this is my body."
Jesus, while presenting union with himself as the very foundation of the new life,15took care to point out to his brethren that this union was before all things a sharing in his work, in his struggles, and his sufferings: "Let him that would be my disciple take up his cross and follow me."
St. Paul entered so perfectly into the Master's thought in this respect that he uttered a few years later this cry of a mysticism that has never been equalled: "I have been crucified with Christ, yet I live ... or rather, it is not I who live, but Christ who liveth in me." This utterance is not an isolated exclamation with him, it is the very centre of his religious consciousness, and he goes so far as to say, at the risk of scandalizing many a Christian: "I fill up in my body that which is lacking of the sufferings of Christ, for his body's sake, which is the Church."
Perhaps it has not been useless to enter into these thoughts, to show to what point Francis during the last years of his life, where he renews in his body the passion of Christ, is allied to the apostolic tradition.
In the solitudes of the Verna, as formerly at St. Damian, Jesus presented himself to him under his form of the Crucified One, the man of sorrows.16
That this intercourse has been described to us in a poetic and inexact form is nothing surprising. It is the contrary that would be surprising. In the paroxysmsof divine love there areineffabiliawhich, far from being able to relate them or make them understood, we can hardly recall to our own minds.
Francis on the Verna was even more absorbed than usual in his ardent desire to suffer for Jesus and with him. His days went by divided between exercises of piety in the humble sanctuary on the mountain-top and meditation in the depths of the forest. It even happened to him to forget the services, and to remain several days alone in some cave of the rock, going over in his heart the memories of Golgotha. At other times he would remain for long hours at the foot of the altar, reading and re-reading the Gospel, and entreating God to show him the way in which he ought to walk.17
The book almost always opened of itself to the story of the Passion, and this simple coincidence, though easy enough to explain, was enough of itself to excite him.
The vision of the Crucified One took the fuller possession of his faculties as the day of the Elevation of the Holy Cross drew near (September 14th), a festival now relegated to the background, but in the thirteenth century celebrated with a fervor and zeal very natural for a solemnity which might be considered the patronal festival of the Crusades.
Francis doubled his fastings and prayers, "quite transformed into Jesus by love and compassion," says one of the legends. He passed the night before the festival alone in prayer, not far from the hermitage. In the morning he had a vision. In the rays of the rising sun, which after the chill of night came to revive his body, he suddenly perceived a strange form.
A seraph, with outspread wings, flew toward him from the edge of the horizon, and bathed his soul in raptures unutterable. In the centre of the vision appeareda cross, and the seraph was nailed upon it. When the vision disappeared, he felt sharp sufferings mingling with the ecstasy of the first moments. Stirred to the very depths of his being, he was anxiously seeking the meaning of it all, when he perceived upon his body the stigmata of the Crucified.18