FOOTNOTES1.Bull of June 8, 1198,Quamvis. Migne, i., col. 220; Potthast, 265.2.For example, Pierre, Cardinal of St. Chryzogone and former Bishop of Meaux, who in a single election refused the dazzling offer of five hundred silver marks. Alexander III., Migne's edition,epist.395.3.Fasciculus rerum expetend. et fugiend., t. ii., 7, pp. 254, 255 (Brown, 1690).4.John of Salisbury,Policrat.Migne, v. 15.5.Among their sources of revenue we find the right ofcollagium, by payment of which clerics acquired the right to keep a concubine. Pierre le Chantre,Verb. abbrev., 24.6.VideCarmina Burana, Breslau, 8vo, 1883; Political Songs of England, published by Th. Wright, London, 8vo, 1893;Poésies populaires latines du moyen âge, du Méril, Paris, 1847. See also Raynouard,Lexique roman, i., 446, 451, 464, the fine poems of the troubadour Pierre Cardinal, contemporary of St. Francis, upon the woes of the Church, and Dante,Inferno, xix. If one would gain an idea of what the bishop of a small city in those days cost his flock, he has only to read the bull of February 12, 1219,Justis petentium, addressed by Honorius III. to the Bishop of Terni, and including the contract by which the inhabitants of that city settled the revenues of the episcopal see. Horoy, t. iii., col. 114, or theBullarium romanum, t. iii., p. 348, Turin.7.Conosco sacerdoti che fanno gli usura per formare un patrimonio da lasciare ai loro spurii; altri che tengono osteria coll' insegna del collare e vendono vino... Salimbene, Cantarelli, Parma, 1882, 2 vols., 8vo, ii., p. 307.8.VideBrevis historia Prior.Grandimont.—Stephani Tornacensis.Epist. 115, 152, 153, 156, 162; Honorius III., Horoy's edition, lib. i., 280, 284, 286-288; ii., 12, 130, 136, 383-387.9.Guérard,Cartulaire de N. D. de Paris, t. i., p. cxi; t. ii., p. 406. Cf. Honorius III., BullInter statutaof July 25, 1223, Horoy, t. iv., col. 401. See also canon 23 of the Council of Beziers, 1233; Guibert de Gemblours,epist.5 and 6 (Migne); Honorius III., lib. ix., 32, 81; ii., 193; iv., 10; iii., 253 and 258; iv., 33, 27, 70, 144; v., 56, 291, 420, 430; vi., 214, 132, 139, 204; vii., 127; ix., 51.10.Vide BullPostquam vocante Dominoof July 11, 1206. Potthast 2840.11.V.Annales Stadenses[Monumenta Germaniæ historica, Scriptorum, t. 16],ad ann. 1237. Among the comprehensive pictures of the situation of the Church in the thirteenth century, there is none more interesting than that left us by the Cardinal Jacques de Vitry in hisHistoria occidentalis: Libri duo quorum prior Orientalis, alter Occidentalis historiæ nomine inscribitur Duaci, 1597, 16mo. pp. 259-480.12.V. Honorius III., Horoy's edition, lib. i., ep. 109, 125, 135, 206, 273; ii., 128, 164; iv., 120, etc.13.Dialogus miraculorumof Cesar of Heisterbach [Strange's edition, Cologne, 1851, 2 vols., 8vo], t. ii., pp. 255 and 125. This book, with the Golden Legend of Giacomo di Varaggio, gives the best idea of the state of religious thought in the thirteenth century.14.Recueil des historiens de France.Bouquet, t. xii., pp. 550, 551.15.Bonacorsi:Vitæ hæreticorum[d'Achery,Spicilegium, t. i., p. 215] Cf. Lucius III., epist. 171, Migne.16.Vide Bernard Gui,Practica inquisitionis, Douai edition, 4to, Paris, 1886 p. 244 ff., and especially the Vatican MS., 2548, folio 71.17.A chronicle of St. Francis's time makes this same comparison: Burchard, Abbot of Urspurg (Cross1226) [Burchardi et Cuonradi chronicon. Monum. Germ. hist. Script., t. 23], has left us an account of the approbation of Francis by the Pope, all the more precious for being that of a contemporary.Loc. cit., p. 376.18.De nugis Curialium, Dist. 1, cap. 31, p. 64, Wright's edition. Cf.Chronique de Laon, Bouquet xiii., p. 680.19.See, for example, the letter of the Italian branch of the Poor Men of Lyons [Pauperos Lombardi] to their brethren of Germany, there called Leonistes. In it they show the points in which they are not in harmony with the French Waldenses. Published by Preger:Abhandlungen der K. bayer. Akademie der Wiss. Hist. Cl., t. xiii., 1875, p. 19 ff.20.These continual journeyings sometimes gained for them the name ofPassagieni, as in the south of France the preachers of certain sects are to-day calledCourriers. The term, however, specially designates a Judaizing sect who returned to the literal observation of the Mosaic law: Döllinger,Beiträge, t. ii., pp. 327 and 375. They should therefore be identified with theCirconsisiof the constitution of Frederic II. (Huillard-Bréholles, t. v., p. 280). See especially the fine monograph of M. C. Molinier:Mémoires de l'Académie de Toulouse, 1888.21.A. SS., Aprilis, t. iii., p. 238d.22.I would say that between the inspiration of Francis and the Catharian doctrines there is an irreconcilable opposition; but it would not be difficult to find acts and words of his which recall the contempt for matter of the Cathari; for example, his way of treating his body. Some of his counsels to the friars:Unusquisque habet in potestate sua inimicum suum videlicit corpus, per quod peccat.Assisi MS. 338, folio 20b. Conform. 138, b. 2.—Cum majorem inimicum corpore non habeam.2 Cel., 3, 63. These are momentary but inevitable obscurations, moments of forgetfulness, of discouragement, when a man is not himself, and repeats mechanically what he hears said around him. The real St. Francis is, on the contrary, the lover of nature, he who sees in the whole creation the work of divine goodness, the radiance of the eternal beauty, he who, in the Canticle of the Creatures, sees in the body not the Enemy but a brother:Cæpit hilariter loqui ad corpus; Gaude, frater corpus.2 Cel., 3, 137.23.Quodam die, dicta fabrissa dixit ipsi testi prægnanti, quod rogaret Deum, ut liberaret eam a Dæmone, quem habebat in ventre ... Gulielmus dixit quod ita magnum peccatum erat jacere cum uxore sua quam cum concubina.Döllinger,loc. cit., pp. 24, 35.24.Those of theConcorrezensesandBajolenses. In ItalyCatharibecomesGazzari; for that matter, each country had its special appellatives; one of the most general in the north was that of theBulgari, which marks the oriental origin of the sect, whence the slang term Boulgres and its derivatives (vide Matthew Paris, ann. 1238). Cf. Schmit,Histoire des Cathares, 8vo, 2 vols, Paris, 1849.25.The most current name in Italy was that of thePatarini, given them no doubt from their inhabiting the quarter of second-hand dealers in Milan:la contrada dei Patari, found in many cities.Patari!is still the cry of the ragpickers in the small towns of Provence. In the thirteenth century Patarino and Catharo were synonyms. But before that the term Patarini had an entirely different sense. See the very remarkable study of M. Felice Tocco on this subject in hisEresia net medio evo, 12mo, Florence, 1884.26.Cesar von Heisterbach,Dial. mirac., t. i., p. 309, Strange's edition.27.Innocentii opera, Migne, t. i., col. 537; t. ii., 654.28.Computruistis in peccatis sicut jumenta in stercore suo ut fumus ac fimus putrefactionis vestræ jam fere circumadjacentes regionis infecerit, ac ipsum Dominum ut credimus ad nauseam provocaverit. Loc. cit., col. 654. Cf. 673; Potthast, 2532, 2539.29.Gesta Innocentii, Migne, t. i., col. clxii. Cf.epist.viii., 85 and 105.30.Campi,Historia Ecclesiastica di Piacenza, parte ii., p. 92 ff. Cf.Innoc., epist.ix., 131, 166-169; x., 54, 64, 222.31.A. SS., Maii, t. v., p. 87.32.Bull of June 6, 1205, Potthast, 2237; Migne, vii., 83. This Cardinal Leo (of the presbyterial title of Holy Cross of Jerusalem) was one most valued by Innocent III. To him and Ugolini, the future Gregory IX., he at this epoch confided the most delicate missions (for example, in 1209, they were named legates to Otho IV.). This embassy shows in what importance the pope held the affairs of Assisi, though it was a very small city.33.Not once do we find him fighting heretics. The early Dominicans, on the contrary, are incessantly occupied with arguing. See 2 Cel., 3, 46.34.It need not be said that I do not assert that no trace of it is to be found after the ministry of St. Francis, but it was no longer a force, and no longer endangered the very existence of the Church.35.This strange personality will charm historians and philosophers for a long while to come. I know nothing more learned or more luminous than M. Felice Tocco's fine study in hisEresia nel medio evo, Florence, 1884, 1 vol., 12mo, pp. 261-409.36.A. SS., Sept., t. vii., p. 283 ff.37.A. SS., Maii, vii.; Vincent de Beauvais,Speculum historiale,lib.29,cap.40. La Sila is a wooded mountain, situated eastward from Cosenza, which the peasants callMonte Nero. The summits are nearly 2,000 metres above the sea.38.Toward 1195. Gioacchino died there, March 30, 1202.39.A whole apochryphal literature has blossomed out around Gioacchino; certain hypercritics have tried to prove that he never wrote anything. These are exaggerations. Three large works are certainly authentic:The Agreement of the Old and New Testaments,The Commentary on the Apocalypse, andThe Psaltery of Ten Strings, published in Venice, the first in 1517, the two others in 1527. His prophecies were so well known, even in his lifetime, that an English Cistercian, Rudolph, Abbot of Coggeshall (Cross1228), coming to Rome in 1195, sought a conference with him and has left us an interesting account of it. Martène,Amplissima Collectio, t. v., p. 839.40.Comm. in apoc., folio 78, b. 2.41.Qui vere monachus est nihil reputat esse suum nisi citharam:Apoc., ib., folio 183. a. 2.42.E. Roth,Die Visionen der heiligen Elisabeth von Schönau: Brünn, 1884, pp. 115-117.
1.Bull of June 8, 1198,Quamvis. Migne, i., col. 220; Potthast, 265.2.For example, Pierre, Cardinal of St. Chryzogone and former Bishop of Meaux, who in a single election refused the dazzling offer of five hundred silver marks. Alexander III., Migne's edition,epist.395.3.Fasciculus rerum expetend. et fugiend., t. ii., 7, pp. 254, 255 (Brown, 1690).4.John of Salisbury,Policrat.Migne, v. 15.5.Among their sources of revenue we find the right ofcollagium, by payment of which clerics acquired the right to keep a concubine. Pierre le Chantre,Verb. abbrev., 24.6.VideCarmina Burana, Breslau, 8vo, 1883; Political Songs of England, published by Th. Wright, London, 8vo, 1893;Poésies populaires latines du moyen âge, du Méril, Paris, 1847. See also Raynouard,Lexique roman, i., 446, 451, 464, the fine poems of the troubadour Pierre Cardinal, contemporary of St. Francis, upon the woes of the Church, and Dante,Inferno, xix. If one would gain an idea of what the bishop of a small city in those days cost his flock, he has only to read the bull of February 12, 1219,Justis petentium, addressed by Honorius III. to the Bishop of Terni, and including the contract by which the inhabitants of that city settled the revenues of the episcopal see. Horoy, t. iii., col. 114, or theBullarium romanum, t. iii., p. 348, Turin.7.Conosco sacerdoti che fanno gli usura per formare un patrimonio da lasciare ai loro spurii; altri che tengono osteria coll' insegna del collare e vendono vino... Salimbene, Cantarelli, Parma, 1882, 2 vols., 8vo, ii., p. 307.8.VideBrevis historia Prior.Grandimont.—Stephani Tornacensis.Epist. 115, 152, 153, 156, 162; Honorius III., Horoy's edition, lib. i., 280, 284, 286-288; ii., 12, 130, 136, 383-387.9.Guérard,Cartulaire de N. D. de Paris, t. i., p. cxi; t. ii., p. 406. Cf. Honorius III., BullInter statutaof July 25, 1223, Horoy, t. iv., col. 401. See also canon 23 of the Council of Beziers, 1233; Guibert de Gemblours,epist.5 and 6 (Migne); Honorius III., lib. ix., 32, 81; ii., 193; iv., 10; iii., 253 and 258; iv., 33, 27, 70, 144; v., 56, 291, 420, 430; vi., 214, 132, 139, 204; vii., 127; ix., 51.10.Vide BullPostquam vocante Dominoof July 11, 1206. Potthast 2840.11.V.Annales Stadenses[Monumenta Germaniæ historica, Scriptorum, t. 16],ad ann. 1237. Among the comprehensive pictures of the situation of the Church in the thirteenth century, there is none more interesting than that left us by the Cardinal Jacques de Vitry in hisHistoria occidentalis: Libri duo quorum prior Orientalis, alter Occidentalis historiæ nomine inscribitur Duaci, 1597, 16mo. pp. 259-480.12.V. Honorius III., Horoy's edition, lib. i., ep. 109, 125, 135, 206, 273; ii., 128, 164; iv., 120, etc.13.Dialogus miraculorumof Cesar of Heisterbach [Strange's edition, Cologne, 1851, 2 vols., 8vo], t. ii., pp. 255 and 125. This book, with the Golden Legend of Giacomo di Varaggio, gives the best idea of the state of religious thought in the thirteenth century.14.Recueil des historiens de France.Bouquet, t. xii., pp. 550, 551.15.Bonacorsi:Vitæ hæreticorum[d'Achery,Spicilegium, t. i., p. 215] Cf. Lucius III., epist. 171, Migne.16.Vide Bernard Gui,Practica inquisitionis, Douai edition, 4to, Paris, 1886 p. 244 ff., and especially the Vatican MS., 2548, folio 71.17.A chronicle of St. Francis's time makes this same comparison: Burchard, Abbot of Urspurg (Cross1226) [Burchardi et Cuonradi chronicon. Monum. Germ. hist. Script., t. 23], has left us an account of the approbation of Francis by the Pope, all the more precious for being that of a contemporary.Loc. cit., p. 376.18.De nugis Curialium, Dist. 1, cap. 31, p. 64, Wright's edition. Cf.Chronique de Laon, Bouquet xiii., p. 680.19.See, for example, the letter of the Italian branch of the Poor Men of Lyons [Pauperos Lombardi] to their brethren of Germany, there called Leonistes. In it they show the points in which they are not in harmony with the French Waldenses. Published by Preger:Abhandlungen der K. bayer. Akademie der Wiss. Hist. Cl., t. xiii., 1875, p. 19 ff.20.These continual journeyings sometimes gained for them the name ofPassagieni, as in the south of France the preachers of certain sects are to-day calledCourriers. The term, however, specially designates a Judaizing sect who returned to the literal observation of the Mosaic law: Döllinger,Beiträge, t. ii., pp. 327 and 375. They should therefore be identified with theCirconsisiof the constitution of Frederic II. (Huillard-Bréholles, t. v., p. 280). See especially the fine monograph of M. C. Molinier:Mémoires de l'Académie de Toulouse, 1888.21.A. SS., Aprilis, t. iii., p. 238d.22.I would say that between the inspiration of Francis and the Catharian doctrines there is an irreconcilable opposition; but it would not be difficult to find acts and words of his which recall the contempt for matter of the Cathari; for example, his way of treating his body. Some of his counsels to the friars:Unusquisque habet in potestate sua inimicum suum videlicit corpus, per quod peccat.Assisi MS. 338, folio 20b. Conform. 138, b. 2.—Cum majorem inimicum corpore non habeam.2 Cel., 3, 63. These are momentary but inevitable obscurations, moments of forgetfulness, of discouragement, when a man is not himself, and repeats mechanically what he hears said around him. The real St. Francis is, on the contrary, the lover of nature, he who sees in the whole creation the work of divine goodness, the radiance of the eternal beauty, he who, in the Canticle of the Creatures, sees in the body not the Enemy but a brother:Cæpit hilariter loqui ad corpus; Gaude, frater corpus.2 Cel., 3, 137.23.Quodam die, dicta fabrissa dixit ipsi testi prægnanti, quod rogaret Deum, ut liberaret eam a Dæmone, quem habebat in ventre ... Gulielmus dixit quod ita magnum peccatum erat jacere cum uxore sua quam cum concubina.Döllinger,loc. cit., pp. 24, 35.24.Those of theConcorrezensesandBajolenses. In ItalyCatharibecomesGazzari; for that matter, each country had its special appellatives; one of the most general in the north was that of theBulgari, which marks the oriental origin of the sect, whence the slang term Boulgres and its derivatives (vide Matthew Paris, ann. 1238). Cf. Schmit,Histoire des Cathares, 8vo, 2 vols, Paris, 1849.25.The most current name in Italy was that of thePatarini, given them no doubt from their inhabiting the quarter of second-hand dealers in Milan:la contrada dei Patari, found in many cities.Patari!is still the cry of the ragpickers in the small towns of Provence. In the thirteenth century Patarino and Catharo were synonyms. But before that the term Patarini had an entirely different sense. See the very remarkable study of M. Felice Tocco on this subject in hisEresia net medio evo, 12mo, Florence, 1884.26.Cesar von Heisterbach,Dial. mirac., t. i., p. 309, Strange's edition.27.Innocentii opera, Migne, t. i., col. 537; t. ii., 654.28.Computruistis in peccatis sicut jumenta in stercore suo ut fumus ac fimus putrefactionis vestræ jam fere circumadjacentes regionis infecerit, ac ipsum Dominum ut credimus ad nauseam provocaverit. Loc. cit., col. 654. Cf. 673; Potthast, 2532, 2539.29.Gesta Innocentii, Migne, t. i., col. clxii. Cf.epist.viii., 85 and 105.30.Campi,Historia Ecclesiastica di Piacenza, parte ii., p. 92 ff. Cf.Innoc., epist.ix., 131, 166-169; x., 54, 64, 222.31.A. SS., Maii, t. v., p. 87.32.Bull of June 6, 1205, Potthast, 2237; Migne, vii., 83. This Cardinal Leo (of the presbyterial title of Holy Cross of Jerusalem) was one most valued by Innocent III. To him and Ugolini, the future Gregory IX., he at this epoch confided the most delicate missions (for example, in 1209, they were named legates to Otho IV.). This embassy shows in what importance the pope held the affairs of Assisi, though it was a very small city.33.Not once do we find him fighting heretics. The early Dominicans, on the contrary, are incessantly occupied with arguing. See 2 Cel., 3, 46.34.It need not be said that I do not assert that no trace of it is to be found after the ministry of St. Francis, but it was no longer a force, and no longer endangered the very existence of the Church.35.This strange personality will charm historians and philosophers for a long while to come. I know nothing more learned or more luminous than M. Felice Tocco's fine study in hisEresia nel medio evo, Florence, 1884, 1 vol., 12mo, pp. 261-409.36.A. SS., Sept., t. vii., p. 283 ff.37.A. SS., Maii, vii.; Vincent de Beauvais,Speculum historiale,lib.29,cap.40. La Sila is a wooded mountain, situated eastward from Cosenza, which the peasants callMonte Nero. The summits are nearly 2,000 metres above the sea.38.Toward 1195. Gioacchino died there, March 30, 1202.39.A whole apochryphal literature has blossomed out around Gioacchino; certain hypercritics have tried to prove that he never wrote anything. These are exaggerations. Three large works are certainly authentic:The Agreement of the Old and New Testaments,The Commentary on the Apocalypse, andThe Psaltery of Ten Strings, published in Venice, the first in 1517, the two others in 1527. His prophecies were so well known, even in his lifetime, that an English Cistercian, Rudolph, Abbot of Coggeshall (Cross1228), coming to Rome in 1195, sought a conference with him and has left us an interesting account of it. Martène,Amplissima Collectio, t. v., p. 839.40.Comm. in apoc., folio 78, b. 2.41.Qui vere monachus est nihil reputat esse suum nisi citharam:Apoc., ib., folio 183. a. 2.42.E. Roth,Die Visionen der heiligen Elisabeth von Schönau: Brünn, 1884, pp. 115-117.
1.Bull of June 8, 1198,Quamvis. Migne, i., col. 220; Potthast, 265.
2.For example, Pierre, Cardinal of St. Chryzogone and former Bishop of Meaux, who in a single election refused the dazzling offer of five hundred silver marks. Alexander III., Migne's edition,epist.395.
3.Fasciculus rerum expetend. et fugiend., t. ii., 7, pp. 254, 255 (Brown, 1690).
4.John of Salisbury,Policrat.Migne, v. 15.
5.Among their sources of revenue we find the right ofcollagium, by payment of which clerics acquired the right to keep a concubine. Pierre le Chantre,Verb. abbrev., 24.
6.VideCarmina Burana, Breslau, 8vo, 1883; Political Songs of England, published by Th. Wright, London, 8vo, 1893;Poésies populaires latines du moyen âge, du Méril, Paris, 1847. See also Raynouard,Lexique roman, i., 446, 451, 464, the fine poems of the troubadour Pierre Cardinal, contemporary of St. Francis, upon the woes of the Church, and Dante,Inferno, xix. If one would gain an idea of what the bishop of a small city in those days cost his flock, he has only to read the bull of February 12, 1219,Justis petentium, addressed by Honorius III. to the Bishop of Terni, and including the contract by which the inhabitants of that city settled the revenues of the episcopal see. Horoy, t. iii., col. 114, or theBullarium romanum, t. iii., p. 348, Turin.
7.Conosco sacerdoti che fanno gli usura per formare un patrimonio da lasciare ai loro spurii; altri che tengono osteria coll' insegna del collare e vendono vino... Salimbene, Cantarelli, Parma, 1882, 2 vols., 8vo, ii., p. 307.
8.VideBrevis historia Prior.Grandimont.—Stephani Tornacensis.Epist. 115, 152, 153, 156, 162; Honorius III., Horoy's edition, lib. i., 280, 284, 286-288; ii., 12, 130, 136, 383-387.
9.Guérard,Cartulaire de N. D. de Paris, t. i., p. cxi; t. ii., p. 406. Cf. Honorius III., BullInter statutaof July 25, 1223, Horoy, t. iv., col. 401. See also canon 23 of the Council of Beziers, 1233; Guibert de Gemblours,epist.5 and 6 (Migne); Honorius III., lib. ix., 32, 81; ii., 193; iv., 10; iii., 253 and 258; iv., 33, 27, 70, 144; v., 56, 291, 420, 430; vi., 214, 132, 139, 204; vii., 127; ix., 51.
10.Vide BullPostquam vocante Dominoof July 11, 1206. Potthast 2840.
11.V.Annales Stadenses[Monumenta Germaniæ historica, Scriptorum, t. 16],ad ann. 1237. Among the comprehensive pictures of the situation of the Church in the thirteenth century, there is none more interesting than that left us by the Cardinal Jacques de Vitry in hisHistoria occidentalis: Libri duo quorum prior Orientalis, alter Occidentalis historiæ nomine inscribitur Duaci, 1597, 16mo. pp. 259-480.
12.V. Honorius III., Horoy's edition, lib. i., ep. 109, 125, 135, 206, 273; ii., 128, 164; iv., 120, etc.
13.Dialogus miraculorumof Cesar of Heisterbach [Strange's edition, Cologne, 1851, 2 vols., 8vo], t. ii., pp. 255 and 125. This book, with the Golden Legend of Giacomo di Varaggio, gives the best idea of the state of religious thought in the thirteenth century.
14.Recueil des historiens de France.Bouquet, t. xii., pp. 550, 551.
15.Bonacorsi:Vitæ hæreticorum[d'Achery,Spicilegium, t. i., p. 215] Cf. Lucius III., epist. 171, Migne.
16.Vide Bernard Gui,Practica inquisitionis, Douai edition, 4to, Paris, 1886 p. 244 ff., and especially the Vatican MS., 2548, folio 71.
17.A chronicle of St. Francis's time makes this same comparison: Burchard, Abbot of Urspurg (Cross1226) [Burchardi et Cuonradi chronicon. Monum. Germ. hist. Script., t. 23], has left us an account of the approbation of Francis by the Pope, all the more precious for being that of a contemporary.Loc. cit., p. 376.
18.De nugis Curialium, Dist. 1, cap. 31, p. 64, Wright's edition. Cf.Chronique de Laon, Bouquet xiii., p. 680.
19.See, for example, the letter of the Italian branch of the Poor Men of Lyons [Pauperos Lombardi] to their brethren of Germany, there called Leonistes. In it they show the points in which they are not in harmony with the French Waldenses. Published by Preger:Abhandlungen der K. bayer. Akademie der Wiss. Hist. Cl., t. xiii., 1875, p. 19 ff.
20.These continual journeyings sometimes gained for them the name ofPassagieni, as in the south of France the preachers of certain sects are to-day calledCourriers. The term, however, specially designates a Judaizing sect who returned to the literal observation of the Mosaic law: Döllinger,Beiträge, t. ii., pp. 327 and 375. They should therefore be identified with theCirconsisiof the constitution of Frederic II. (Huillard-Bréholles, t. v., p. 280). See especially the fine monograph of M. C. Molinier:Mémoires de l'Académie de Toulouse, 1888.
21.A. SS., Aprilis, t. iii., p. 238d.
22.I would say that between the inspiration of Francis and the Catharian doctrines there is an irreconcilable opposition; but it would not be difficult to find acts and words of his which recall the contempt for matter of the Cathari; for example, his way of treating his body. Some of his counsels to the friars:Unusquisque habet in potestate sua inimicum suum videlicit corpus, per quod peccat.Assisi MS. 338, folio 20b. Conform. 138, b. 2.—Cum majorem inimicum corpore non habeam.2 Cel., 3, 63. These are momentary but inevitable obscurations, moments of forgetfulness, of discouragement, when a man is not himself, and repeats mechanically what he hears said around him. The real St. Francis is, on the contrary, the lover of nature, he who sees in the whole creation the work of divine goodness, the radiance of the eternal beauty, he who, in the Canticle of the Creatures, sees in the body not the Enemy but a brother:Cæpit hilariter loqui ad corpus; Gaude, frater corpus.2 Cel., 3, 137.
23.Quodam die, dicta fabrissa dixit ipsi testi prægnanti, quod rogaret Deum, ut liberaret eam a Dæmone, quem habebat in ventre ... Gulielmus dixit quod ita magnum peccatum erat jacere cum uxore sua quam cum concubina.Döllinger,loc. cit., pp. 24, 35.
24.Those of theConcorrezensesandBajolenses. In ItalyCatharibecomesGazzari; for that matter, each country had its special appellatives; one of the most general in the north was that of theBulgari, which marks the oriental origin of the sect, whence the slang term Boulgres and its derivatives (vide Matthew Paris, ann. 1238). Cf. Schmit,Histoire des Cathares, 8vo, 2 vols, Paris, 1849.
25.The most current name in Italy was that of thePatarini, given them no doubt from their inhabiting the quarter of second-hand dealers in Milan:la contrada dei Patari, found in many cities.Patari!is still the cry of the ragpickers in the small towns of Provence. In the thirteenth century Patarino and Catharo were synonyms. But before that the term Patarini had an entirely different sense. See the very remarkable study of M. Felice Tocco on this subject in hisEresia net medio evo, 12mo, Florence, 1884.
26.Cesar von Heisterbach,Dial. mirac., t. i., p. 309, Strange's edition.
27.Innocentii opera, Migne, t. i., col. 537; t. ii., 654.
28.Computruistis in peccatis sicut jumenta in stercore suo ut fumus ac fimus putrefactionis vestræ jam fere circumadjacentes regionis infecerit, ac ipsum Dominum ut credimus ad nauseam provocaverit. Loc. cit., col. 654. Cf. 673; Potthast, 2532, 2539.
29.Gesta Innocentii, Migne, t. i., col. clxii. Cf.epist.viii., 85 and 105.
30.Campi,Historia Ecclesiastica di Piacenza, parte ii., p. 92 ff. Cf.Innoc., epist.ix., 131, 166-169; x., 54, 64, 222.
31.A. SS., Maii, t. v., p. 87.
32.Bull of June 6, 1205, Potthast, 2237; Migne, vii., 83. This Cardinal Leo (of the presbyterial title of Holy Cross of Jerusalem) was one most valued by Innocent III. To him and Ugolini, the future Gregory IX., he at this epoch confided the most delicate missions (for example, in 1209, they were named legates to Otho IV.). This embassy shows in what importance the pope held the affairs of Assisi, though it was a very small city.
33.Not once do we find him fighting heretics. The early Dominicans, on the contrary, are incessantly occupied with arguing. See 2 Cel., 3, 46.
34.It need not be said that I do not assert that no trace of it is to be found after the ministry of St. Francis, but it was no longer a force, and no longer endangered the very existence of the Church.
35.This strange personality will charm historians and philosophers for a long while to come. I know nothing more learned or more luminous than M. Felice Tocco's fine study in hisEresia nel medio evo, Florence, 1884, 1 vol., 12mo, pp. 261-409.
36.A. SS., Sept., t. vii., p. 283 ff.
37.A. SS., Maii, vii.; Vincent de Beauvais,Speculum historiale,lib.29,cap.40. La Sila is a wooded mountain, situated eastward from Cosenza, which the peasants callMonte Nero. The summits are nearly 2,000 metres above the sea.
38.Toward 1195. Gioacchino died there, March 30, 1202.
39.A whole apochryphal literature has blossomed out around Gioacchino; certain hypercritics have tried to prove that he never wrote anything. These are exaggerations. Three large works are certainly authentic:The Agreement of the Old and New Testaments,The Commentary on the Apocalypse, andThe Psaltery of Ten Strings, published in Venice, the first in 1517, the two others in 1527. His prophecies were so well known, even in his lifetime, that an English Cistercian, Rudolph, Abbot of Coggeshall (Cross1228), coming to Rome in 1195, sought a conference with him and has left us an interesting account of it. Martène,Amplissima Collectio, t. v., p. 839.
40.Comm. in apoc., folio 78, b. 2.
41.Qui vere monachus est nihil reputat esse suum nisi citharam:Apoc., ib., folio 183. a. 2.
42.E. Roth,Die Visionen der heiligen Elisabeth von Schönau: Brünn, 1884, pp. 115-117.
The biographies of St. Francis have preserved to us an incident which shows how great was the religious ferment even in the little city of Assisi. A stranger was seen to go up and down the streets saying to every one he met, "Peace and welfare!" (Pax et bonum.)1He thus expressed in his own way the disquietude of those hearts which could neither resign themselves to perpetual warfare nor to the disappearance of faith and love; artless echo, vibrating in response to the hopes and fears that were shaking all Europe!
"Vox clamantis in deserto!"it will be said. No, for every heart-cry leaves its trace even when it seems to be uttered in empty air, and that of the Unknown of Assisi may have contributed in some measure to Francis's definitive call.
Since his abrupt return from Spoleto, life in his father's house had become daily more difficult. Bernardone's self-love had received from his son's discomfiture such a wound as with commonplace men is never healed. He might provide, without counting it, money to be swallowed up in dissipation, that so his son might stand on an equal footing with the young nobles; he could never resign himself to see him giving with lavish hands to every beggar in the streets.
Francis, continually plunged in reverie and spending his days in lonely wanderings in the fields, was no longer of the least use to his father. Months passed, and the distance between the two men grew ever wider; and the gentle and loving Pica could do nothing to prevent a rupture which from this time appeared to be inevitable. Francis soon came to feel only one desire, to flee from the abode where, in the place of love, he found only reproaches, upbraidings, anguish.
The faithful confidant of his earlier struggles had been obliged to leave him, and this absolute solitude weighed heavily upon his warm and loving heart. He did what he could to escape from it, but no one understood him. The ideas which he was beginning timidly to express evoked from those to whom he spoke only mocking smiles or the head-shakings which men sure that they are right bestow upon him who is marching straight to madness. He even went to open his mind to the bishop, but the latter understood no more than others his vague, incoherent plans, filled with ideas impossible to realize and possibly subversive.2It was thus that in spite of himself Francis was led to ask nothing of men, but to raise himself by prayer to intuitive knowledge of the divine will. The doors of houses and of hearts were alike closing upon him, but the interior voice was about to speak out with irresistible force and make itself forever obeyed.
Among the numerous chapels in the suburbs of Assisi there was one which he particularly loved, that of St. Damian. It was reached by a few minutes' walk over a stony path, almost trackless, under olive trees, amid odors of lavender and rosemary. Standing on the top of a hillock, the entire plain is visible from it, through a curtain of cypresses and pines which seem to be tryingto hide the humble hermitage and set up an ideal barrier between it and the world.
Served by a poor priest who hadscarcelythe wherewithal for necessary food, the sanctuary was falling into ruin. There was nothing in the interior but a simple altar of masonry, and by way of reredos one of those byzantine crucifixes still so numerous in Italy, where through the work of the artists of the time has come down to us something of the terrors which agitated the twelfth century. In general the Crucified One, frightfully lacerated, with bleeding wounds, appears to seek to inspire only grief and compunction; that of St. Damian, on the contrary, has an expression of inexpressible calm and gentleness; instead of closing the eyelids in eternal surrender to the weight of suffering, it looks down in self-forgetfulness, and its pure, clear gaze says, not "I suffer," but, "Come unto me."3
One day Francis was praying before the poor altar: "Great and glorious God, and thou, Lord Jesus, I pray ye, shed abroad your light in the darkness of my mind.... Be found of me, Lord, so that in all things I may act only in accordance with thy holy will."4
Thus he prayed in his heart, and behold, little by little it seemed to him that his gaze could not detach itself from that of Jesus; he felt something marvellous taking place in and around him. The sacred victim took on life, and in the outward silence he was aware of a voice which softly stole into the very depths of his heart, speaking to him an ineffable language. Jesus accepted his oblation. Jesus desired his labor, his life, all his being, and the heart of the poor solitary was already bathed in light and strength.5
This vision marks the final triumph of Francis. His union with Christ is consummated; from this time he can exclaim with the mystics of every age, "My beloved is mine, and I am his."
But instead of giving himself up to transports of contemplation he at once asks himself how he may repay to Jesus love for love, in what action he shall employ this life which he has just offered to him. He had not long to seek. We have seen that the chapel where his spiritual espousals had just been celebrated was threatened with ruin. He believed that to repair it was the work assigned to him.
From that day the remembrance of the Crucified One, the thought of the love which had triumphed in immolating itself, became the very centre of his religious life and as it were the soul of his soul. For the first time, no doubt, Francis had been brought into direct, personal, intimate contact with Jesus Christ; from belief he had passed to faith, to that living faith which a distinguished thinker has so well defined: "To believe is to look; it is a serious, attentive, and prolonged look; a look more simple than that of observation, a look which looks, and nothing more; artless, infantine, it has all the soul in it, it is a look of the soul and not the mind, a look which does not seek to analyze its object, but which receives it as a whole into the soul through the eyes." In these words Vinet unconsciously has marvellously characterized the religious temperament of St. Francis.
This look of love cast upon the crucifix, this mysterious colloquy with the compassionate victim, was never more to cease. At St. Damian, St. Francis's piety took on its outward appearance and its originality. From this time his soul bears the stigmata, and as his biographers have said in words untranslatable,Ab illa hora vulneratum et liquefactum est cor ejus ed memoriam Dominicæ passionis.6
From that time his way was plain before him. Coming out from the sanctuary, he gave the priest all the money he had about him to keep a lamp always burning, and with ravished heart he returned to Assisi. He had decided to quit his father's house and undertake the restoration of the chapel, after having broken the last ties that bound him to the past. A horse and a few pieces of gayly colored stuffs were all that he possessed. Arrived at home he made a packet of the stuffs, and mounting his horse he set out for Foligno. This city was then as now the most important commercial town of all the region. Its fairs attracted the whole population of Umbria and the Sabines. Bernardone had often taken his son there,7and Francis speedily succeeded in selling all he had brought. He even parted with his horse, and full of joy set out upon the road to Assisi.8
This act was to him most important; it marked his final rupture with the past; from this day on his life was to be in all points the opposite of what it had been; the Crucified had given himself to him; he on his side had given himself to the Crucified without reserve or return. To uncertainty, disquietude of soul, anguish, longing for an unknown good, bitter regrets, had succeeded a delicious calm, the ecstasy of the lost child who finds his mother, and forgets in a moment the torture of his heart.
From Foligno he returned direct to St. Damian; it was not necessary to pass through the city, and he was in haste to put his projects into execution.
The poor priest was surprised enough when Francis handed over to him the whole product of his sale. He doubtless thought that a passing quarrel had occurred between Bernardone and his son, and for greater prudence refused the gift; but Francis so insisted upon remaining with him that he finally gave him leave to do so. As to the money, now become useless, Francis cast it as a worthless object upon a window-seat in the chapel.9
Meanwhile Bernardone, disturbed by his son's failure to return, sought for him in all quarters, and was not long in learning of his presence at St. Damian. In a moment he perceived that Francis was lost to him. Resolved to try every means, he collected a few neighbors, and furious with rage hastened to the hermitage to snatch him away, if need were, by main force.
But Francis knew his father's violence. When he heard the shouts of those who were in pursuit of him he felt his courage fail and hurried to a hiding-place which he had prepared for himself for precisely such an emergency. Bernardone, no doubt ill seconded in the search, ransacked every corner, but was obliged at last to return to Assisi without his son. Francis remained hidden for long days, weeping and groaning, imploring God to show him the path he ought to follow. Notwithstanding his fears he had an infinite joy at heart, and at no price would he have turned back.10
This seclusion could not last long. Francis perceived this, and told himself that for a newly made knight of the Christ he was cutting a very pitiful figure. Arming himself, therefore, with courage, he went one day to the city to present himself before his father and make known to him his resolution.
It is easy to imagine the changes wrought in his appearanceby these few weeks of seclusion, passed much of them in mental anguish. When he appeared, pale, cadaverous, his clothes in tatters, upon what is now thePiazza Nuova, where hundreds of children play all day long, he was greeted with a great shout, "Pazzo, Pazzo!" (A madman! a madman!) "Un pazzo ne fa cento" (One madman makes a hundred more), says the proverb, but one must have seen the delirious excitement of the street children of Italy at the sight of a madman to gain an idea how true it is. The moment the magic cry resounds they rush into the street with frightful din, and while their parents look on from the windows, they surround the unhappy sufferer with wild dances mingled with songs, shouts, and savage howls. They throw stones at him, fling mud upon him, blindfold him; if he flies into a rage, they double their insults; if he weeps or begs for pity, they repeat his cries and mimic his sobs and supplications without respite and without mercy.11
Bernardone soon heard the clamor which filled the narrow streets, and went out to enjoy the show; suddenly he thought he heard his own name and that of his son, and bursting with shame and rage he perceived Francis. Throwing himself upon him, as if to throttle him, he dragged him into the house and cast him, half dead, into a dark closet. Threats, bad usage, everything was brought to bear to change the prisoner's resolves, but all in vain. At last, wearied out and desperate, he left him in peace, though not without having firmly bound him.12
A few days after he was obliged to be absent for a short time. Pica, his wife, understood only too well his grievances against Francis, but feeling that violence would be of no avail she resolved to try gentleness. It was all in vain. Then, not being able longer to see him thus tortured, she set him at liberty.
He returned straight to St. Damian.13
Bernardone, on his return, went so far as to strike Pica in punishment for her weakness. Then, unable to tolerate the thought of seeing his son the jest of the whole city, he tried to procure his expulsion from the territory of Assisi. Going to St. Damian he summoned him to leave the country. This time Francis did not try to hide. Boldly presenting himself before his father, he declared to him that not only would nothing induce him to abandon his resolutions, but that, moreover, having become the servant of Christ, he had no longer to receive orders from him.14As Bernardone launched out into invective, reproaching him with the enormous sums which he had cost him, Francis showed him by a gesture the money which he had brought back from the sale at Foligno lying on the window-ledge. The father greedily seized it and went away, resolving to appeal to the magistrates.
The consuls summoned Francis to appear before them, but he replied simply that as servant of the Church he did not come under their jurisdiction. Glad of this response, which relieved them of a delicate dilemma, they referred the complainant to the diocesan authorities.15
The matter took on another aspect before the ecclesiastical tribunal; it was idle to dream of asking the bishop to pronounce a sentence of banishment, since it was his part to preserve the liberty of the clerics. Bernardone could do no more than disinherit his son, or at least induce him of his own accord to renounce all claim upon his inheritance. This was not difficult.
When called upon to appear before the episcopal tribunal16Francis experienced a lively joy; his mystical espousals to the Crucified One were now to receive a sort of official consecration. To this Jesus, whom he had so often blasphemed and betrayed by word and conduct, he would now be able with equal publicity to promise obedience and fidelity.
It is easy to imagine the sensation which all this caused in a small town like Assisi, and the crowd that on the appointed day pressed toward the Piazza of Santa Maria Maggiore, where the bishop pronounced sentence.17Every one held Francis to be assuredly mad, but they anticipated with relish the shame and rage of Bernardone, whom every one detested, and whose pride was so well punished by all this.
The bishop first set forth the case, and advised Francis to simply give up all his property. To the great surprise of the crowd the latter, instead of replying, retired to a room in the bishop's palace, and immediately reappeared absolutely naked, holding in his hand the packet into which he had rolled his clothes; these he laid down before the bishop with the little money that he still had kept, saying: "Listen, all of you, and understand it well; until this time I have called Pietro Bernardone my father, but now I desire to serve God. This is why I return to him this money, for which he has given himself so much trouble, as well as my clothing, and all that I have had from him, for from henceforth I desire to say nothing else than 'Our Father, who art in heaven.'"
A long murmur arose from the crowd when Bernardone was seen to gather up and carry off the clothing without the least evidence of compassion, while the bishop wasfain to take under his mantle the poor Francis, who was trembling with emotion and cold.18
The scene of the judgment hall made an immense impression; the ardor, simplicity, and indignation of Francis had been so profound and sincere that scoffers were disconcerted. On that day he won for himself a secret sympathy in many souls. The populace loves such abrupt conversions, or those which it considers such. Francis once again forced himself upon the attention of his fellow-citizens with a power all the greater for the contrast between his former and his new life.
There are pious folk whose modesty is shocked by the nudity of Francis; but Italy is not Germany nor England, and the thirteenth century would have been astonished indeed at the prudery of the Bollandists. The incident is simply a new manifestation of Francis's character, with its ingenuousness, its exaggerations, its longing to establish a complete harmony, a literal correspondence, between words and actions.
After emotions such as he had just experienced he felt the need of being alone, of realizing his joy, of singing the liberty he had finally achieved along all the lines where once he had so deeply suffered, so ardently struggled. He would not, therefore, return immediately to St. Damian. Leaving the city by the nearest gate, he plunged into the deserted paths which climb the sides of Mount Subasio.
It was the early spring. Here and there were still great drifts of snow, but under the ardor of the March sun winter seemed to own itself vanquished. In the midst of this mysterious and bewildering harmony the heart of Francis felt a delicious thrill, all his being was calmed and uplifted, the soul of things caressed him gently and shed upon him peace. An unwonted happinessswept over him; he made the forest to resound with his hymns of praise.
Men utter in song emotions too sweet or too deep to be expressed in ordinary language, but unworded music is in this respect superior to song, it is above all things the language of the ineffable. Song gains almost the same value when the words are only there as a support for the voice. The great beauty of the psalms and hymns of the Church lies in the fact that being sung in an unknown tongue they make no appeal to the intelligence; they say nothing, but they express everything with marvellous modulations like a celestial accompaniment, which follows the believer's emotions from the most agonizing struggles to the most unspeakable ecstasies.
So Francis went on his way, deeply inhaling the odors of spring, singing at the top of his voice one of those songs of French chivalry which he had learned in days gone by.
The forest in which he was walking was the usual retreat of such people of Assisi and its environs as had any reason for hiding. Some ruffians, aroused by his voice, suddenly fell upon him. "Who are you?" they asked. "I am the herald of the great King," he answered "but what is that to you?"
His only garment was an old mantle which the bishop's gardener had lent him at his master's request. They stripped it from him, and throwing him into a ditch full of snow, "There is your place, poor herald of God," they said.
The robbers gone, he shook off the snow which covered him, and after may efforts succeeded in extricating himself from the ditch. Stiff with cold, with no other covering than a worn-out shirt, he none the less resumed his singing, happy to suffer and thus to accustom himself the better to understand the words of the Crucified One.19
Not far away was a monastery. He entered and offered his services. In those solitudes, peopled often by such undesirable neighbors, people were suspicious. The monks permitted him to make himself useful in the kitchen, but they gave him nothing to cover himself with and hardly anything to eat. There was nothing for it but to go away; he directed his steps toward Gubbio, where he knew that he should find a friend. Perhaps this was he who had been his confidant on his return from Spoleto. However this may be, he received from him a tunic, and a few days after set out to return to his dear St. Damian.20
He did not, however, go directly thither; before beginning to restore the little sanctuary, he desired to see again his friends, the lepers, to promise them that he would love them even better than in the past.
Since his first visit to the leper-house the brilliant cavalier had become a poor beggar; he came with empty hands but with heart overflowing with tenderness and compassion. Taking up his abode in the midst of these afflicted ones he lavished upon them the most touching care, washing and wiping their sores, all the more gentle and radiant as their sores were more repulsive.21The neglected sufferer is as much blinded by love of him who comes to visit him as the child by its love for its mother. He believes him to be all powerful; at his approach the most painful sufferings are eased or disappear.
This love inspired by the sympathy of an affectionate heart may become so deep as to appear at times supernatural; the dying have been known to recover consciousness in order to look for the last time into the face, not of some member of the family, but of the friend who has tried to be the sunshine of their last days. The ties of pure love are stronger than the bonds of flesh and blood. Francis had many a time sweet experience of this; from the time of his arrival at the leper-house he felt that if he had lost his life he was about to find it again.
Encouraged by his sojourn among the lepers, he returned to St. Damian and went to work, filled with joy and ardor, his heart as much in the sunshine as the Umbrian plain in this beautiful month of May. After having fashioned for himself a hermit's dress, he began to go into the squares and open places of the city. There having sung a few hymns, he would announce to those who gathered around him his project of restoring the chapel. "Those who will give me one stone," he would add with a smile, "shall have a reward; those who give me two shall have two rewards, and those who give me three shall have three."
Many deemed him mad, but others were deeply moved by the remembrance of the past. As for Francis, deaf to mockery, he spared himself no labor, carrying upon his shoulders, so ill-fitted for severe toil, the stones which were given him.22
During this time the poor priest of St. Damian felt his heart swelling with love for this companion who had at first caused him such embarrassment, and he strove to prepare for him his favorite dishes. Francis soon perceived it. His delicacy took alarm at the expense which he caused his friend, and, thanking him, he resolved to beg his food from door to door.
It was not an easy task. The first time, when at the end of his round he glanced at the broken food in his wallet, he felt his courage fail him. But the thought of being so soon unfaithful to the spouse to whom he had plighted his faith made his blood run cold with shame and gave him strength to eat ravenously.23
Each hour, so to speak, brought to him a new struggle. One day he was going through the town begging for oil for the lamps of St. Damian, when he arrived at a house where a banquet was going on; the greater number of his former companions were there, singing and dancing. At the sound of those well-known voices he felt as if he could not enter; he even turned away, but very soon, filled with confusion by his own cowardice, he returned quickly upon his steps, made his way into the banquet-hall, and after confessing his shame, put so much earnestness and fire into his request that every one desired to co-operate in this pious work.24
His bitterest trial however was his father's anger, which remained as violent as ever. Although he had renounced Francis, Bernardone's pride suffered none the less at seeing his mode of life, and whenever he met his son he overwhelmed him with reproaches and maledictions. The tender heart of Francis was so wrung with sorrow that he resorted to a sort of stratagem for charming away the spell of the paternal imprecations. "Come with me," he said to a beggar; "be to me as a father, and I will give you a part of the alms which I receive. When you see Bernardone curse me, if I say, 'Bless me, my father,' you must sign me with the cross and bless me in his stead."25His brother was prominent in the front rank of those who harassed him with their mockeries. One winter morning they met in a church;Angelo leaned over to a friend who was with him, saying: "Go, ask Francis to sell you a farthing's worth of his sweat." "No," replied the latter, who overheard. "I shall sell it much dearer to my God."
In the spring of 1208 he finished the restoration of St. Damian; he had been aided by all people of good will, setting the example of work and above all of joy, cheering everybody by his songs and his projects for the future. He spoke with such enthusiasm and contagious warmth of the transformation of his dear chapel, of the grace which God would accord to those who should come there to pray, that later on it was believed that he had spoken of Clara and her holy maidens who were to retire to this place four years later.26
This success soon inspired him with the idea of repairing the other sanctuaries in the suburbs of Assisi. Those which had struck him by their state of decay were St. Peter and Santa Maria, of thePortiuncula, called also Santa Maria degli Angeli. The former is not otherwise mentioned in his biographies.27As to the second, it was to become the true cradle of the Franciscan movement.
This chapel, still standing at the present day after escaping revolutions and earthquakes, is a true Bethel, one of those rare spots in the world on which rests the mystic ladder which joins heaven to earth; there were dreamed some of the noblest dreams which have soothed the pains of humanity. It is not to Assisi in its marvellous basilica that one must go to divine and comprehend St. Francis; he must turn his steps to Santa Maria degli Angeli at the hours when the stated prayers cease, at the moment when the evening shadows lengthen, when all the fripperies of worship disappear in the obscurity,when all the nation seems to collect itself to listen to the chime of the distant church bells. Doubtless it was Francis's plan to settle there as a hermit. He dreamed of passing his life there in meditation and silence, keeping up the little church and from time to time inviting a priest there to say mass. Nothing as yet suggested to him that he was in the end to become a religious founder. One of the most interesting aspects of his life is in fact the continual development revealing itself in him; he is of the small number to whom to live is to be active, and to be active to make progress. There is hardly anyone, except St. Paul, in whom is found to the same degree the devouring need of being always something more, always something better, and it is so beautiful in both of them only because it is absolutely instinctive.
When he began to restore the Portiuncula his projects hardly went beyond a very narrow horizon; he was preparing himself for a life of penitence rather than a life of activity. But these works once finished it was impossible that this somewhat selfish and passive manner of achieving his own salvation should satisfy him long. At the memory of the appearance of the Crucified One his heart would swell with overpowering emotions, and he would melt into tears without knowing whether they were of admiration, pity, or desire.28
When the repairs were finished meditation occupied the greater part of his days. A Benedictine of the Abbey of Mont Subasio29came from time to time to say mass at Santa Maria; these were the bright hours of St. Francis's life. One can imagine with what pious care he prepared himself and with what faith he listened to the divine teachings.
One day, it was probably February 24, 1209, the festivalof St. Matthias, mass was being celebrated at the Portiuncula.30When the priest turned toward him to read the words of Jesus, Francis felt himself overpowered with a profound agitation. He no longer saw the priest; it was Jesus, the Crucified One of St. Damian, who was speaking: "Wherever ye go, preach, saying, 'The kingdom of heaven is at hand. Heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, cast out devils. Freely ye have received, freely give. Provide neither silver nor gold nor brass in your purses, neither scrip nor two coats, nor shoes nor staff, for the laborer is worthy of his meat.'"
These words burst upon him like a revelation, like the answer of Heaven to his sighs and anxieties.
"This is what I want," he cried, "this is what I was seeking; from this day forth I shall set myself with all my strength to put it in practice." Immediately throwing aside his stick, his scrip, his purse, his shoes, he determined immediately to obey, observing to the letter the precepts of the apostolic life.
It is quite possible that some allegorizing tendencies have had some influence upon this narrative.31The long struggle through which Francis passed before becoming the apostle of the new times assuredly came to a crisis in the scene at Portiuncula; but we have already seen how slow was the interior travail which prepared for it.
The revelation of Francis was in his heart; the sacred fire which he was to communicate to the souls of others came from within his own, but the best causes need astandard. Before the shabby altar of the Portiuncula he had perceived the banner of poverty, sacrifice, and love, he would carry it to the assault of every fortress of sin; under its shadow, a true knight of Christ, he would marshal all the valiant warriors of a spiritual strife.