[pg 268]CHAPTER XI.Rivalry between Bedford and Gloucester, 1422.At the death of Henry V the administration of affairs fell into the hands of his two brothers, John, Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester. On the 29th September a writ was issued from Windsor, in the name of the infant on whom the crown of England had devolved, summoning four citizens of London to attend a parliament to be held at Westminster at Martinmas,801and two days afterwards another was addressed to the sheriffs of London, enjoining them to make proclamation for the keeping the king's peace, and authorising them to arrest and imprison rioters until the king and his council should determine upon their punishment.802The precise wishes of the late king as to the respective parts which Bedford and Gloucester were to undertake in the government of the realm are not clearly known, but it is generally thought that he intended the former to govern France, whilst the latter was to act as his vicegerent in England. An attempt to carry out the arrangement was doomed to failure.As soon as parliament met (9 Nov.) it took into consideration the respective claims of the two dukes. Bedford had already (26 Oct.) despatched a letter from Rouen, addressed to the civic authorities,[pg 269]setting forth his right to the government of the realm, as elder brother of the deceased sovereign and as the party most interested in the succession to the crown. Without mentioning Gloucester by name, he warned the citizens against executing orders derogatory to himself. He professed to do this, not from any ambitious designs of his own, but from a wish to preserve intact the laws, usage and customs of the realm.803After some hesitation, parliament resolved to appoint Bedford protector as soon as he should return from France, but that during his absence Gloucester should act for him.804An expedition to start for France, 1 March, 1423.On the 8th February of the new year (1423), the sheriffs of London received orders to make proclamation for all soldiers who were in the king's pay to assemble at Winchelsea by the 1st day of March, as an expedition was to set sail from that port for the purpose of defending the town and castle of Crotoye. The business was pressing and necessitated a repetition of the order to the sheriffs a fortnight later (22 Feb.).805Sir John Mortimer.On the 23rd February William Crowmere, the mayor, William Sevenoke, William Waldene, and John Fray were appointed commissioners to enquire into cases of treason and felony within the city; and two days later they found Sir John Mortimer, who was charged with a treasonable design in favour of the Earl of March, guilty of having broken prison.806He was subsequently convicted of treason both by lords and commons, and sentenced to death.[pg 270]The debts of Henry IV.On the 5th June (1423) the hearts of the citizens were gladdened with the news that they were likely to be repaid some of the money they had advanced to the king's grandfather. Orders were given for all persons to whom Henry IV was indebted at the time of his decease, and who had not yet received from his executors a moiety of the sums due, to send in their bills and tallies to Sir John Pelham and John Leventhorp, two of the king's executors, sitting at the Priory of Saint Mary, Southwark, by the Monday next after Midsummer-day.807We can believe that few orders ever met with readier response from the inhabitants of the city.Gloucester and Beaufort, 1425-1428.At home as well as abroad Gloucester soon made enemies; among them was his own uncle, the Chancellor, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, a wealthy and ambitious prelate. During Gloucester's absence on the continent, whither he had gone to recover the estates of his newly-married wife, the ill-fated Jacqueline of Hainault, Beaufort garrisoned the Tower with creatures of his own. When Gloucester returned mutual recriminations took place, and the mayor was ordered (29 Oct., 1425) to prevent Beaufort entering the city. A riot ensued in which the citizens took the part of the duke, and the bishop had to take refuge in Southwark. The quarrel was patched up for awhile until Bedford, who was sent for, should arrive to act as arbitrator.808He arrived in London on the 10th January, 1426. The citizens, who had more than once been in communication with[pg 271]the duke809during his absence abroad, presented him with a pair of basins, silver-gilt, containing 1,000 marks. The gift, however, does not appear to have been so graciously received as it might have been, for a London alderman records that the donors, for all their liberality, "hadde but lytylle thanke."810End of the quarrel between Gloucester and Beaufort.The two brothers had not met since the death of Henry V. After prolonged negotiations, amodus vivendibetween the parties was arrived at, and Gloucester and the bishop were induced to shake hands. Beaufort left England soon afterwards with the Duke of Bedford, on the plea of making a pilgrimage, and did not return until September, 1428, by which time he had been made a cardinal and appointed papal legate in England. Notwithstanding his legatine authority being unacknowledged by Gloucester and others, the citizens received him on his return "worthily and loyally," riding out to meet him and escorting him into London.811Gloucester loses the favour of the citizens.Gloucester had always been a favourite with the Londoners, until his conduct to his Flemish wife, whom he left behind on the continent to fight her own battles as best as she could, and the undisguised attention he paid to Eleanor Cobham, a lady in his wife's suite, whom he eventually married, estranged their favour. In August, 1424, the Common Council had voted the duke a gift of 500 marks; and two years later—viz., in April, 1426—the citizens raised a sum, variously stated to have been £1,000 and 1,000 marks, for the benefit of his duchess.812The female[pg 272]portion of the community were specially incensed against the duke, and a number of women went the length of presenting themselves before parliament in 1427, with a letter complaining of his behaviour towards his wife. In March of the next year (1428) the citizens themselves followed suit, and drew the attention of parliament, through the mouth of John Symond, their Recorder, to the wretched straits to which the duchess had been reduced, as witnessed her own letters. They begged parliament to consider the best means for recovering for her the lands of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, which had always been places of sure refuge for the English merchant, and the rulers of which had ever been friendly to the king of England. The citizens finally avowed themselves ready to take upon themselves their share in any undertaking the lords and commons of the realm might decide upon.813The siege of Orleans, 1428-1429.In the meantime matters had not gone well with the English in France. In July, 1427, the Earl of Salisbury came over to London for reinforcements.814In September of the following year he was able to inform the City of the success that had attended his recruited army.815He was then within a short distance of Orleans, before which town he shortly afterwards met his death. Bedford continued the siege, but the town held out until May, 1429, when it was relieved by the Maid from the little village of Domremi, and the English army was compelled to retreat.Famine in London, 1429.Whilst Bedford was conducting the siege of Orleans, and Jeanne Darc was meditating how best to[pg 273]relieve the town, the citizens of London were suffering from a severe dearth. At length the Common Council resolved (22 July, 1429) to send agents abroad for the purpose of transmitting all the corn they could lay their hands on to England. The assistance of Bedford, who had by this time been compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, was invoked.816Beaufort joins Bedford in France.Bedford had recently been joined by Beaufort, who had become more than ever an object of hatred to Gloucester, and had lost to a certain extent the goodwill of the nation by the acceptance of a cardinal's hat. He had set out on the 22nd June (1429), carrying with him a small force which he was allowed to raise for the avowed object of prosecuting a Hussite crusade in Bohemia, but which was eventually sent to France.817The question of his position in parliament and the council, now that he was a cardinal, was decided by the parliament which met on the 22nd September.Allowances made to those representing the City in parliament, 1429.Members of parliament representing the City of London had hitherto been allowed a certain amount of cloth and fur trimming at the City's expense, wherewith to dress themselves and their personal attendants in a manner suitable to the position they held. Those who had from time to time been elected members appear to have abused this privilege—where a yard had been given, they had literally taken an ell—and it was now thought to be high time to take steps to check the abuse in future. Accordingly it was ordained by the mayor and aldermen, on the 12th August of this year (and the ordinance met with[pg 274]the approval of the commoners on the 29th day of the same month), that for the future no alderman elected to attend parliament should take out of the chamber or of the commonalty more than ten yards for gown and cloak, at 15s.the yard, and 100s.for fur if the alderman had already served as mayor, otherwise he was to have no more than five marks. Commoners were to be content with five yards of cloth and 33s.4d.for fur. Each alderman, moreover, was to be allowed eight yards of cloth at 28 pence a yard for two personal attendants, and each commoner four yards of the same for one attendant, if the parliament was sitting in London or the neighbourhood, and eight yards for two attendants if parliament was sitting in some more remote place, "as was formerly ordained during the mayoralty of John Michell" (1424-5).818The coronation of Henry VI, 6 Nov., 1429.The condition of France necessitated the early coronation of the young king, whose right to the French crown had been established by the Treaty of Troyes. At his accession to the throne of England Henry VI was but a child of nine months. He was now eight years old. Before he could be crowned King of France, it was necessary that he should first be crowned King of England. Proclamation was accordingly made that he would be crowned on the 6th November following, and that all claims to services should be forthwith laid before the lord steward.819[pg 275]Gregory, to whose chronicle we have had frequent occasion to refer, writing as an eye-witness, gives a full account820of what took place at the ceremony of coronation in Westminster Abbey, and of the banquet that followed; but omits to mention that the citizens put in their usual claim, in accordance with the above proclamation, to serve the king at the banquet as butler. That the claim was actually made we learn from other sources.821We also know that William Estfeld, the recently-elected mayor, received the customary gold cup and ewer used on the occasion, which he afterwards bequeathed to his grandson.822Sets out for France, April, 1430.And is crowned in Paris, Dec., 1431.In April, 1430, the young king left England for France, and remained abroad for nearly two years. On the 10th November he wrote to the mayor and citizens, urging them to advance him the sum of 10,000 marks, as that sum might do him more ease and service at that particular time than double the amount at another. The letter was dated from Rouen, where the court afterwards established itself for a considerable time.823On Sunday, the 12th December, 1431, he made his entry into Paris with great ceremony, and was duly crowned.824The citizens welcome him on his return, 1432.On his return to England early in the following year, he was met by John Welles, the mayor, the aldermen, the sheriffs, and more than 12,000 citizens[pg 276]of London, who rode out on Thursday, the 20th February, as far as Blackheath, and was there presented with the following address:—"Sovereign lord as welcome be ye to your noble Roialme of Englond, and in especial to your notable Cite London oþerwise called your Chambre, as ever was cristen prince to place or people, and of the good and gracioux achevyng of your Coronne of Fraunce, we thank hertlich our lord almyghty which of his endles mercy sende you grace in yoye and prosperite on us and all your other people long for to regne."The mayor and aldermen present him with a gift of £1,000.After hearing the address the king rode to Deptford, where he was met by a procession of 120 rectors and curates of the city, in the richest copes, and 500 secular chaplains in the whitest of surplices, with whom were a like number of monks bearing crosses, tapers and incense, and chanting psalms and antiphons in grateful thanks for his safe return. Thence the royal cavalcade passed through Southwark to the city, where pageants appeared at every turn. The fulsome adulation bestowed upon a lad scarcely ten years of age was enough to turn his young brain. Passing through Cornhill and Chepe, the procession eventually reached St. Paul's. There the king dismounted, and being met by the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten other bishops in their pontifical robes, was led by them to the high altar. Prayers were said and the sacred relics kissed. The king then remounted his horse and made his way to his palace of Westminster, the streets being hung with tapestry and the houses thronged to their roofs with crowds of onlookers, and was there allowed a brief day's rest. On the following Saturday a deputation[pg 277]from the city, headed by the mayor and aldermen, went to the palace and presented Henry with £1,000 of the purest gold, in a gold casket, with these words:—"Most cristen prince the good folk of youre notable Cite of London, otherwise cleped your Chambre, besechen in her most lowely wise that they mowe be recomanded un to yorhynesse, ant þtcan like youre noble grace to resceyve this litell yefte yoven with as good will and lovyng hertes as any yefte was yoven to eny erthly prince."The king having graciously acknowledged the gift, the deputation returned to the city.825Gloucester's attacks on Beaufort and Bedford, 1432-1433.Beaufort, who had returned home in time for the coronation, had again set out for France with the king, and Gloucester took advantage of their absence to renew his attack on his rival. Letters ofprœmunirewere drawn up in anticipation of the cardinal's return, and additional offence was given by the seizure of the cardinal's plate and jewels at Dover. On learning of Gloucester's schemes, Beaufort determined to give up a projected visit to Rome, and to return home in time for the opening of parliament (12th May, 1432).826He desired to learn why he had been thus "strangely demeened" contrary to his deserts. When parliament met and the cardinal asked who were his accusers, Gloucester held his[pg 278]tongue, and the king expressed his confidence in the cardinal's loyalty. In the following year (1433) Bedford appeared before parliament and announced that he had come home to defend himself against false accusations. He understood that the recent losses that had occurred in France were attributed to his neglect. He desired his accusers, of whom he shrewdly suspected Gloucester to be one, to stand forth and prove their charges. Again there was silence, and the duke, like the cardinal, had to rest satisfied with the king's assurance of loyalty.827Financial reform, 1433.The finances of the country were at this time (1433) in the most deplorable condition. It was necessary to exercise the strictest economy. Bedford was the first to set an example of self-denial by offering to discharge the duties of counsellor at a reduced salary. Gloucester followed his brother's example. The archbishops, the cardinal, and the bishops of Lincoln and Ely agreed to render their services without payment. Parliament showed its good will by voting a fifteenth and tenth, but out of the sum thus realised £4,000 was to be applied to the relief of poor towns. The amount of relief which fell to the share of the poorer wards of the City of London was £76 15s.6-1/4d., which was apportioned among eighteen wards. The largest sum allotted was £20, which went to Cordwainer Street Ward, whilst Lime Street Ward received the magnificent relief afforded by the odd farthing.828The mayor, sheriffs and aldermen were called upon to attend in person before the chancellor, in April, 1434, to make oath that they would duly observe a certain[pg 279]article (quendam articulum) which the late parliament had agreed to, but what this article was does not appear in the City's archives.829The death of Bedford, 14 Sept., 1435.Bedford was prevailed upon to remain in England and undertake the office of chief counsellor, but differences again arising between him and Gloucester, which the personal interference of the young king could with difficulty calm, he again set sail for France (June, 1434). His career was fast drawing to an end. Burgundy was intending to desert him as he knew full well, and the knowledge accelerated his end. His death took place at Rouen on the 14th September of the following year (1435).830Calais appeals to London for assistance, 27 June, 1436.With his death England's supremacy in France began to decline, and Henry VI was to lose in that country all or nearly all that had been gained by his doughty predecessor. The defection of Burgundy was followed by the loss of Paris. The chief event of 1436 was the raising of the siege of Calais, which had been invested by the Duke of Burgundy. On the 27th June the mayor and aldermen of Calais, being anxious to get help from the government at home, and finding that according to precedent they could only do so through the mediation of the City of London, addressed a letter to the mayor and aldermen of London imploring them, as the head of "the principal of all the cities of the realm of England," to move the king to send the requisite aid.831In answer to this appeal Henry Frowyk, the mayor, consulted the livery companies, and by their[pg 280]advice sent a contingent to the relief of the town.832The king, too, had been very urgent that the City should raise a force to oppose "the man who stiled himself Duke of Burgundy and Count of Flanders," whilst he took pains to conciliate such Flemings as were living in the city and were ready to take an oath of allegiance.833Gloucester had been appointed captain of Calais for a term of nine years, but before he set sail for its relief the siege had been raised by Edmund Beaufort, Count of Mortain.834A tax imposed on aliens, 1439.An attempt was made in 1439 to bring about a peace, but it failed, and a new tax—a tax upon aliens—had to be imposed for the purpose of raising money in addition to the usual supplies. Every alien householder was called upon to pay sixteen pence, and every alien who was not a householder sixpence, towards the expenses of the country.835The penance of Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's wife, 1441.The streets of the city have witnessed few sadder sights than the penance inflicted on Eleanor Cobham, at one time the mistress, and afterwards—on the dissolution of his marriage with Jacqueline—the wife of Gloucester. The new duchess was aware that in the event of the king's death her husband was next in succession to the throne, and was inclined to anticipate matters. It was a superstitious age, and the duchess invoked the aid of witchcraft to accomplish her wishes. In 1441 her operations, innocent as[pg 281]they were in themselves, however bad their intent, were discovered, and she was condemned to do public penance followed by imprisonment for life. For three days the wretched lady was made to walk the streets, taper in hand and bare-foot (it was November), in the sight of all the citizens, who were forbidden to show her any respect, but, at the same time, were ordered not to molest her.836The latter they were little likely to do. Nay! on each day as she landed at the Temple, at the Swan or at Oueenhithe, the mayor and sheriffs went forth to attend her, accompanied by members of the livery companies.837Yet, not a finger did her husband raise in her defence! He either could not or would not save her.The king's charter to the City, 26 Oct., 1444.By charter, dated the 26th day of October, 1444, the king confirmed the mayor, recorder and certain aldermen as justices of the peace, and, among other things, granted to the corporation the soil of the Thames within the City's liberties.838This grant was not made without some little opposition from the inhabitants of the neighbouring county of Surrey.839Henry's marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 22 April, 1445.The king was now under the influence of William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, by whose intervention a truce with France had been concluded on the 28th May of this year (1444), to last until the 1st April, 1446. In order to strengthen the truce, a marriage[pg 282]was arranged between Henry and Margaret of Anjou. The princess came over to England early in the following year, and was married on the 22nd April (1445). The match was not altogether a popular one; nevertheless, when Margaret passed through the city on her way to be crowned at Westminster, she was received "in the most goodly wise, with alle the citezines on horseback ridyng ayenst hir to the Blackheth in blew gownes and rede hodes."840Jack Cade's rebellion, 1450.The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in popularity. After the deaths of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each other, in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and continued to be so until the loss of the French provinces three years later (1450) raised so much opposition against him that the king was compelled to order his banishment. This was not thought a sufficient punishment by his enemies, and he was taken on the high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his death an attack was made on his supporters. Again the men of Kent rose in revolt; this time under the leadership of an Irish adventurer—Jack Cade—who called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an illegitimate son of the late Earl of March. They mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong (1 June), and then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where parliament had been sitting. Henry on his arrival sent to learn the reason of the gathering, and in reply received a long list of grievances which the rebels intended to amend.841Notwithstanding the[pg 283]boldness of this answer, the king had only to make proclamation that all his true and liege subjects should "a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse in the course of one night. The danger, indeed, seemed to be over. A week later, however, the royal force met a number of the rebels near Sevenoaks, by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by this success, the rebels returned and took up their quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the offer made by the citizens of London to stand by him.842The city prepares to defend itself.The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken steps to put the city into a state of defence. A Common Council met on the 8th June, when it decided that an efficient guard should be placed night and day upon all gates, wharves and lanes leading to the Thames. An enclosure recently erected at "le Crane" on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was ordered to be abated. Balistic machines (fundibula) of all kinds were to be collected on the wharves, whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it was agreed to represent to the king the advisability of limiting the number of his nobles coming into the city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.843On the 26th June the Common Council again met, and it was then decided to send two mounted men to reconnoitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his[pg 284]movements.844Three days later (29 June) orders were given for four men to be selected from each ward to assist the aldermen in preserving the peace. Anyone refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be sent to prison. In spite of all precautions, Cade and his followers succeeded in gaining a footing in the city (3 July), their first action being to sack the house of Philip Malpas.845Cade himself encouraged rather than restrained the excesses of his men. "Now is Mortimer lord of the City," he cried as he struck with his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as London stone.846It is clear that the rebels had friends in the city, otherwise they would never have effected an entrance so easily—"They had othyr men with hem as welle of London as of there owne party."847The matter was made the subject of investigation by the Common Council. Evidence was given by Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on Friday, the 3rd July, the keys of the bridge had been given up, but by whom he knew not. William Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer, had told him that unless the wardens of the bridge opened the gates, the Kentish captain threatened to set fire to the bridge and the city, and that thereupon Thomas Godfrey, a "sporyour," clad in russet, brought the keys and opened the gates.848Mock trials held by the rebels at the Guildhall.On Saturday, the 4th of July, the rebels, who had retired for the night, returned to the city.[pg 285]Robert Horne, alderman of Bridge Ward, who had rendered himself especially obnoxious to the rebels, was made prisoner and sent to Newgate. Sir James Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the Tower to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock trials on those who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, and, after a hasty examination, was conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed. His head, together with those of two others who had that day suffered a similar fate, was set up on London Bridge.Cade apprehended.By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had managed to recover their presence of mind, and sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the leadership of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge. Before they had arrived on the Southwark side of the river they were met by the rebels, and a severe fight took place between the parties on the bridge itself, lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last the rebels were defeated, and the city freed from their presence. Offers of pardon were made and accepted, and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued to plunder and ravage the country, until a price having been put upon his head, he was apprehended by the Sheriff of Kent,849and died the same night from injuries received at his capture. His head was subsequently set up on London Bridge.The question of the succession to the throne.The king had now been married some years, and no heir had appeared. Great uncertainty prevailed[pg 286]as to the right of succession to the throne, and gave rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between Richard, Duke of York, who now for the first time becomes a conspicuous figure on the stage, and Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset. Both of them could claim to be the king's nearest kinsmen, both of them being descendants of Edward III, the one tracing his descent, on his father's side, through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side, through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, whilst the other was the surviving representative of John of Gaunt.Rivalry between the Dukes of York and Somerset, 1450.The king's incapacity to govern without a strong minister at his back, as evinced by his conduct during the recent outbreak, induced both of these nobles to throw up their appointments, the one in Ireland and the other in France, and to hasten home. The Duke of York was the first to reach England, and, in spite of measures which had been taken to intercept him, made his way to London. He was anxious in the first place to clear himself of suspicion of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,850and to this end sought and obtained an interview with the king. Having satisfied Henry on this point, he next proceeded to demand the reform of certain abuses in the government. A short session of parliament, which met on the 6th November, opened with an altercation between the rival dukes. On the 1st December Somerset was placed under arrest; and on the following day his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken into and pillaged. An example was made of one of[pg 287]the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the Standard in Chepe. The Duke of York made a personal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to be made of the heavy pains and penalties which should follow any attempt at robbery. As a further demonstration against lawlessness, the king himself rode through the city a few days later, accompanied by his lords in full panoply, the route being kept by a line of armed citizens on either side of the way. Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a vivid picture of contemporary events, and who was called upon to serve the office of mayor of the city the following year, confesses that the procession on this occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight, "if hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde," for it boded little good.851The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in prison, for immediately after Christmas he was appointed captain of Calais. In 1451 the disasters which followed the English arms in France, when Calais was again threatened, were made an occasion for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He openly avowed his determination to proceed against Somerset, and, joined by the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452). Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin. The duke had hoped that through the influence of his party within the city, the gates would have been flung open on his approach. In this he was disappointed. The majority of the citizens were still loyal to Henry, and by his orders entrance was denied[pg 288]the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.Civil war averted.For a time civil war was avoided, the king promising that Somerset should be again committed to custody until he should answer such charges as York should bring against him. The king, however, failed to keep his word. Somerset was allowed to remain in power, and York was only allowed his liberty after he had consented to swear public allegiance to the king in St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures taken against him would probably have provoked disturbance in the city.852The king's illness, 1453.Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the following year (1453) it entirely gave way. In October the queen bore him a son, after eight years of married life, but though the infant was brought to his father, Henry gave no signs of recognising his presence. The illness of the king, and the birth of an heir to the crown, were events which materially affected the fortunes of the Duke of York. In November the civic authorities prepared for emergencies; every citizen was to provide himself with armour, but he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conversation, and not to provoke tumult by showing favour to this or that lord. Even a proposal that the mayor and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the present juncture.853[pg 289]The City again called upon to assist in the defence of Calais, 1453-1454.Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parliament for the defence of Calais, that town was still in danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a letter was read before the Common Council of the City, emanating from the Lord Welles and the Lord Ryvers, asking for assistance towards putting Calais into a state of defence. Further consideration of the matter was adjourned until the following 4th December. By the 7th day of the same month the Council had consulted the commons, who had declared that owing to their numerous burdens and expenses they could contribute nothing to that end.854This did not prevent a further application being made early in 1454, for contributions towards the defence of Calais if that town were besieged.855Again the commons were consulted, and again they pleaded the excessive burdens they were already called upon to bear, and the losses they had sustained by seizure of their ships and merchandise by the Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for the present to undertake any further charges unless steps were taken for the recovery of their goods.856An answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who declared themselves willing at the same time to bear their share with the rest of the realm.857An appeal made in August of the same year (1454), for the sum of £1,200 for the same purpose, met with similar failure.858The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may judge from the fact that when, in November of this year, an assessment of half a fifteenth was made on the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were[pg 290]in default.859Between the years 1431 and 1451 the citizens had advanced large sums of money to the king, of which more than £3,000 remained in the latter year due to the city.860The Duke of York and his supporters take up their quarters in the city, 1454.A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching. The birth of an heir to the throne urged the Duke of York to take prompt action. Although the majority of the nobles were opposed to him, he had on his side the powerful family of the Nevills, having married Cicely Nevill, sister of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, the head of the family, and father of the still more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of January (1454) the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and others of the duke's supporters, entered the city, each followed by a large force of retainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest son, the Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV.861The Common Council were anxious lest the presence of these nobles in the city should lead to a disturbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be observed both by the mayor and aldermen, as well as by the inhabitants of the city at large. Thewaytes, or watchmen, were ordered to perambulate the streets every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in good humour (pro recreacione hominum), and prevent robbery. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show that disturbances did occasionally arise between the inhabitants and those in the suite of the nobles.862[pg 291]The Duke of York nominated protector, 1454.The king's continued illness necessitated sooner or later the appointment of a regent. For a brief space there seemed a possibility of the regency being claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile, paid court to both parties, the mayor and aldermen one day paying a solemn visit to the queen, attired in their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a similar compliment to the Duke of York.863At length the duke was nominated protector (3 April). Some correspondence ensued between the City, the Duke of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on what subject we know not,864but on the 13th May the mayor and aldermen waited upon the duke to thank him for his favour and goodwill.865The first battle of St. Albans, 22 May, 1455.So long as the king remained an imbecile York was supreme, his rival, Somerset, having been committed to prison at his instigation in December, 1453. Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness, although his convalescence proved of equally short duration, and York's protectorate came to an end. With Henry's restoration came the release of Somerset, and York determined to try conclusions with his rival in the field. At the first battle of St. Albans, fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared for York and Somerset was killed. After the battle York accompanied the king to London and lodged him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's churchyard. The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was for the second time named protector; but in the spring of 1456 he had again to retire upon the king's recovery.[pg 292]A rising against the Lombards in the city, May, 1456.Just when the country was settling down to enjoy a period of comparative quiet, there occurred (May, 1456) in the city one of those sudden outbreaks against the "merchant stranger" residing within the city's walls which too often appear in the annals of London. On this occasion the young mercers of the city rose against the Lombards; why or wherefore we are not told. We only know that these foreigners received such bad treatment that they meditated leaving the city in a body and setting up business elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the citizens, it appears; for two Lombards were ordered to be hanged.866The king, who was at the time at Coventry—whither the queen had caused him to be removed, owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in favour of the Yorkist party—sent for alderman Cantelowe,867a mercer, and promptly committed him to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as having been implicated in the attack on the houses of the Italian merchants.This outbreak was followed by another "hurlynge" between the mercers of the city and those Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on the understanding that they should be allowed to ply[pg 293]their business without molestation until the council or parliament should determine otherwise. In consequence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers were arrested and committed to Windsor Castle.868Letter from the king for safe-guarding the city, 3 Sept., 1456.On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Lichfield to the Mayor, reminding him of the dangers which had recently threatened the city—"the king's chamber"—the government whereof ought to serve as an example to the rest of the kingdom, and enjoining him that thenceforth he should allow no one to enter the city but such as came peaceably, and with moderate retinue, according to his estate and degree, and should take precautions against gatherings of evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach of the peace.869The citizens offer to man and victual ships to punish France, 1457.Notwithstanding the precautions taken to protect the coast, the French made a descent in 1457, and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over 30 ships, great and small, and doing much damage. The citizens of London, to whom the protection of their commerce in the "narrow sea," as the channel was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon took counsel among themselves, and made a proposal to the king and to Bishop Waynflete, the chancellor, to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain ships then lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an expedition to punish the enemy for their boldness. The king thanked them for their patriotic spirit and gave orders for a naval force to join the city contingent from Hull.870[pg 294]A general reconciliation at St. Paul's, 25 March, 1458.In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a reconciliation between the two rival sections of the nobility, and to this end ordered a great council to meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick left his post at Calais, and came over to London to attend the meeting; but he did not arrive until more than a month after the appointed day, and when he came it was with a body of 600 men at his back, "all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte ragged stavis."871He took up his quarters within the city, where he found the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. The young Duke of Somerset and other lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the city for fear of a breach of the peace, and had to find accommodation outside the city's walls.872During the conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day, whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in readiness to assist the aldermen in preserving the king's peace.873The times were critical, but at length all ended well. A grand pacification took place in March, and was solemnized by an imposing procession to St. Paul's, in which York led the queen by the hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more apparent than real, and neither party relaxed their efforts to prepare for renewed hostility.Warwick implicated in a riot, Nov., 1458.Seeks refuge in the city.Leaves for Calais.In August the civic companies were warned against furnishing the confederate lords with any war material, but were to keep their arms and harness at the[pg 295]disposal of the king alone.874It wanted very little to kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into a flame, and this little was soon forthcoming. In November875a riot occurred at Westminster, in which the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in his suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's servants and wounded him. Thereupon others of the king's household, finding their fellow-servant wounded and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his attendants as they left the council to take barge on the river. By dint of hard hitting, the earl managed to embark and to make his way to the city. But the affray was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found it convenient to withdraw soon afterwards to his post at Calais, which thenceforth became the head-quarters of the disaffected lords.Riot between citizens and Templars, April, 1459.In the following April (1459) another affray broke out. This time it was between inhabitants of the city and certain members of the Inns of Court, and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of life. The king hearing of this sent for William Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and kept him in confinement at Windsor until the election of the new mayor, William Hewlyn, in October, by whose intercession he regained his freedom.876The battle of Blore Heath, 23 Sept., 1459.By this time the country was again divided into two hostile camps. A crisis came in September, when the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most inveterate enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force.[pg 296]Lord Audley, sent by the queen to arrest him, was defeated by the earl at Blore Heath (23 Sept., 1459). Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army were themselves compelled to seek security. The Duke of York took refuge in Ireland, and the Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join his father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Salisbury with him.Parliament at Coventry, 20 Nov., 1459.On the 9th October the king issued his writ for a parliament to be held at Coventry on the 20th November. The usual writ was sent to the City of London, but the names of the aldermen and commoners elected to represent the citizens do not appear in the City's records.877The business of the session was the attainder of the Duke of York and his followers, and judgment was passed upon the duke, the Nevills, father and son, the young Earls of March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the date of this writ, the Common Council decided to send a deputation to wait upon the king and assure him of the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for its safe custody.878The king loses favour.The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed their willingness to assist the king by a gift of 1,000 marks.879This gift must have been the more welcome, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly on the increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid. The queen, on the other hand, into whose hands the government of the kingdom had been drawn, was "gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of taxes, talliages and fifteenths, whilst harassing the[pg 297]king's subjects, seemed to make him not a whit the richer, the issues and profits being frittered away. They would have forgiven him had he maintained a household in regal style or spent their money on maintaining the country's honour in the field. As matters were, Henry, by misgovernment, was rapidly losing the hearts of his people, and "theyre blessyng was turned in to cursyng."880Unconstitutional conduct of the king in issuing commissions to raise an army, Jan., 1460.A deputation from the City waits upon the king at Northampton.The City's liberties not to be prejudiced.On the 14th January, 1460, the king issued a commission to the mayor, aldermen and sheriffs for collecting men-at-arms and archers to resist thelateDuke of York and thelateEarls of March, Warwick, Salisbury and Rutland.881Similar commissions were addressed to every township,882and did much harm to the royal cause, now tottering to its fall, as being unconstitutional. They formed the subject of one of the set of articles of complaint drawn up by the Earls of March, Warwick and Salisbury, and addressed by them, on behalf of themselves and the Duke of York, to the archbishop and the commons of England.883Such commissions the lords declared to be an imposition which, if continued, would be "the heaviest charge and worst example that ever grew in England." The city authorities appear to have rested their opposition to the king's commission, not so much on the grounds that they were unwilling to raise a force for his[pg 298]assistance, as that a demand for military aid in such a form might derogate from the city's franchise and liberties. A deputation, consisting of two aldermen, Thomas Urswyk, the Recorder, and one of the under-sheriffs, was sent to Northampton to wait upon the king and council and to explain the views of the citizens in that respect. The interview was of a satisfactory character; and the deputation returned bearing a gracious letter from the king declaring that the City's franchise and liberties should in no way be prejudiced by the commission.884Military precautions taken by the City, Feb., 1460.The citizens deemed it time to look to their own safety, and place their city into a better posture of defence. The master and wardens of the livery companies were exhorted (14 Feb., 1460), on account of the disturbed state of the kingdom, to raise contributions towards the purchase of accoutrements for the safeguard of the city.885The king himself was shortly coming into the city, and measures were taken (28 Feb.) for placing a proper guard over the several gates.886On the 11th May the masters and wardens were summoned, on behalf of the king, to appear before the mayor and aldermen at the Guildhall, to hear a royal proclamation read touching the preservation of the king's peace.887Landing of the confederate earls.The Yorkist Earls of Salisbury, Warwick and March, encouraged by the reports of the state of affairs in England, at length made up their minds to return and strike a blow for the recovery of their[pg 299]estates, which had become forfeited to the king. They set sail from Calais (26 June), and landing at Sandwich made their way without opposition through Kent to London.The Common Council determine to oppose their entrance to the city, 27 June, 1460.On the 27th June, by which time news of their arrival must have reached the city, a Common Council was held, when the commoners who were present solemnly promised to stand by the mayor and aldermen in safe-guarding the city, and resist with all their might the rebels against the lord the king who were about to enter the city contrary to the king's orders. The civic companies somewhat tardily gave their adhesion to the royal cause, and agreed to defend the city. The gates were ordered to be manned, and no one was to be allowed to enter without first saying who and what he was. Strict enquiry was to be made as to the character of strangers residing within each of their wards.888On the following day the Common Council met again and gave orders that the drawbridge of London Bridge should be always kept down, so that victuallers and others might have ready access to the City, but the gateway on the drawbridge was to be kept closed, whilstle wikettwas to be constantly open. A strict watch was to be kept on the new tower889above the bridge by men-at-arms stationed there, who should also be ready to let downle port Colycewhen occasion required.890Meeting of Common Council on Sunday, 29 June.A deputation, moreover, was appointed to set out to meet the Earls of March and Warwick on[pg 300]their way to Northampton, for the purpose of inducing them, if possible, to turn aside and not approach the city. The members were instructed to inform the lords of the king's commands to the citizens to hold the city for him, and to oppose the lords' entry under heavy penalty. This instruction to the deputation was given, we are told, with the approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Norwich, Ely and Exeter, and of the Prior of St. John's, Clerkenwell. The mayor, aldermen and commonalty agreed to stand by any terms which the deputation might be compelled to make. They had not taken this step without first consulting the Lords Scales and Hungerford, and Sir Edmund Hampden, who held the Tower of London for King Henry. The bridge gate was ordered to be closed between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the 28th, and to remain closed till the morning. Even the portcullis was to be kept down if necessary, whilst the mayor and sheriffs, with a certain number of armed men, patrolled the city, and the aldermen kept watch in their several wards.891Notwithstanding the next day being Sunday, the critical state of affairs necessitated a meeting of the Common Council. It was then agreed that if any messenger should arrive from Warwick, no communication should be held with him. Special watches were appointed for the bridge and for Billingsgate by night and day, and so anxious were the authorities to avail themselves of the service of every abled citizen on that Sunday, that no one was allowed to attend Divine Service at St. Paul's.892[pg 301]The Yorkist earls admitted into the city, 2 July, 1460.Up to this point the citizens had shown themselves loyal to Henry. They now began to waver. Early in the morning of the 30th June the mayor and aldermen appear to have changed their minds. The earls had sent them a letter and they resolved to receive it. The contents of this letter are not recorded. On the following day (1 July) another communication from the earls was received. Here again we are left in the dark as to its purport—the City's journals at this period being very imperfect,—we only know that they declined to accede to the request to keep at a distance from London, for the very next day (2 July) they were admitted into the city.893The Tower holds out.The city was thus lost to the king; but the Tower still held out, and no amount of eloquence on the part of certain doctors of divinity, whom the Common Council had appointed to try and arrange matters so as to avoid bloodshed, would induce Lord Scales and his companions to surrender it, although the garrison was hard pressed for victuals.894Nothing was left but to starve them out, and this the Earl of Salisbury proceeded to do, with the aid of the citizens and the boatmen on the river, by whom the Tower was strictly invested by land and water. The Common Council appear to have felt some qualms of conscience in joining in this proceeding, for they caused it to be recorded—as if by way of excuse for their action—that "there seemed to be no other way of preserving the city."895A resolution, moreover, that each alderman should subscribe the sum of £5 towards raising a[pg 302]force to intercept victuals on their way to the Tower was rescinded.896The Tower surrendered, 19 July.Murder of Lord Scales.By the 10th July matters had become so serious with the beleaguered garrison, that a letter was sent to the Common Council, signed by the Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales, Lord Hungerford, Lord Lovell and Sir Edmund Hampden, asking why war was thus being made upon them. To this the Council replied that the lords had brought it upon themselves by firing on the citizens in the first instance, and taking provisions from them without payment.897At last the garrison could hold out no longer, and the Tower was surrendered (19th July). Lord Scales endeavoured to take sanctuary at Westminster, but was seized by river boatmen and barbarously murdered.898Battle of Northampton, 10 July, 1460.Meanwhile the Duke of York had managed to raise a sum of money in the city;899the battle of Northampton had been won and lost (10th July), and Henry had been brought a prisoner to London (16th July). On the same day that the king arrived in London, the mayor, aldermen and commonalty of the City entered into an agreement, under the Common Seal, to abide by any arrangement made between the Earl of Salisbury and the beleaguered lords in the Tower for the surrender of that stronghold.900[pg 303]Measures for restoring confidence in the city.On the 21st July the king, or the Earl of Warwick, in his name, attempted to restore quiet in the city by promising that those who had offended against the king's highness and the common weal of the realm, and had been committed to the Tower, should forthwith receive ample justice. In the meantime all conventicles, assemblies or congregations in breach of the peace were strictly forbidden, and every man was exhorted to repair to his own house, and wait upon his lord or master in whose service he might happen to be.901Parliament of 7 Oct., 1460.The Duke of York's claim to the throne allowed.The Livery Companies declare their allegiance to the king.In October the Duke of York attended parliament and boldly asserted his right to the throne. After hearing arguments for and against his claim, parliament arrived at a compromise by which the reversion of the crown was settled on the duke, and to this the king himself was forced to give his assent.902It was otherwise with the proud and defiant Queen Margaret. She was determined to acquiesce in no such arrangement. Whilst she was collecting a force in the north, wherewith to strike one blow for the crown of which her son appeared likely to be robbed, the mayor and aldermen held an extraordinary meeting of the wardens of the livery companies. The king wished to be assured of the temper of the citizens. Would they as a body support him and his council, protect his royal person, and defend the city against those who were raising disturbances in divers parts of the realm? To each and all of these questions the wardens are recorded as having given satisfactory replies,[pg 304]and it was then and there agreed that each alderman should make enquiry as to the number of strangers residing in his ward, and the reasons for their being in the city. Watch was to be kept by night in every ward, a lantern hung outside every dwelling-house, and the city's gates were to be closed every night and guarded by men-at-arms.903Although these measures were avowedly taken on behalf of King Henry, they were, in reality, so many precautions for securing the government in the hands of his rival the Duke of York.The battle of Wakefield, 29 Dec., 1460.The struggle which hitherto had been between two unequal sections of the nobility, each avowing its loyalty to the king, now became a struggle between the two rival Houses of Lancaster and York. Richard, Duke of York, did not live to enjoy the crown, his right to the reversion of which had recently been acknowledged by parliament. Just as the year was drawing to a close he met his death at Wakefield in the first clash with the House of Lancaster, and his head in mockery was set up on one of the city's gates from which he derived his ducal title."Off with his head, and set it on York's gates;So York may overlook the town of York."The second battle of St. Albans, 17 Feb., 1461.When Henry was once restored to liberty and to his queen, after the second battle of St. Albans (17 Feb., 1461), York's son, Edward, Earl of March, who became by his father's death heir to the crown, was immediately proclaimed traitor in the city.904The[pg 305]queen wished for victuals to be sent from the city to her forces at St. Albans, but the carts were seized before they left the city by a mob which refused to let them go in spite of the mayor's entreaties and threats. Margaret's army consisted for the most part of rude northern followers who threatened to sack the city if once allowed within its walls, and the majority of the inhabitants were unwilling to supply the queen with provisions until she had removed her half-disciplined force to a distance from London. With a civilized army at her back it might have been possible for Margaret to have gained a footing in the city.905As matters stood, she deemed it best to accede to the request thus made to her, and to draw off her army.The Earls of March and Warwick admitted into the city, Feb., 1461.It was a fatal mistake, for it gave time for Edward and Warwick to join forces and march on London. The civic authorities, finding how hopeless it was to place further dependence upon Henry, and desiring above all things a stronger government than they could look for under the king, now surrendered the city to his opponents. They had not forsaken the king—he had forsaken them. They would no more of him."He that had Londyn for sake,Wolde no more to hem take."906[pg 306]Edward's claim to the crown recognised, 1 March, 1461.On the 1st March the chancellor called a general assembly of the citizens at Clerkenwell, and explained to them the title by which Edward, Duke of York, laid claim to the crown.907His title was thereupon acknowledged with universal applause, and on the 4th he proceeded to Westminster Palace, accompanied by many of the nobility and commons of the realm,908and was there proclaimed king by the name of Edward IV.
[pg 268]CHAPTER XI.Rivalry between Bedford and Gloucester, 1422.At the death of Henry V the administration of affairs fell into the hands of his two brothers, John, Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester. On the 29th September a writ was issued from Windsor, in the name of the infant on whom the crown of England had devolved, summoning four citizens of London to attend a parliament to be held at Westminster at Martinmas,801and two days afterwards another was addressed to the sheriffs of London, enjoining them to make proclamation for the keeping the king's peace, and authorising them to arrest and imprison rioters until the king and his council should determine upon their punishment.802The precise wishes of the late king as to the respective parts which Bedford and Gloucester were to undertake in the government of the realm are not clearly known, but it is generally thought that he intended the former to govern France, whilst the latter was to act as his vicegerent in England. An attempt to carry out the arrangement was doomed to failure.As soon as parliament met (9 Nov.) it took into consideration the respective claims of the two dukes. Bedford had already (26 Oct.) despatched a letter from Rouen, addressed to the civic authorities,[pg 269]setting forth his right to the government of the realm, as elder brother of the deceased sovereign and as the party most interested in the succession to the crown. Without mentioning Gloucester by name, he warned the citizens against executing orders derogatory to himself. He professed to do this, not from any ambitious designs of his own, but from a wish to preserve intact the laws, usage and customs of the realm.803After some hesitation, parliament resolved to appoint Bedford protector as soon as he should return from France, but that during his absence Gloucester should act for him.804An expedition to start for France, 1 March, 1423.On the 8th February of the new year (1423), the sheriffs of London received orders to make proclamation for all soldiers who were in the king's pay to assemble at Winchelsea by the 1st day of March, as an expedition was to set sail from that port for the purpose of defending the town and castle of Crotoye. The business was pressing and necessitated a repetition of the order to the sheriffs a fortnight later (22 Feb.).805Sir John Mortimer.On the 23rd February William Crowmere, the mayor, William Sevenoke, William Waldene, and John Fray were appointed commissioners to enquire into cases of treason and felony within the city; and two days later they found Sir John Mortimer, who was charged with a treasonable design in favour of the Earl of March, guilty of having broken prison.806He was subsequently convicted of treason both by lords and commons, and sentenced to death.[pg 270]The debts of Henry IV.On the 5th June (1423) the hearts of the citizens were gladdened with the news that they were likely to be repaid some of the money they had advanced to the king's grandfather. Orders were given for all persons to whom Henry IV was indebted at the time of his decease, and who had not yet received from his executors a moiety of the sums due, to send in their bills and tallies to Sir John Pelham and John Leventhorp, two of the king's executors, sitting at the Priory of Saint Mary, Southwark, by the Monday next after Midsummer-day.807We can believe that few orders ever met with readier response from the inhabitants of the city.Gloucester and Beaufort, 1425-1428.At home as well as abroad Gloucester soon made enemies; among them was his own uncle, the Chancellor, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, a wealthy and ambitious prelate. During Gloucester's absence on the continent, whither he had gone to recover the estates of his newly-married wife, the ill-fated Jacqueline of Hainault, Beaufort garrisoned the Tower with creatures of his own. When Gloucester returned mutual recriminations took place, and the mayor was ordered (29 Oct., 1425) to prevent Beaufort entering the city. A riot ensued in which the citizens took the part of the duke, and the bishop had to take refuge in Southwark. The quarrel was patched up for awhile until Bedford, who was sent for, should arrive to act as arbitrator.808He arrived in London on the 10th January, 1426. The citizens, who had more than once been in communication with[pg 271]the duke809during his absence abroad, presented him with a pair of basins, silver-gilt, containing 1,000 marks. The gift, however, does not appear to have been so graciously received as it might have been, for a London alderman records that the donors, for all their liberality, "hadde but lytylle thanke."810End of the quarrel between Gloucester and Beaufort.The two brothers had not met since the death of Henry V. After prolonged negotiations, amodus vivendibetween the parties was arrived at, and Gloucester and the bishop were induced to shake hands. Beaufort left England soon afterwards with the Duke of Bedford, on the plea of making a pilgrimage, and did not return until September, 1428, by which time he had been made a cardinal and appointed papal legate in England. Notwithstanding his legatine authority being unacknowledged by Gloucester and others, the citizens received him on his return "worthily and loyally," riding out to meet him and escorting him into London.811Gloucester loses the favour of the citizens.Gloucester had always been a favourite with the Londoners, until his conduct to his Flemish wife, whom he left behind on the continent to fight her own battles as best as she could, and the undisguised attention he paid to Eleanor Cobham, a lady in his wife's suite, whom he eventually married, estranged their favour. In August, 1424, the Common Council had voted the duke a gift of 500 marks; and two years later—viz., in April, 1426—the citizens raised a sum, variously stated to have been £1,000 and 1,000 marks, for the benefit of his duchess.812The female[pg 272]portion of the community were specially incensed against the duke, and a number of women went the length of presenting themselves before parliament in 1427, with a letter complaining of his behaviour towards his wife. In March of the next year (1428) the citizens themselves followed suit, and drew the attention of parliament, through the mouth of John Symond, their Recorder, to the wretched straits to which the duchess had been reduced, as witnessed her own letters. They begged parliament to consider the best means for recovering for her the lands of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, which had always been places of sure refuge for the English merchant, and the rulers of which had ever been friendly to the king of England. The citizens finally avowed themselves ready to take upon themselves their share in any undertaking the lords and commons of the realm might decide upon.813The siege of Orleans, 1428-1429.In the meantime matters had not gone well with the English in France. In July, 1427, the Earl of Salisbury came over to London for reinforcements.814In September of the following year he was able to inform the City of the success that had attended his recruited army.815He was then within a short distance of Orleans, before which town he shortly afterwards met his death. Bedford continued the siege, but the town held out until May, 1429, when it was relieved by the Maid from the little village of Domremi, and the English army was compelled to retreat.Famine in London, 1429.Whilst Bedford was conducting the siege of Orleans, and Jeanne Darc was meditating how best to[pg 273]relieve the town, the citizens of London were suffering from a severe dearth. At length the Common Council resolved (22 July, 1429) to send agents abroad for the purpose of transmitting all the corn they could lay their hands on to England. The assistance of Bedford, who had by this time been compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, was invoked.816Beaufort joins Bedford in France.Bedford had recently been joined by Beaufort, who had become more than ever an object of hatred to Gloucester, and had lost to a certain extent the goodwill of the nation by the acceptance of a cardinal's hat. He had set out on the 22nd June (1429), carrying with him a small force which he was allowed to raise for the avowed object of prosecuting a Hussite crusade in Bohemia, but which was eventually sent to France.817The question of his position in parliament and the council, now that he was a cardinal, was decided by the parliament which met on the 22nd September.Allowances made to those representing the City in parliament, 1429.Members of parliament representing the City of London had hitherto been allowed a certain amount of cloth and fur trimming at the City's expense, wherewith to dress themselves and their personal attendants in a manner suitable to the position they held. Those who had from time to time been elected members appear to have abused this privilege—where a yard had been given, they had literally taken an ell—and it was now thought to be high time to take steps to check the abuse in future. Accordingly it was ordained by the mayor and aldermen, on the 12th August of this year (and the ordinance met with[pg 274]the approval of the commoners on the 29th day of the same month), that for the future no alderman elected to attend parliament should take out of the chamber or of the commonalty more than ten yards for gown and cloak, at 15s.the yard, and 100s.for fur if the alderman had already served as mayor, otherwise he was to have no more than five marks. Commoners were to be content with five yards of cloth and 33s.4d.for fur. Each alderman, moreover, was to be allowed eight yards of cloth at 28 pence a yard for two personal attendants, and each commoner four yards of the same for one attendant, if the parliament was sitting in London or the neighbourhood, and eight yards for two attendants if parliament was sitting in some more remote place, "as was formerly ordained during the mayoralty of John Michell" (1424-5).818The coronation of Henry VI, 6 Nov., 1429.The condition of France necessitated the early coronation of the young king, whose right to the French crown had been established by the Treaty of Troyes. At his accession to the throne of England Henry VI was but a child of nine months. He was now eight years old. Before he could be crowned King of France, it was necessary that he should first be crowned King of England. Proclamation was accordingly made that he would be crowned on the 6th November following, and that all claims to services should be forthwith laid before the lord steward.819[pg 275]Gregory, to whose chronicle we have had frequent occasion to refer, writing as an eye-witness, gives a full account820of what took place at the ceremony of coronation in Westminster Abbey, and of the banquet that followed; but omits to mention that the citizens put in their usual claim, in accordance with the above proclamation, to serve the king at the banquet as butler. That the claim was actually made we learn from other sources.821We also know that William Estfeld, the recently-elected mayor, received the customary gold cup and ewer used on the occasion, which he afterwards bequeathed to his grandson.822Sets out for France, April, 1430.And is crowned in Paris, Dec., 1431.In April, 1430, the young king left England for France, and remained abroad for nearly two years. On the 10th November he wrote to the mayor and citizens, urging them to advance him the sum of 10,000 marks, as that sum might do him more ease and service at that particular time than double the amount at another. The letter was dated from Rouen, where the court afterwards established itself for a considerable time.823On Sunday, the 12th December, 1431, he made his entry into Paris with great ceremony, and was duly crowned.824The citizens welcome him on his return, 1432.On his return to England early in the following year, he was met by John Welles, the mayor, the aldermen, the sheriffs, and more than 12,000 citizens[pg 276]of London, who rode out on Thursday, the 20th February, as far as Blackheath, and was there presented with the following address:—"Sovereign lord as welcome be ye to your noble Roialme of Englond, and in especial to your notable Cite London oþerwise called your Chambre, as ever was cristen prince to place or people, and of the good and gracioux achevyng of your Coronne of Fraunce, we thank hertlich our lord almyghty which of his endles mercy sende you grace in yoye and prosperite on us and all your other people long for to regne."The mayor and aldermen present him with a gift of £1,000.After hearing the address the king rode to Deptford, where he was met by a procession of 120 rectors and curates of the city, in the richest copes, and 500 secular chaplains in the whitest of surplices, with whom were a like number of monks bearing crosses, tapers and incense, and chanting psalms and antiphons in grateful thanks for his safe return. Thence the royal cavalcade passed through Southwark to the city, where pageants appeared at every turn. The fulsome adulation bestowed upon a lad scarcely ten years of age was enough to turn his young brain. Passing through Cornhill and Chepe, the procession eventually reached St. Paul's. There the king dismounted, and being met by the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten other bishops in their pontifical robes, was led by them to the high altar. Prayers were said and the sacred relics kissed. The king then remounted his horse and made his way to his palace of Westminster, the streets being hung with tapestry and the houses thronged to their roofs with crowds of onlookers, and was there allowed a brief day's rest. On the following Saturday a deputation[pg 277]from the city, headed by the mayor and aldermen, went to the palace and presented Henry with £1,000 of the purest gold, in a gold casket, with these words:—"Most cristen prince the good folk of youre notable Cite of London, otherwise cleped your Chambre, besechen in her most lowely wise that they mowe be recomanded un to yorhynesse, ant þtcan like youre noble grace to resceyve this litell yefte yoven with as good will and lovyng hertes as any yefte was yoven to eny erthly prince."The king having graciously acknowledged the gift, the deputation returned to the city.825Gloucester's attacks on Beaufort and Bedford, 1432-1433.Beaufort, who had returned home in time for the coronation, had again set out for France with the king, and Gloucester took advantage of their absence to renew his attack on his rival. Letters ofprœmunirewere drawn up in anticipation of the cardinal's return, and additional offence was given by the seizure of the cardinal's plate and jewels at Dover. On learning of Gloucester's schemes, Beaufort determined to give up a projected visit to Rome, and to return home in time for the opening of parliament (12th May, 1432).826He desired to learn why he had been thus "strangely demeened" contrary to his deserts. When parliament met and the cardinal asked who were his accusers, Gloucester held his[pg 278]tongue, and the king expressed his confidence in the cardinal's loyalty. In the following year (1433) Bedford appeared before parliament and announced that he had come home to defend himself against false accusations. He understood that the recent losses that had occurred in France were attributed to his neglect. He desired his accusers, of whom he shrewdly suspected Gloucester to be one, to stand forth and prove their charges. Again there was silence, and the duke, like the cardinal, had to rest satisfied with the king's assurance of loyalty.827Financial reform, 1433.The finances of the country were at this time (1433) in the most deplorable condition. It was necessary to exercise the strictest economy. Bedford was the first to set an example of self-denial by offering to discharge the duties of counsellor at a reduced salary. Gloucester followed his brother's example. The archbishops, the cardinal, and the bishops of Lincoln and Ely agreed to render their services without payment. Parliament showed its good will by voting a fifteenth and tenth, but out of the sum thus realised £4,000 was to be applied to the relief of poor towns. The amount of relief which fell to the share of the poorer wards of the City of London was £76 15s.6-1/4d., which was apportioned among eighteen wards. The largest sum allotted was £20, which went to Cordwainer Street Ward, whilst Lime Street Ward received the magnificent relief afforded by the odd farthing.828The mayor, sheriffs and aldermen were called upon to attend in person before the chancellor, in April, 1434, to make oath that they would duly observe a certain[pg 279]article (quendam articulum) which the late parliament had agreed to, but what this article was does not appear in the City's archives.829The death of Bedford, 14 Sept., 1435.Bedford was prevailed upon to remain in England and undertake the office of chief counsellor, but differences again arising between him and Gloucester, which the personal interference of the young king could with difficulty calm, he again set sail for France (June, 1434). His career was fast drawing to an end. Burgundy was intending to desert him as he knew full well, and the knowledge accelerated his end. His death took place at Rouen on the 14th September of the following year (1435).830Calais appeals to London for assistance, 27 June, 1436.With his death England's supremacy in France began to decline, and Henry VI was to lose in that country all or nearly all that had been gained by his doughty predecessor. The defection of Burgundy was followed by the loss of Paris. The chief event of 1436 was the raising of the siege of Calais, which had been invested by the Duke of Burgundy. On the 27th June the mayor and aldermen of Calais, being anxious to get help from the government at home, and finding that according to precedent they could only do so through the mediation of the City of London, addressed a letter to the mayor and aldermen of London imploring them, as the head of "the principal of all the cities of the realm of England," to move the king to send the requisite aid.831In answer to this appeal Henry Frowyk, the mayor, consulted the livery companies, and by their[pg 280]advice sent a contingent to the relief of the town.832The king, too, had been very urgent that the City should raise a force to oppose "the man who stiled himself Duke of Burgundy and Count of Flanders," whilst he took pains to conciliate such Flemings as were living in the city and were ready to take an oath of allegiance.833Gloucester had been appointed captain of Calais for a term of nine years, but before he set sail for its relief the siege had been raised by Edmund Beaufort, Count of Mortain.834A tax imposed on aliens, 1439.An attempt was made in 1439 to bring about a peace, but it failed, and a new tax—a tax upon aliens—had to be imposed for the purpose of raising money in addition to the usual supplies. Every alien householder was called upon to pay sixteen pence, and every alien who was not a householder sixpence, towards the expenses of the country.835The penance of Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's wife, 1441.The streets of the city have witnessed few sadder sights than the penance inflicted on Eleanor Cobham, at one time the mistress, and afterwards—on the dissolution of his marriage with Jacqueline—the wife of Gloucester. The new duchess was aware that in the event of the king's death her husband was next in succession to the throne, and was inclined to anticipate matters. It was a superstitious age, and the duchess invoked the aid of witchcraft to accomplish her wishes. In 1441 her operations, innocent as[pg 281]they were in themselves, however bad their intent, were discovered, and she was condemned to do public penance followed by imprisonment for life. For three days the wretched lady was made to walk the streets, taper in hand and bare-foot (it was November), in the sight of all the citizens, who were forbidden to show her any respect, but, at the same time, were ordered not to molest her.836The latter they were little likely to do. Nay! on each day as she landed at the Temple, at the Swan or at Oueenhithe, the mayor and sheriffs went forth to attend her, accompanied by members of the livery companies.837Yet, not a finger did her husband raise in her defence! He either could not or would not save her.The king's charter to the City, 26 Oct., 1444.By charter, dated the 26th day of October, 1444, the king confirmed the mayor, recorder and certain aldermen as justices of the peace, and, among other things, granted to the corporation the soil of the Thames within the City's liberties.838This grant was not made without some little opposition from the inhabitants of the neighbouring county of Surrey.839Henry's marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 22 April, 1445.The king was now under the influence of William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, by whose intervention a truce with France had been concluded on the 28th May of this year (1444), to last until the 1st April, 1446. In order to strengthen the truce, a marriage[pg 282]was arranged between Henry and Margaret of Anjou. The princess came over to England early in the following year, and was married on the 22nd April (1445). The match was not altogether a popular one; nevertheless, when Margaret passed through the city on her way to be crowned at Westminster, she was received "in the most goodly wise, with alle the citezines on horseback ridyng ayenst hir to the Blackheth in blew gownes and rede hodes."840Jack Cade's rebellion, 1450.The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in popularity. After the deaths of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each other, in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and continued to be so until the loss of the French provinces three years later (1450) raised so much opposition against him that the king was compelled to order his banishment. This was not thought a sufficient punishment by his enemies, and he was taken on the high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his death an attack was made on his supporters. Again the men of Kent rose in revolt; this time under the leadership of an Irish adventurer—Jack Cade—who called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an illegitimate son of the late Earl of March. They mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong (1 June), and then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where parliament had been sitting. Henry on his arrival sent to learn the reason of the gathering, and in reply received a long list of grievances which the rebels intended to amend.841Notwithstanding the[pg 283]boldness of this answer, the king had only to make proclamation that all his true and liege subjects should "a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse in the course of one night. The danger, indeed, seemed to be over. A week later, however, the royal force met a number of the rebels near Sevenoaks, by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by this success, the rebels returned and took up their quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the offer made by the citizens of London to stand by him.842The city prepares to defend itself.The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken steps to put the city into a state of defence. A Common Council met on the 8th June, when it decided that an efficient guard should be placed night and day upon all gates, wharves and lanes leading to the Thames. An enclosure recently erected at "le Crane" on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was ordered to be abated. Balistic machines (fundibula) of all kinds were to be collected on the wharves, whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it was agreed to represent to the king the advisability of limiting the number of his nobles coming into the city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.843On the 26th June the Common Council again met, and it was then decided to send two mounted men to reconnoitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his[pg 284]movements.844Three days later (29 June) orders were given for four men to be selected from each ward to assist the aldermen in preserving the peace. Anyone refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be sent to prison. In spite of all precautions, Cade and his followers succeeded in gaining a footing in the city (3 July), their first action being to sack the house of Philip Malpas.845Cade himself encouraged rather than restrained the excesses of his men. "Now is Mortimer lord of the City," he cried as he struck with his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as London stone.846It is clear that the rebels had friends in the city, otherwise they would never have effected an entrance so easily—"They had othyr men with hem as welle of London as of there owne party."847The matter was made the subject of investigation by the Common Council. Evidence was given by Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on Friday, the 3rd July, the keys of the bridge had been given up, but by whom he knew not. William Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer, had told him that unless the wardens of the bridge opened the gates, the Kentish captain threatened to set fire to the bridge and the city, and that thereupon Thomas Godfrey, a "sporyour," clad in russet, brought the keys and opened the gates.848Mock trials held by the rebels at the Guildhall.On Saturday, the 4th of July, the rebels, who had retired for the night, returned to the city.[pg 285]Robert Horne, alderman of Bridge Ward, who had rendered himself especially obnoxious to the rebels, was made prisoner and sent to Newgate. Sir James Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the Tower to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock trials on those who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, and, after a hasty examination, was conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed. His head, together with those of two others who had that day suffered a similar fate, was set up on London Bridge.Cade apprehended.By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had managed to recover their presence of mind, and sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the leadership of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge. Before they had arrived on the Southwark side of the river they were met by the rebels, and a severe fight took place between the parties on the bridge itself, lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last the rebels were defeated, and the city freed from their presence. Offers of pardon were made and accepted, and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued to plunder and ravage the country, until a price having been put upon his head, he was apprehended by the Sheriff of Kent,849and died the same night from injuries received at his capture. His head was subsequently set up on London Bridge.The question of the succession to the throne.The king had now been married some years, and no heir had appeared. Great uncertainty prevailed[pg 286]as to the right of succession to the throne, and gave rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between Richard, Duke of York, who now for the first time becomes a conspicuous figure on the stage, and Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset. Both of them could claim to be the king's nearest kinsmen, both of them being descendants of Edward III, the one tracing his descent, on his father's side, through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side, through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, whilst the other was the surviving representative of John of Gaunt.Rivalry between the Dukes of York and Somerset, 1450.The king's incapacity to govern without a strong minister at his back, as evinced by his conduct during the recent outbreak, induced both of these nobles to throw up their appointments, the one in Ireland and the other in France, and to hasten home. The Duke of York was the first to reach England, and, in spite of measures which had been taken to intercept him, made his way to London. He was anxious in the first place to clear himself of suspicion of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,850and to this end sought and obtained an interview with the king. Having satisfied Henry on this point, he next proceeded to demand the reform of certain abuses in the government. A short session of parliament, which met on the 6th November, opened with an altercation between the rival dukes. On the 1st December Somerset was placed under arrest; and on the following day his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken into and pillaged. An example was made of one of[pg 287]the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the Standard in Chepe. The Duke of York made a personal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to be made of the heavy pains and penalties which should follow any attempt at robbery. As a further demonstration against lawlessness, the king himself rode through the city a few days later, accompanied by his lords in full panoply, the route being kept by a line of armed citizens on either side of the way. Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a vivid picture of contemporary events, and who was called upon to serve the office of mayor of the city the following year, confesses that the procession on this occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight, "if hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde," for it boded little good.851The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in prison, for immediately after Christmas he was appointed captain of Calais. In 1451 the disasters which followed the English arms in France, when Calais was again threatened, were made an occasion for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He openly avowed his determination to proceed against Somerset, and, joined by the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452). Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin. The duke had hoped that through the influence of his party within the city, the gates would have been flung open on his approach. In this he was disappointed. The majority of the citizens were still loyal to Henry, and by his orders entrance was denied[pg 288]the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.Civil war averted.For a time civil war was avoided, the king promising that Somerset should be again committed to custody until he should answer such charges as York should bring against him. The king, however, failed to keep his word. Somerset was allowed to remain in power, and York was only allowed his liberty after he had consented to swear public allegiance to the king in St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures taken against him would probably have provoked disturbance in the city.852The king's illness, 1453.Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the following year (1453) it entirely gave way. In October the queen bore him a son, after eight years of married life, but though the infant was brought to his father, Henry gave no signs of recognising his presence. The illness of the king, and the birth of an heir to the crown, were events which materially affected the fortunes of the Duke of York. In November the civic authorities prepared for emergencies; every citizen was to provide himself with armour, but he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conversation, and not to provoke tumult by showing favour to this or that lord. Even a proposal that the mayor and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the present juncture.853[pg 289]The City again called upon to assist in the defence of Calais, 1453-1454.Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parliament for the defence of Calais, that town was still in danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a letter was read before the Common Council of the City, emanating from the Lord Welles and the Lord Ryvers, asking for assistance towards putting Calais into a state of defence. Further consideration of the matter was adjourned until the following 4th December. By the 7th day of the same month the Council had consulted the commons, who had declared that owing to their numerous burdens and expenses they could contribute nothing to that end.854This did not prevent a further application being made early in 1454, for contributions towards the defence of Calais if that town were besieged.855Again the commons were consulted, and again they pleaded the excessive burdens they were already called upon to bear, and the losses they had sustained by seizure of their ships and merchandise by the Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for the present to undertake any further charges unless steps were taken for the recovery of their goods.856An answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who declared themselves willing at the same time to bear their share with the rest of the realm.857An appeal made in August of the same year (1454), for the sum of £1,200 for the same purpose, met with similar failure.858The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may judge from the fact that when, in November of this year, an assessment of half a fifteenth was made on the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were[pg 290]in default.859Between the years 1431 and 1451 the citizens had advanced large sums of money to the king, of which more than £3,000 remained in the latter year due to the city.860The Duke of York and his supporters take up their quarters in the city, 1454.A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching. The birth of an heir to the throne urged the Duke of York to take prompt action. Although the majority of the nobles were opposed to him, he had on his side the powerful family of the Nevills, having married Cicely Nevill, sister of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, the head of the family, and father of the still more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of January (1454) the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and others of the duke's supporters, entered the city, each followed by a large force of retainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest son, the Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV.861The Common Council were anxious lest the presence of these nobles in the city should lead to a disturbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be observed both by the mayor and aldermen, as well as by the inhabitants of the city at large. Thewaytes, or watchmen, were ordered to perambulate the streets every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in good humour (pro recreacione hominum), and prevent robbery. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show that disturbances did occasionally arise between the inhabitants and those in the suite of the nobles.862[pg 291]The Duke of York nominated protector, 1454.The king's continued illness necessitated sooner or later the appointment of a regent. For a brief space there seemed a possibility of the regency being claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile, paid court to both parties, the mayor and aldermen one day paying a solemn visit to the queen, attired in their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a similar compliment to the Duke of York.863At length the duke was nominated protector (3 April). Some correspondence ensued between the City, the Duke of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on what subject we know not,864but on the 13th May the mayor and aldermen waited upon the duke to thank him for his favour and goodwill.865The first battle of St. Albans, 22 May, 1455.So long as the king remained an imbecile York was supreme, his rival, Somerset, having been committed to prison at his instigation in December, 1453. Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness, although his convalescence proved of equally short duration, and York's protectorate came to an end. With Henry's restoration came the release of Somerset, and York determined to try conclusions with his rival in the field. At the first battle of St. Albans, fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared for York and Somerset was killed. After the battle York accompanied the king to London and lodged him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's churchyard. The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was for the second time named protector; but in the spring of 1456 he had again to retire upon the king's recovery.[pg 292]A rising against the Lombards in the city, May, 1456.Just when the country was settling down to enjoy a period of comparative quiet, there occurred (May, 1456) in the city one of those sudden outbreaks against the "merchant stranger" residing within the city's walls which too often appear in the annals of London. On this occasion the young mercers of the city rose against the Lombards; why or wherefore we are not told. We only know that these foreigners received such bad treatment that they meditated leaving the city in a body and setting up business elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the citizens, it appears; for two Lombards were ordered to be hanged.866The king, who was at the time at Coventry—whither the queen had caused him to be removed, owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in favour of the Yorkist party—sent for alderman Cantelowe,867a mercer, and promptly committed him to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as having been implicated in the attack on the houses of the Italian merchants.This outbreak was followed by another "hurlynge" between the mercers of the city and those Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on the understanding that they should be allowed to ply[pg 293]their business without molestation until the council or parliament should determine otherwise. In consequence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers were arrested and committed to Windsor Castle.868Letter from the king for safe-guarding the city, 3 Sept., 1456.On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Lichfield to the Mayor, reminding him of the dangers which had recently threatened the city—"the king's chamber"—the government whereof ought to serve as an example to the rest of the kingdom, and enjoining him that thenceforth he should allow no one to enter the city but such as came peaceably, and with moderate retinue, according to his estate and degree, and should take precautions against gatherings of evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach of the peace.869The citizens offer to man and victual ships to punish France, 1457.Notwithstanding the precautions taken to protect the coast, the French made a descent in 1457, and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over 30 ships, great and small, and doing much damage. The citizens of London, to whom the protection of their commerce in the "narrow sea," as the channel was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon took counsel among themselves, and made a proposal to the king and to Bishop Waynflete, the chancellor, to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain ships then lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an expedition to punish the enemy for their boldness. The king thanked them for their patriotic spirit and gave orders for a naval force to join the city contingent from Hull.870[pg 294]A general reconciliation at St. Paul's, 25 March, 1458.In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a reconciliation between the two rival sections of the nobility, and to this end ordered a great council to meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick left his post at Calais, and came over to London to attend the meeting; but he did not arrive until more than a month after the appointed day, and when he came it was with a body of 600 men at his back, "all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte ragged stavis."871He took up his quarters within the city, where he found the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. The young Duke of Somerset and other lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the city for fear of a breach of the peace, and had to find accommodation outside the city's walls.872During the conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day, whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in readiness to assist the aldermen in preserving the king's peace.873The times were critical, but at length all ended well. A grand pacification took place in March, and was solemnized by an imposing procession to St. Paul's, in which York led the queen by the hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more apparent than real, and neither party relaxed their efforts to prepare for renewed hostility.Warwick implicated in a riot, Nov., 1458.Seeks refuge in the city.Leaves for Calais.In August the civic companies were warned against furnishing the confederate lords with any war material, but were to keep their arms and harness at the[pg 295]disposal of the king alone.874It wanted very little to kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into a flame, and this little was soon forthcoming. In November875a riot occurred at Westminster, in which the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in his suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's servants and wounded him. Thereupon others of the king's household, finding their fellow-servant wounded and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his attendants as they left the council to take barge on the river. By dint of hard hitting, the earl managed to embark and to make his way to the city. But the affray was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found it convenient to withdraw soon afterwards to his post at Calais, which thenceforth became the head-quarters of the disaffected lords.Riot between citizens and Templars, April, 1459.In the following April (1459) another affray broke out. This time it was between inhabitants of the city and certain members of the Inns of Court, and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of life. The king hearing of this sent for William Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and kept him in confinement at Windsor until the election of the new mayor, William Hewlyn, in October, by whose intercession he regained his freedom.876The battle of Blore Heath, 23 Sept., 1459.By this time the country was again divided into two hostile camps. A crisis came in September, when the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most inveterate enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force.[pg 296]Lord Audley, sent by the queen to arrest him, was defeated by the earl at Blore Heath (23 Sept., 1459). Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army were themselves compelled to seek security. The Duke of York took refuge in Ireland, and the Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join his father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Salisbury with him.Parliament at Coventry, 20 Nov., 1459.On the 9th October the king issued his writ for a parliament to be held at Coventry on the 20th November. The usual writ was sent to the City of London, but the names of the aldermen and commoners elected to represent the citizens do not appear in the City's records.877The business of the session was the attainder of the Duke of York and his followers, and judgment was passed upon the duke, the Nevills, father and son, the young Earls of March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the date of this writ, the Common Council decided to send a deputation to wait upon the king and assure him of the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for its safe custody.878The king loses favour.The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed their willingness to assist the king by a gift of 1,000 marks.879This gift must have been the more welcome, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly on the increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid. The queen, on the other hand, into whose hands the government of the kingdom had been drawn, was "gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of taxes, talliages and fifteenths, whilst harassing the[pg 297]king's subjects, seemed to make him not a whit the richer, the issues and profits being frittered away. They would have forgiven him had he maintained a household in regal style or spent their money on maintaining the country's honour in the field. As matters were, Henry, by misgovernment, was rapidly losing the hearts of his people, and "theyre blessyng was turned in to cursyng."880Unconstitutional conduct of the king in issuing commissions to raise an army, Jan., 1460.A deputation from the City waits upon the king at Northampton.The City's liberties not to be prejudiced.On the 14th January, 1460, the king issued a commission to the mayor, aldermen and sheriffs for collecting men-at-arms and archers to resist thelateDuke of York and thelateEarls of March, Warwick, Salisbury and Rutland.881Similar commissions were addressed to every township,882and did much harm to the royal cause, now tottering to its fall, as being unconstitutional. They formed the subject of one of the set of articles of complaint drawn up by the Earls of March, Warwick and Salisbury, and addressed by them, on behalf of themselves and the Duke of York, to the archbishop and the commons of England.883Such commissions the lords declared to be an imposition which, if continued, would be "the heaviest charge and worst example that ever grew in England." The city authorities appear to have rested their opposition to the king's commission, not so much on the grounds that they were unwilling to raise a force for his[pg 298]assistance, as that a demand for military aid in such a form might derogate from the city's franchise and liberties. A deputation, consisting of two aldermen, Thomas Urswyk, the Recorder, and one of the under-sheriffs, was sent to Northampton to wait upon the king and council and to explain the views of the citizens in that respect. The interview was of a satisfactory character; and the deputation returned bearing a gracious letter from the king declaring that the City's franchise and liberties should in no way be prejudiced by the commission.884Military precautions taken by the City, Feb., 1460.The citizens deemed it time to look to their own safety, and place their city into a better posture of defence. The master and wardens of the livery companies were exhorted (14 Feb., 1460), on account of the disturbed state of the kingdom, to raise contributions towards the purchase of accoutrements for the safeguard of the city.885The king himself was shortly coming into the city, and measures were taken (28 Feb.) for placing a proper guard over the several gates.886On the 11th May the masters and wardens were summoned, on behalf of the king, to appear before the mayor and aldermen at the Guildhall, to hear a royal proclamation read touching the preservation of the king's peace.887Landing of the confederate earls.The Yorkist Earls of Salisbury, Warwick and March, encouraged by the reports of the state of affairs in England, at length made up their minds to return and strike a blow for the recovery of their[pg 299]estates, which had become forfeited to the king. They set sail from Calais (26 June), and landing at Sandwich made their way without opposition through Kent to London.The Common Council determine to oppose their entrance to the city, 27 June, 1460.On the 27th June, by which time news of their arrival must have reached the city, a Common Council was held, when the commoners who were present solemnly promised to stand by the mayor and aldermen in safe-guarding the city, and resist with all their might the rebels against the lord the king who were about to enter the city contrary to the king's orders. The civic companies somewhat tardily gave their adhesion to the royal cause, and agreed to defend the city. The gates were ordered to be manned, and no one was to be allowed to enter without first saying who and what he was. Strict enquiry was to be made as to the character of strangers residing within each of their wards.888On the following day the Common Council met again and gave orders that the drawbridge of London Bridge should be always kept down, so that victuallers and others might have ready access to the City, but the gateway on the drawbridge was to be kept closed, whilstle wikettwas to be constantly open. A strict watch was to be kept on the new tower889above the bridge by men-at-arms stationed there, who should also be ready to let downle port Colycewhen occasion required.890Meeting of Common Council on Sunday, 29 June.A deputation, moreover, was appointed to set out to meet the Earls of March and Warwick on[pg 300]their way to Northampton, for the purpose of inducing them, if possible, to turn aside and not approach the city. The members were instructed to inform the lords of the king's commands to the citizens to hold the city for him, and to oppose the lords' entry under heavy penalty. This instruction to the deputation was given, we are told, with the approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Norwich, Ely and Exeter, and of the Prior of St. John's, Clerkenwell. The mayor, aldermen and commonalty agreed to stand by any terms which the deputation might be compelled to make. They had not taken this step without first consulting the Lords Scales and Hungerford, and Sir Edmund Hampden, who held the Tower of London for King Henry. The bridge gate was ordered to be closed between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the 28th, and to remain closed till the morning. Even the portcullis was to be kept down if necessary, whilst the mayor and sheriffs, with a certain number of armed men, patrolled the city, and the aldermen kept watch in their several wards.891Notwithstanding the next day being Sunday, the critical state of affairs necessitated a meeting of the Common Council. It was then agreed that if any messenger should arrive from Warwick, no communication should be held with him. Special watches were appointed for the bridge and for Billingsgate by night and day, and so anxious were the authorities to avail themselves of the service of every abled citizen on that Sunday, that no one was allowed to attend Divine Service at St. Paul's.892[pg 301]The Yorkist earls admitted into the city, 2 July, 1460.Up to this point the citizens had shown themselves loyal to Henry. They now began to waver. Early in the morning of the 30th June the mayor and aldermen appear to have changed their minds. The earls had sent them a letter and they resolved to receive it. The contents of this letter are not recorded. On the following day (1 July) another communication from the earls was received. Here again we are left in the dark as to its purport—the City's journals at this period being very imperfect,—we only know that they declined to accede to the request to keep at a distance from London, for the very next day (2 July) they were admitted into the city.893The Tower holds out.The city was thus lost to the king; but the Tower still held out, and no amount of eloquence on the part of certain doctors of divinity, whom the Common Council had appointed to try and arrange matters so as to avoid bloodshed, would induce Lord Scales and his companions to surrender it, although the garrison was hard pressed for victuals.894Nothing was left but to starve them out, and this the Earl of Salisbury proceeded to do, with the aid of the citizens and the boatmen on the river, by whom the Tower was strictly invested by land and water. The Common Council appear to have felt some qualms of conscience in joining in this proceeding, for they caused it to be recorded—as if by way of excuse for their action—that "there seemed to be no other way of preserving the city."895A resolution, moreover, that each alderman should subscribe the sum of £5 towards raising a[pg 302]force to intercept victuals on their way to the Tower was rescinded.896The Tower surrendered, 19 July.Murder of Lord Scales.By the 10th July matters had become so serious with the beleaguered garrison, that a letter was sent to the Common Council, signed by the Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales, Lord Hungerford, Lord Lovell and Sir Edmund Hampden, asking why war was thus being made upon them. To this the Council replied that the lords had brought it upon themselves by firing on the citizens in the first instance, and taking provisions from them without payment.897At last the garrison could hold out no longer, and the Tower was surrendered (19th July). Lord Scales endeavoured to take sanctuary at Westminster, but was seized by river boatmen and barbarously murdered.898Battle of Northampton, 10 July, 1460.Meanwhile the Duke of York had managed to raise a sum of money in the city;899the battle of Northampton had been won and lost (10th July), and Henry had been brought a prisoner to London (16th July). On the same day that the king arrived in London, the mayor, aldermen and commonalty of the City entered into an agreement, under the Common Seal, to abide by any arrangement made between the Earl of Salisbury and the beleaguered lords in the Tower for the surrender of that stronghold.900[pg 303]Measures for restoring confidence in the city.On the 21st July the king, or the Earl of Warwick, in his name, attempted to restore quiet in the city by promising that those who had offended against the king's highness and the common weal of the realm, and had been committed to the Tower, should forthwith receive ample justice. In the meantime all conventicles, assemblies or congregations in breach of the peace were strictly forbidden, and every man was exhorted to repair to his own house, and wait upon his lord or master in whose service he might happen to be.901Parliament of 7 Oct., 1460.The Duke of York's claim to the throne allowed.The Livery Companies declare their allegiance to the king.In October the Duke of York attended parliament and boldly asserted his right to the throne. After hearing arguments for and against his claim, parliament arrived at a compromise by which the reversion of the crown was settled on the duke, and to this the king himself was forced to give his assent.902It was otherwise with the proud and defiant Queen Margaret. She was determined to acquiesce in no such arrangement. Whilst she was collecting a force in the north, wherewith to strike one blow for the crown of which her son appeared likely to be robbed, the mayor and aldermen held an extraordinary meeting of the wardens of the livery companies. The king wished to be assured of the temper of the citizens. Would they as a body support him and his council, protect his royal person, and defend the city against those who were raising disturbances in divers parts of the realm? To each and all of these questions the wardens are recorded as having given satisfactory replies,[pg 304]and it was then and there agreed that each alderman should make enquiry as to the number of strangers residing in his ward, and the reasons for their being in the city. Watch was to be kept by night in every ward, a lantern hung outside every dwelling-house, and the city's gates were to be closed every night and guarded by men-at-arms.903Although these measures were avowedly taken on behalf of King Henry, they were, in reality, so many precautions for securing the government in the hands of his rival the Duke of York.The battle of Wakefield, 29 Dec., 1460.The struggle which hitherto had been between two unequal sections of the nobility, each avowing its loyalty to the king, now became a struggle between the two rival Houses of Lancaster and York. Richard, Duke of York, did not live to enjoy the crown, his right to the reversion of which had recently been acknowledged by parliament. Just as the year was drawing to a close he met his death at Wakefield in the first clash with the House of Lancaster, and his head in mockery was set up on one of the city's gates from which he derived his ducal title."Off with his head, and set it on York's gates;So York may overlook the town of York."The second battle of St. Albans, 17 Feb., 1461.When Henry was once restored to liberty and to his queen, after the second battle of St. Albans (17 Feb., 1461), York's son, Edward, Earl of March, who became by his father's death heir to the crown, was immediately proclaimed traitor in the city.904The[pg 305]queen wished for victuals to be sent from the city to her forces at St. Albans, but the carts were seized before they left the city by a mob which refused to let them go in spite of the mayor's entreaties and threats. Margaret's army consisted for the most part of rude northern followers who threatened to sack the city if once allowed within its walls, and the majority of the inhabitants were unwilling to supply the queen with provisions until she had removed her half-disciplined force to a distance from London. With a civilized army at her back it might have been possible for Margaret to have gained a footing in the city.905As matters stood, she deemed it best to accede to the request thus made to her, and to draw off her army.The Earls of March and Warwick admitted into the city, Feb., 1461.It was a fatal mistake, for it gave time for Edward and Warwick to join forces and march on London. The civic authorities, finding how hopeless it was to place further dependence upon Henry, and desiring above all things a stronger government than they could look for under the king, now surrendered the city to his opponents. They had not forsaken the king—he had forsaken them. They would no more of him."He that had Londyn for sake,Wolde no more to hem take."906[pg 306]Edward's claim to the crown recognised, 1 March, 1461.On the 1st March the chancellor called a general assembly of the citizens at Clerkenwell, and explained to them the title by which Edward, Duke of York, laid claim to the crown.907His title was thereupon acknowledged with universal applause, and on the 4th he proceeded to Westminster Palace, accompanied by many of the nobility and commons of the realm,908and was there proclaimed king by the name of Edward IV.
[pg 268]CHAPTER XI.Rivalry between Bedford and Gloucester, 1422.At the death of Henry V the administration of affairs fell into the hands of his two brothers, John, Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester. On the 29th September a writ was issued from Windsor, in the name of the infant on whom the crown of England had devolved, summoning four citizens of London to attend a parliament to be held at Westminster at Martinmas,801and two days afterwards another was addressed to the sheriffs of London, enjoining them to make proclamation for the keeping the king's peace, and authorising them to arrest and imprison rioters until the king and his council should determine upon their punishment.802The precise wishes of the late king as to the respective parts which Bedford and Gloucester were to undertake in the government of the realm are not clearly known, but it is generally thought that he intended the former to govern France, whilst the latter was to act as his vicegerent in England. An attempt to carry out the arrangement was doomed to failure.As soon as parliament met (9 Nov.) it took into consideration the respective claims of the two dukes. Bedford had already (26 Oct.) despatched a letter from Rouen, addressed to the civic authorities,[pg 269]setting forth his right to the government of the realm, as elder brother of the deceased sovereign and as the party most interested in the succession to the crown. Without mentioning Gloucester by name, he warned the citizens against executing orders derogatory to himself. He professed to do this, not from any ambitious designs of his own, but from a wish to preserve intact the laws, usage and customs of the realm.803After some hesitation, parliament resolved to appoint Bedford protector as soon as he should return from France, but that during his absence Gloucester should act for him.804An expedition to start for France, 1 March, 1423.On the 8th February of the new year (1423), the sheriffs of London received orders to make proclamation for all soldiers who were in the king's pay to assemble at Winchelsea by the 1st day of March, as an expedition was to set sail from that port for the purpose of defending the town and castle of Crotoye. The business was pressing and necessitated a repetition of the order to the sheriffs a fortnight later (22 Feb.).805Sir John Mortimer.On the 23rd February William Crowmere, the mayor, William Sevenoke, William Waldene, and John Fray were appointed commissioners to enquire into cases of treason and felony within the city; and two days later they found Sir John Mortimer, who was charged with a treasonable design in favour of the Earl of March, guilty of having broken prison.806He was subsequently convicted of treason both by lords and commons, and sentenced to death.[pg 270]The debts of Henry IV.On the 5th June (1423) the hearts of the citizens were gladdened with the news that they were likely to be repaid some of the money they had advanced to the king's grandfather. Orders were given for all persons to whom Henry IV was indebted at the time of his decease, and who had not yet received from his executors a moiety of the sums due, to send in their bills and tallies to Sir John Pelham and John Leventhorp, two of the king's executors, sitting at the Priory of Saint Mary, Southwark, by the Monday next after Midsummer-day.807We can believe that few orders ever met with readier response from the inhabitants of the city.Gloucester and Beaufort, 1425-1428.At home as well as abroad Gloucester soon made enemies; among them was his own uncle, the Chancellor, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, a wealthy and ambitious prelate. During Gloucester's absence on the continent, whither he had gone to recover the estates of his newly-married wife, the ill-fated Jacqueline of Hainault, Beaufort garrisoned the Tower with creatures of his own. When Gloucester returned mutual recriminations took place, and the mayor was ordered (29 Oct., 1425) to prevent Beaufort entering the city. A riot ensued in which the citizens took the part of the duke, and the bishop had to take refuge in Southwark. The quarrel was patched up for awhile until Bedford, who was sent for, should arrive to act as arbitrator.808He arrived in London on the 10th January, 1426. The citizens, who had more than once been in communication with[pg 271]the duke809during his absence abroad, presented him with a pair of basins, silver-gilt, containing 1,000 marks. The gift, however, does not appear to have been so graciously received as it might have been, for a London alderman records that the donors, for all their liberality, "hadde but lytylle thanke."810End of the quarrel between Gloucester and Beaufort.The two brothers had not met since the death of Henry V. After prolonged negotiations, amodus vivendibetween the parties was arrived at, and Gloucester and the bishop were induced to shake hands. Beaufort left England soon afterwards with the Duke of Bedford, on the plea of making a pilgrimage, and did not return until September, 1428, by which time he had been made a cardinal and appointed papal legate in England. Notwithstanding his legatine authority being unacknowledged by Gloucester and others, the citizens received him on his return "worthily and loyally," riding out to meet him and escorting him into London.811Gloucester loses the favour of the citizens.Gloucester had always been a favourite with the Londoners, until his conduct to his Flemish wife, whom he left behind on the continent to fight her own battles as best as she could, and the undisguised attention he paid to Eleanor Cobham, a lady in his wife's suite, whom he eventually married, estranged their favour. In August, 1424, the Common Council had voted the duke a gift of 500 marks; and two years later—viz., in April, 1426—the citizens raised a sum, variously stated to have been £1,000 and 1,000 marks, for the benefit of his duchess.812The female[pg 272]portion of the community were specially incensed against the duke, and a number of women went the length of presenting themselves before parliament in 1427, with a letter complaining of his behaviour towards his wife. In March of the next year (1428) the citizens themselves followed suit, and drew the attention of parliament, through the mouth of John Symond, their Recorder, to the wretched straits to which the duchess had been reduced, as witnessed her own letters. They begged parliament to consider the best means for recovering for her the lands of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, which had always been places of sure refuge for the English merchant, and the rulers of which had ever been friendly to the king of England. The citizens finally avowed themselves ready to take upon themselves their share in any undertaking the lords and commons of the realm might decide upon.813The siege of Orleans, 1428-1429.In the meantime matters had not gone well with the English in France. In July, 1427, the Earl of Salisbury came over to London for reinforcements.814In September of the following year he was able to inform the City of the success that had attended his recruited army.815He was then within a short distance of Orleans, before which town he shortly afterwards met his death. Bedford continued the siege, but the town held out until May, 1429, when it was relieved by the Maid from the little village of Domremi, and the English army was compelled to retreat.Famine in London, 1429.Whilst Bedford was conducting the siege of Orleans, and Jeanne Darc was meditating how best to[pg 273]relieve the town, the citizens of London were suffering from a severe dearth. At length the Common Council resolved (22 July, 1429) to send agents abroad for the purpose of transmitting all the corn they could lay their hands on to England. The assistance of Bedford, who had by this time been compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, was invoked.816Beaufort joins Bedford in France.Bedford had recently been joined by Beaufort, who had become more than ever an object of hatred to Gloucester, and had lost to a certain extent the goodwill of the nation by the acceptance of a cardinal's hat. He had set out on the 22nd June (1429), carrying with him a small force which he was allowed to raise for the avowed object of prosecuting a Hussite crusade in Bohemia, but which was eventually sent to France.817The question of his position in parliament and the council, now that he was a cardinal, was decided by the parliament which met on the 22nd September.Allowances made to those representing the City in parliament, 1429.Members of parliament representing the City of London had hitherto been allowed a certain amount of cloth and fur trimming at the City's expense, wherewith to dress themselves and their personal attendants in a manner suitable to the position they held. Those who had from time to time been elected members appear to have abused this privilege—where a yard had been given, they had literally taken an ell—and it was now thought to be high time to take steps to check the abuse in future. Accordingly it was ordained by the mayor and aldermen, on the 12th August of this year (and the ordinance met with[pg 274]the approval of the commoners on the 29th day of the same month), that for the future no alderman elected to attend parliament should take out of the chamber or of the commonalty more than ten yards for gown and cloak, at 15s.the yard, and 100s.for fur if the alderman had already served as mayor, otherwise he was to have no more than five marks. Commoners were to be content with five yards of cloth and 33s.4d.for fur. Each alderman, moreover, was to be allowed eight yards of cloth at 28 pence a yard for two personal attendants, and each commoner four yards of the same for one attendant, if the parliament was sitting in London or the neighbourhood, and eight yards for two attendants if parliament was sitting in some more remote place, "as was formerly ordained during the mayoralty of John Michell" (1424-5).818The coronation of Henry VI, 6 Nov., 1429.The condition of France necessitated the early coronation of the young king, whose right to the French crown had been established by the Treaty of Troyes. At his accession to the throne of England Henry VI was but a child of nine months. He was now eight years old. Before he could be crowned King of France, it was necessary that he should first be crowned King of England. Proclamation was accordingly made that he would be crowned on the 6th November following, and that all claims to services should be forthwith laid before the lord steward.819[pg 275]Gregory, to whose chronicle we have had frequent occasion to refer, writing as an eye-witness, gives a full account820of what took place at the ceremony of coronation in Westminster Abbey, and of the banquet that followed; but omits to mention that the citizens put in their usual claim, in accordance with the above proclamation, to serve the king at the banquet as butler. That the claim was actually made we learn from other sources.821We also know that William Estfeld, the recently-elected mayor, received the customary gold cup and ewer used on the occasion, which he afterwards bequeathed to his grandson.822Sets out for France, April, 1430.And is crowned in Paris, Dec., 1431.In April, 1430, the young king left England for France, and remained abroad for nearly two years. On the 10th November he wrote to the mayor and citizens, urging them to advance him the sum of 10,000 marks, as that sum might do him more ease and service at that particular time than double the amount at another. The letter was dated from Rouen, where the court afterwards established itself for a considerable time.823On Sunday, the 12th December, 1431, he made his entry into Paris with great ceremony, and was duly crowned.824The citizens welcome him on his return, 1432.On his return to England early in the following year, he was met by John Welles, the mayor, the aldermen, the sheriffs, and more than 12,000 citizens[pg 276]of London, who rode out on Thursday, the 20th February, as far as Blackheath, and was there presented with the following address:—"Sovereign lord as welcome be ye to your noble Roialme of Englond, and in especial to your notable Cite London oþerwise called your Chambre, as ever was cristen prince to place or people, and of the good and gracioux achevyng of your Coronne of Fraunce, we thank hertlich our lord almyghty which of his endles mercy sende you grace in yoye and prosperite on us and all your other people long for to regne."The mayor and aldermen present him with a gift of £1,000.After hearing the address the king rode to Deptford, where he was met by a procession of 120 rectors and curates of the city, in the richest copes, and 500 secular chaplains in the whitest of surplices, with whom were a like number of monks bearing crosses, tapers and incense, and chanting psalms and antiphons in grateful thanks for his safe return. Thence the royal cavalcade passed through Southwark to the city, where pageants appeared at every turn. The fulsome adulation bestowed upon a lad scarcely ten years of age was enough to turn his young brain. Passing through Cornhill and Chepe, the procession eventually reached St. Paul's. There the king dismounted, and being met by the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten other bishops in their pontifical robes, was led by them to the high altar. Prayers were said and the sacred relics kissed. The king then remounted his horse and made his way to his palace of Westminster, the streets being hung with tapestry and the houses thronged to their roofs with crowds of onlookers, and was there allowed a brief day's rest. On the following Saturday a deputation[pg 277]from the city, headed by the mayor and aldermen, went to the palace and presented Henry with £1,000 of the purest gold, in a gold casket, with these words:—"Most cristen prince the good folk of youre notable Cite of London, otherwise cleped your Chambre, besechen in her most lowely wise that they mowe be recomanded un to yorhynesse, ant þtcan like youre noble grace to resceyve this litell yefte yoven with as good will and lovyng hertes as any yefte was yoven to eny erthly prince."The king having graciously acknowledged the gift, the deputation returned to the city.825Gloucester's attacks on Beaufort and Bedford, 1432-1433.Beaufort, who had returned home in time for the coronation, had again set out for France with the king, and Gloucester took advantage of their absence to renew his attack on his rival. Letters ofprœmunirewere drawn up in anticipation of the cardinal's return, and additional offence was given by the seizure of the cardinal's plate and jewels at Dover. On learning of Gloucester's schemes, Beaufort determined to give up a projected visit to Rome, and to return home in time for the opening of parliament (12th May, 1432).826He desired to learn why he had been thus "strangely demeened" contrary to his deserts. When parliament met and the cardinal asked who were his accusers, Gloucester held his[pg 278]tongue, and the king expressed his confidence in the cardinal's loyalty. In the following year (1433) Bedford appeared before parliament and announced that he had come home to defend himself against false accusations. He understood that the recent losses that had occurred in France were attributed to his neglect. He desired his accusers, of whom he shrewdly suspected Gloucester to be one, to stand forth and prove their charges. Again there was silence, and the duke, like the cardinal, had to rest satisfied with the king's assurance of loyalty.827Financial reform, 1433.The finances of the country were at this time (1433) in the most deplorable condition. It was necessary to exercise the strictest economy. Bedford was the first to set an example of self-denial by offering to discharge the duties of counsellor at a reduced salary. Gloucester followed his brother's example. The archbishops, the cardinal, and the bishops of Lincoln and Ely agreed to render their services without payment. Parliament showed its good will by voting a fifteenth and tenth, but out of the sum thus realised £4,000 was to be applied to the relief of poor towns. The amount of relief which fell to the share of the poorer wards of the City of London was £76 15s.6-1/4d., which was apportioned among eighteen wards. The largest sum allotted was £20, which went to Cordwainer Street Ward, whilst Lime Street Ward received the magnificent relief afforded by the odd farthing.828The mayor, sheriffs and aldermen were called upon to attend in person before the chancellor, in April, 1434, to make oath that they would duly observe a certain[pg 279]article (quendam articulum) which the late parliament had agreed to, but what this article was does not appear in the City's archives.829The death of Bedford, 14 Sept., 1435.Bedford was prevailed upon to remain in England and undertake the office of chief counsellor, but differences again arising between him and Gloucester, which the personal interference of the young king could with difficulty calm, he again set sail for France (June, 1434). His career was fast drawing to an end. Burgundy was intending to desert him as he knew full well, and the knowledge accelerated his end. His death took place at Rouen on the 14th September of the following year (1435).830Calais appeals to London for assistance, 27 June, 1436.With his death England's supremacy in France began to decline, and Henry VI was to lose in that country all or nearly all that had been gained by his doughty predecessor. The defection of Burgundy was followed by the loss of Paris. The chief event of 1436 was the raising of the siege of Calais, which had been invested by the Duke of Burgundy. On the 27th June the mayor and aldermen of Calais, being anxious to get help from the government at home, and finding that according to precedent they could only do so through the mediation of the City of London, addressed a letter to the mayor and aldermen of London imploring them, as the head of "the principal of all the cities of the realm of England," to move the king to send the requisite aid.831In answer to this appeal Henry Frowyk, the mayor, consulted the livery companies, and by their[pg 280]advice sent a contingent to the relief of the town.832The king, too, had been very urgent that the City should raise a force to oppose "the man who stiled himself Duke of Burgundy and Count of Flanders," whilst he took pains to conciliate such Flemings as were living in the city and were ready to take an oath of allegiance.833Gloucester had been appointed captain of Calais for a term of nine years, but before he set sail for its relief the siege had been raised by Edmund Beaufort, Count of Mortain.834A tax imposed on aliens, 1439.An attempt was made in 1439 to bring about a peace, but it failed, and a new tax—a tax upon aliens—had to be imposed for the purpose of raising money in addition to the usual supplies. Every alien householder was called upon to pay sixteen pence, and every alien who was not a householder sixpence, towards the expenses of the country.835The penance of Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's wife, 1441.The streets of the city have witnessed few sadder sights than the penance inflicted on Eleanor Cobham, at one time the mistress, and afterwards—on the dissolution of his marriage with Jacqueline—the wife of Gloucester. The new duchess was aware that in the event of the king's death her husband was next in succession to the throne, and was inclined to anticipate matters. It was a superstitious age, and the duchess invoked the aid of witchcraft to accomplish her wishes. In 1441 her operations, innocent as[pg 281]they were in themselves, however bad their intent, were discovered, and she was condemned to do public penance followed by imprisonment for life. For three days the wretched lady was made to walk the streets, taper in hand and bare-foot (it was November), in the sight of all the citizens, who were forbidden to show her any respect, but, at the same time, were ordered not to molest her.836The latter they were little likely to do. Nay! on each day as she landed at the Temple, at the Swan or at Oueenhithe, the mayor and sheriffs went forth to attend her, accompanied by members of the livery companies.837Yet, not a finger did her husband raise in her defence! He either could not or would not save her.The king's charter to the City, 26 Oct., 1444.By charter, dated the 26th day of October, 1444, the king confirmed the mayor, recorder and certain aldermen as justices of the peace, and, among other things, granted to the corporation the soil of the Thames within the City's liberties.838This grant was not made without some little opposition from the inhabitants of the neighbouring county of Surrey.839Henry's marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 22 April, 1445.The king was now under the influence of William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, by whose intervention a truce with France had been concluded on the 28th May of this year (1444), to last until the 1st April, 1446. In order to strengthen the truce, a marriage[pg 282]was arranged between Henry and Margaret of Anjou. The princess came over to England early in the following year, and was married on the 22nd April (1445). The match was not altogether a popular one; nevertheless, when Margaret passed through the city on her way to be crowned at Westminster, she was received "in the most goodly wise, with alle the citezines on horseback ridyng ayenst hir to the Blackheth in blew gownes and rede hodes."840Jack Cade's rebellion, 1450.The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in popularity. After the deaths of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each other, in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and continued to be so until the loss of the French provinces three years later (1450) raised so much opposition against him that the king was compelled to order his banishment. This was not thought a sufficient punishment by his enemies, and he was taken on the high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his death an attack was made on his supporters. Again the men of Kent rose in revolt; this time under the leadership of an Irish adventurer—Jack Cade—who called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an illegitimate son of the late Earl of March. They mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong (1 June), and then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where parliament had been sitting. Henry on his arrival sent to learn the reason of the gathering, and in reply received a long list of grievances which the rebels intended to amend.841Notwithstanding the[pg 283]boldness of this answer, the king had only to make proclamation that all his true and liege subjects should "a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse in the course of one night. The danger, indeed, seemed to be over. A week later, however, the royal force met a number of the rebels near Sevenoaks, by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by this success, the rebels returned and took up their quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the offer made by the citizens of London to stand by him.842The city prepares to defend itself.The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken steps to put the city into a state of defence. A Common Council met on the 8th June, when it decided that an efficient guard should be placed night and day upon all gates, wharves and lanes leading to the Thames. An enclosure recently erected at "le Crane" on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was ordered to be abated. Balistic machines (fundibula) of all kinds were to be collected on the wharves, whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it was agreed to represent to the king the advisability of limiting the number of his nobles coming into the city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.843On the 26th June the Common Council again met, and it was then decided to send two mounted men to reconnoitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his[pg 284]movements.844Three days later (29 June) orders were given for four men to be selected from each ward to assist the aldermen in preserving the peace. Anyone refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be sent to prison. In spite of all precautions, Cade and his followers succeeded in gaining a footing in the city (3 July), their first action being to sack the house of Philip Malpas.845Cade himself encouraged rather than restrained the excesses of his men. "Now is Mortimer lord of the City," he cried as he struck with his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as London stone.846It is clear that the rebels had friends in the city, otherwise they would never have effected an entrance so easily—"They had othyr men with hem as welle of London as of there owne party."847The matter was made the subject of investigation by the Common Council. Evidence was given by Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on Friday, the 3rd July, the keys of the bridge had been given up, but by whom he knew not. William Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer, had told him that unless the wardens of the bridge opened the gates, the Kentish captain threatened to set fire to the bridge and the city, and that thereupon Thomas Godfrey, a "sporyour," clad in russet, brought the keys and opened the gates.848Mock trials held by the rebels at the Guildhall.On Saturday, the 4th of July, the rebels, who had retired for the night, returned to the city.[pg 285]Robert Horne, alderman of Bridge Ward, who had rendered himself especially obnoxious to the rebels, was made prisoner and sent to Newgate. Sir James Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the Tower to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock trials on those who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, and, after a hasty examination, was conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed. His head, together with those of two others who had that day suffered a similar fate, was set up on London Bridge.Cade apprehended.By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had managed to recover their presence of mind, and sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the leadership of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge. Before they had arrived on the Southwark side of the river they were met by the rebels, and a severe fight took place between the parties on the bridge itself, lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last the rebels were defeated, and the city freed from their presence. Offers of pardon were made and accepted, and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued to plunder and ravage the country, until a price having been put upon his head, he was apprehended by the Sheriff of Kent,849and died the same night from injuries received at his capture. His head was subsequently set up on London Bridge.The question of the succession to the throne.The king had now been married some years, and no heir had appeared. Great uncertainty prevailed[pg 286]as to the right of succession to the throne, and gave rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between Richard, Duke of York, who now for the first time becomes a conspicuous figure on the stage, and Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset. Both of them could claim to be the king's nearest kinsmen, both of them being descendants of Edward III, the one tracing his descent, on his father's side, through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side, through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, whilst the other was the surviving representative of John of Gaunt.Rivalry between the Dukes of York and Somerset, 1450.The king's incapacity to govern without a strong minister at his back, as evinced by his conduct during the recent outbreak, induced both of these nobles to throw up their appointments, the one in Ireland and the other in France, and to hasten home. The Duke of York was the first to reach England, and, in spite of measures which had been taken to intercept him, made his way to London. He was anxious in the first place to clear himself of suspicion of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,850and to this end sought and obtained an interview with the king. Having satisfied Henry on this point, he next proceeded to demand the reform of certain abuses in the government. A short session of parliament, which met on the 6th November, opened with an altercation between the rival dukes. On the 1st December Somerset was placed under arrest; and on the following day his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken into and pillaged. An example was made of one of[pg 287]the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the Standard in Chepe. The Duke of York made a personal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to be made of the heavy pains and penalties which should follow any attempt at robbery. As a further demonstration against lawlessness, the king himself rode through the city a few days later, accompanied by his lords in full panoply, the route being kept by a line of armed citizens on either side of the way. Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a vivid picture of contemporary events, and who was called upon to serve the office of mayor of the city the following year, confesses that the procession on this occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight, "if hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde," for it boded little good.851The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in prison, for immediately after Christmas he was appointed captain of Calais. In 1451 the disasters which followed the English arms in France, when Calais was again threatened, were made an occasion for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He openly avowed his determination to proceed against Somerset, and, joined by the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452). Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin. The duke had hoped that through the influence of his party within the city, the gates would have been flung open on his approach. In this he was disappointed. The majority of the citizens were still loyal to Henry, and by his orders entrance was denied[pg 288]the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.Civil war averted.For a time civil war was avoided, the king promising that Somerset should be again committed to custody until he should answer such charges as York should bring against him. The king, however, failed to keep his word. Somerset was allowed to remain in power, and York was only allowed his liberty after he had consented to swear public allegiance to the king in St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures taken against him would probably have provoked disturbance in the city.852The king's illness, 1453.Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the following year (1453) it entirely gave way. In October the queen bore him a son, after eight years of married life, but though the infant was brought to his father, Henry gave no signs of recognising his presence. The illness of the king, and the birth of an heir to the crown, were events which materially affected the fortunes of the Duke of York. In November the civic authorities prepared for emergencies; every citizen was to provide himself with armour, but he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conversation, and not to provoke tumult by showing favour to this or that lord. Even a proposal that the mayor and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the present juncture.853[pg 289]The City again called upon to assist in the defence of Calais, 1453-1454.Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parliament for the defence of Calais, that town was still in danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a letter was read before the Common Council of the City, emanating from the Lord Welles and the Lord Ryvers, asking for assistance towards putting Calais into a state of defence. Further consideration of the matter was adjourned until the following 4th December. By the 7th day of the same month the Council had consulted the commons, who had declared that owing to their numerous burdens and expenses they could contribute nothing to that end.854This did not prevent a further application being made early in 1454, for contributions towards the defence of Calais if that town were besieged.855Again the commons were consulted, and again they pleaded the excessive burdens they were already called upon to bear, and the losses they had sustained by seizure of their ships and merchandise by the Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for the present to undertake any further charges unless steps were taken for the recovery of their goods.856An answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who declared themselves willing at the same time to bear their share with the rest of the realm.857An appeal made in August of the same year (1454), for the sum of £1,200 for the same purpose, met with similar failure.858The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may judge from the fact that when, in November of this year, an assessment of half a fifteenth was made on the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were[pg 290]in default.859Between the years 1431 and 1451 the citizens had advanced large sums of money to the king, of which more than £3,000 remained in the latter year due to the city.860The Duke of York and his supporters take up their quarters in the city, 1454.A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching. The birth of an heir to the throne urged the Duke of York to take prompt action. Although the majority of the nobles were opposed to him, he had on his side the powerful family of the Nevills, having married Cicely Nevill, sister of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, the head of the family, and father of the still more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of January (1454) the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and others of the duke's supporters, entered the city, each followed by a large force of retainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest son, the Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV.861The Common Council were anxious lest the presence of these nobles in the city should lead to a disturbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be observed both by the mayor and aldermen, as well as by the inhabitants of the city at large. Thewaytes, or watchmen, were ordered to perambulate the streets every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in good humour (pro recreacione hominum), and prevent robbery. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show that disturbances did occasionally arise between the inhabitants and those in the suite of the nobles.862[pg 291]The Duke of York nominated protector, 1454.The king's continued illness necessitated sooner or later the appointment of a regent. For a brief space there seemed a possibility of the regency being claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile, paid court to both parties, the mayor and aldermen one day paying a solemn visit to the queen, attired in their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a similar compliment to the Duke of York.863At length the duke was nominated protector (3 April). Some correspondence ensued between the City, the Duke of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on what subject we know not,864but on the 13th May the mayor and aldermen waited upon the duke to thank him for his favour and goodwill.865The first battle of St. Albans, 22 May, 1455.So long as the king remained an imbecile York was supreme, his rival, Somerset, having been committed to prison at his instigation in December, 1453. Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness, although his convalescence proved of equally short duration, and York's protectorate came to an end. With Henry's restoration came the release of Somerset, and York determined to try conclusions with his rival in the field. At the first battle of St. Albans, fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared for York and Somerset was killed. After the battle York accompanied the king to London and lodged him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's churchyard. The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was for the second time named protector; but in the spring of 1456 he had again to retire upon the king's recovery.[pg 292]A rising against the Lombards in the city, May, 1456.Just when the country was settling down to enjoy a period of comparative quiet, there occurred (May, 1456) in the city one of those sudden outbreaks against the "merchant stranger" residing within the city's walls which too often appear in the annals of London. On this occasion the young mercers of the city rose against the Lombards; why or wherefore we are not told. We only know that these foreigners received such bad treatment that they meditated leaving the city in a body and setting up business elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the citizens, it appears; for two Lombards were ordered to be hanged.866The king, who was at the time at Coventry—whither the queen had caused him to be removed, owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in favour of the Yorkist party—sent for alderman Cantelowe,867a mercer, and promptly committed him to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as having been implicated in the attack on the houses of the Italian merchants.This outbreak was followed by another "hurlynge" between the mercers of the city and those Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on the understanding that they should be allowed to ply[pg 293]their business without molestation until the council or parliament should determine otherwise. In consequence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers were arrested and committed to Windsor Castle.868Letter from the king for safe-guarding the city, 3 Sept., 1456.On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Lichfield to the Mayor, reminding him of the dangers which had recently threatened the city—"the king's chamber"—the government whereof ought to serve as an example to the rest of the kingdom, and enjoining him that thenceforth he should allow no one to enter the city but such as came peaceably, and with moderate retinue, according to his estate and degree, and should take precautions against gatherings of evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach of the peace.869The citizens offer to man and victual ships to punish France, 1457.Notwithstanding the precautions taken to protect the coast, the French made a descent in 1457, and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over 30 ships, great and small, and doing much damage. The citizens of London, to whom the protection of their commerce in the "narrow sea," as the channel was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon took counsel among themselves, and made a proposal to the king and to Bishop Waynflete, the chancellor, to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain ships then lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an expedition to punish the enemy for their boldness. The king thanked them for their patriotic spirit and gave orders for a naval force to join the city contingent from Hull.870[pg 294]A general reconciliation at St. Paul's, 25 March, 1458.In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a reconciliation between the two rival sections of the nobility, and to this end ordered a great council to meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick left his post at Calais, and came over to London to attend the meeting; but he did not arrive until more than a month after the appointed day, and when he came it was with a body of 600 men at his back, "all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte ragged stavis."871He took up his quarters within the city, where he found the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. The young Duke of Somerset and other lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the city for fear of a breach of the peace, and had to find accommodation outside the city's walls.872During the conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day, whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in readiness to assist the aldermen in preserving the king's peace.873The times were critical, but at length all ended well. A grand pacification took place in March, and was solemnized by an imposing procession to St. Paul's, in which York led the queen by the hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more apparent than real, and neither party relaxed their efforts to prepare for renewed hostility.Warwick implicated in a riot, Nov., 1458.Seeks refuge in the city.Leaves for Calais.In August the civic companies were warned against furnishing the confederate lords with any war material, but were to keep their arms and harness at the[pg 295]disposal of the king alone.874It wanted very little to kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into a flame, and this little was soon forthcoming. In November875a riot occurred at Westminster, in which the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in his suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's servants and wounded him. Thereupon others of the king's household, finding their fellow-servant wounded and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his attendants as they left the council to take barge on the river. By dint of hard hitting, the earl managed to embark and to make his way to the city. But the affray was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found it convenient to withdraw soon afterwards to his post at Calais, which thenceforth became the head-quarters of the disaffected lords.Riot between citizens and Templars, April, 1459.In the following April (1459) another affray broke out. This time it was between inhabitants of the city and certain members of the Inns of Court, and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of life. The king hearing of this sent for William Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and kept him in confinement at Windsor until the election of the new mayor, William Hewlyn, in October, by whose intercession he regained his freedom.876The battle of Blore Heath, 23 Sept., 1459.By this time the country was again divided into two hostile camps. A crisis came in September, when the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most inveterate enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force.[pg 296]Lord Audley, sent by the queen to arrest him, was defeated by the earl at Blore Heath (23 Sept., 1459). Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army were themselves compelled to seek security. The Duke of York took refuge in Ireland, and the Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join his father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Salisbury with him.Parliament at Coventry, 20 Nov., 1459.On the 9th October the king issued his writ for a parliament to be held at Coventry on the 20th November. The usual writ was sent to the City of London, but the names of the aldermen and commoners elected to represent the citizens do not appear in the City's records.877The business of the session was the attainder of the Duke of York and his followers, and judgment was passed upon the duke, the Nevills, father and son, the young Earls of March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the date of this writ, the Common Council decided to send a deputation to wait upon the king and assure him of the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for its safe custody.878The king loses favour.The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed their willingness to assist the king by a gift of 1,000 marks.879This gift must have been the more welcome, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly on the increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid. The queen, on the other hand, into whose hands the government of the kingdom had been drawn, was "gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of taxes, talliages and fifteenths, whilst harassing the[pg 297]king's subjects, seemed to make him not a whit the richer, the issues and profits being frittered away. They would have forgiven him had he maintained a household in regal style or spent their money on maintaining the country's honour in the field. As matters were, Henry, by misgovernment, was rapidly losing the hearts of his people, and "theyre blessyng was turned in to cursyng."880Unconstitutional conduct of the king in issuing commissions to raise an army, Jan., 1460.A deputation from the City waits upon the king at Northampton.The City's liberties not to be prejudiced.On the 14th January, 1460, the king issued a commission to the mayor, aldermen and sheriffs for collecting men-at-arms and archers to resist thelateDuke of York and thelateEarls of March, Warwick, Salisbury and Rutland.881Similar commissions were addressed to every township,882and did much harm to the royal cause, now tottering to its fall, as being unconstitutional. They formed the subject of one of the set of articles of complaint drawn up by the Earls of March, Warwick and Salisbury, and addressed by them, on behalf of themselves and the Duke of York, to the archbishop and the commons of England.883Such commissions the lords declared to be an imposition which, if continued, would be "the heaviest charge and worst example that ever grew in England." The city authorities appear to have rested their opposition to the king's commission, not so much on the grounds that they were unwilling to raise a force for his[pg 298]assistance, as that a demand for military aid in such a form might derogate from the city's franchise and liberties. A deputation, consisting of two aldermen, Thomas Urswyk, the Recorder, and one of the under-sheriffs, was sent to Northampton to wait upon the king and council and to explain the views of the citizens in that respect. The interview was of a satisfactory character; and the deputation returned bearing a gracious letter from the king declaring that the City's franchise and liberties should in no way be prejudiced by the commission.884Military precautions taken by the City, Feb., 1460.The citizens deemed it time to look to their own safety, and place their city into a better posture of defence. The master and wardens of the livery companies were exhorted (14 Feb., 1460), on account of the disturbed state of the kingdom, to raise contributions towards the purchase of accoutrements for the safeguard of the city.885The king himself was shortly coming into the city, and measures were taken (28 Feb.) for placing a proper guard over the several gates.886On the 11th May the masters and wardens were summoned, on behalf of the king, to appear before the mayor and aldermen at the Guildhall, to hear a royal proclamation read touching the preservation of the king's peace.887Landing of the confederate earls.The Yorkist Earls of Salisbury, Warwick and March, encouraged by the reports of the state of affairs in England, at length made up their minds to return and strike a blow for the recovery of their[pg 299]estates, which had become forfeited to the king. They set sail from Calais (26 June), and landing at Sandwich made their way without opposition through Kent to London.The Common Council determine to oppose their entrance to the city, 27 June, 1460.On the 27th June, by which time news of their arrival must have reached the city, a Common Council was held, when the commoners who were present solemnly promised to stand by the mayor and aldermen in safe-guarding the city, and resist with all their might the rebels against the lord the king who were about to enter the city contrary to the king's orders. The civic companies somewhat tardily gave their adhesion to the royal cause, and agreed to defend the city. The gates were ordered to be manned, and no one was to be allowed to enter without first saying who and what he was. Strict enquiry was to be made as to the character of strangers residing within each of their wards.888On the following day the Common Council met again and gave orders that the drawbridge of London Bridge should be always kept down, so that victuallers and others might have ready access to the City, but the gateway on the drawbridge was to be kept closed, whilstle wikettwas to be constantly open. A strict watch was to be kept on the new tower889above the bridge by men-at-arms stationed there, who should also be ready to let downle port Colycewhen occasion required.890Meeting of Common Council on Sunday, 29 June.A deputation, moreover, was appointed to set out to meet the Earls of March and Warwick on[pg 300]their way to Northampton, for the purpose of inducing them, if possible, to turn aside and not approach the city. The members were instructed to inform the lords of the king's commands to the citizens to hold the city for him, and to oppose the lords' entry under heavy penalty. This instruction to the deputation was given, we are told, with the approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Norwich, Ely and Exeter, and of the Prior of St. John's, Clerkenwell. The mayor, aldermen and commonalty agreed to stand by any terms which the deputation might be compelled to make. They had not taken this step without first consulting the Lords Scales and Hungerford, and Sir Edmund Hampden, who held the Tower of London for King Henry. The bridge gate was ordered to be closed between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the 28th, and to remain closed till the morning. Even the portcullis was to be kept down if necessary, whilst the mayor and sheriffs, with a certain number of armed men, patrolled the city, and the aldermen kept watch in their several wards.891Notwithstanding the next day being Sunday, the critical state of affairs necessitated a meeting of the Common Council. It was then agreed that if any messenger should arrive from Warwick, no communication should be held with him. Special watches were appointed for the bridge and for Billingsgate by night and day, and so anxious were the authorities to avail themselves of the service of every abled citizen on that Sunday, that no one was allowed to attend Divine Service at St. Paul's.892[pg 301]The Yorkist earls admitted into the city, 2 July, 1460.Up to this point the citizens had shown themselves loyal to Henry. They now began to waver. Early in the morning of the 30th June the mayor and aldermen appear to have changed their minds. The earls had sent them a letter and they resolved to receive it. The contents of this letter are not recorded. On the following day (1 July) another communication from the earls was received. Here again we are left in the dark as to its purport—the City's journals at this period being very imperfect,—we only know that they declined to accede to the request to keep at a distance from London, for the very next day (2 July) they were admitted into the city.893The Tower holds out.The city was thus lost to the king; but the Tower still held out, and no amount of eloquence on the part of certain doctors of divinity, whom the Common Council had appointed to try and arrange matters so as to avoid bloodshed, would induce Lord Scales and his companions to surrender it, although the garrison was hard pressed for victuals.894Nothing was left but to starve them out, and this the Earl of Salisbury proceeded to do, with the aid of the citizens and the boatmen on the river, by whom the Tower was strictly invested by land and water. The Common Council appear to have felt some qualms of conscience in joining in this proceeding, for they caused it to be recorded—as if by way of excuse for their action—that "there seemed to be no other way of preserving the city."895A resolution, moreover, that each alderman should subscribe the sum of £5 towards raising a[pg 302]force to intercept victuals on their way to the Tower was rescinded.896The Tower surrendered, 19 July.Murder of Lord Scales.By the 10th July matters had become so serious with the beleaguered garrison, that a letter was sent to the Common Council, signed by the Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales, Lord Hungerford, Lord Lovell and Sir Edmund Hampden, asking why war was thus being made upon them. To this the Council replied that the lords had brought it upon themselves by firing on the citizens in the first instance, and taking provisions from them without payment.897At last the garrison could hold out no longer, and the Tower was surrendered (19th July). Lord Scales endeavoured to take sanctuary at Westminster, but was seized by river boatmen and barbarously murdered.898Battle of Northampton, 10 July, 1460.Meanwhile the Duke of York had managed to raise a sum of money in the city;899the battle of Northampton had been won and lost (10th July), and Henry had been brought a prisoner to London (16th July). On the same day that the king arrived in London, the mayor, aldermen and commonalty of the City entered into an agreement, under the Common Seal, to abide by any arrangement made between the Earl of Salisbury and the beleaguered lords in the Tower for the surrender of that stronghold.900[pg 303]Measures for restoring confidence in the city.On the 21st July the king, or the Earl of Warwick, in his name, attempted to restore quiet in the city by promising that those who had offended against the king's highness and the common weal of the realm, and had been committed to the Tower, should forthwith receive ample justice. In the meantime all conventicles, assemblies or congregations in breach of the peace were strictly forbidden, and every man was exhorted to repair to his own house, and wait upon his lord or master in whose service he might happen to be.901Parliament of 7 Oct., 1460.The Duke of York's claim to the throne allowed.The Livery Companies declare their allegiance to the king.In October the Duke of York attended parliament and boldly asserted his right to the throne. After hearing arguments for and against his claim, parliament arrived at a compromise by which the reversion of the crown was settled on the duke, and to this the king himself was forced to give his assent.902It was otherwise with the proud and defiant Queen Margaret. She was determined to acquiesce in no such arrangement. Whilst she was collecting a force in the north, wherewith to strike one blow for the crown of which her son appeared likely to be robbed, the mayor and aldermen held an extraordinary meeting of the wardens of the livery companies. The king wished to be assured of the temper of the citizens. Would they as a body support him and his council, protect his royal person, and defend the city against those who were raising disturbances in divers parts of the realm? To each and all of these questions the wardens are recorded as having given satisfactory replies,[pg 304]and it was then and there agreed that each alderman should make enquiry as to the number of strangers residing in his ward, and the reasons for their being in the city. Watch was to be kept by night in every ward, a lantern hung outside every dwelling-house, and the city's gates were to be closed every night and guarded by men-at-arms.903Although these measures were avowedly taken on behalf of King Henry, they were, in reality, so many precautions for securing the government in the hands of his rival the Duke of York.The battle of Wakefield, 29 Dec., 1460.The struggle which hitherto had been between two unequal sections of the nobility, each avowing its loyalty to the king, now became a struggle between the two rival Houses of Lancaster and York. Richard, Duke of York, did not live to enjoy the crown, his right to the reversion of which had recently been acknowledged by parliament. Just as the year was drawing to a close he met his death at Wakefield in the first clash with the House of Lancaster, and his head in mockery was set up on one of the city's gates from which he derived his ducal title."Off with his head, and set it on York's gates;So York may overlook the town of York."The second battle of St. Albans, 17 Feb., 1461.When Henry was once restored to liberty and to his queen, after the second battle of St. Albans (17 Feb., 1461), York's son, Edward, Earl of March, who became by his father's death heir to the crown, was immediately proclaimed traitor in the city.904The[pg 305]queen wished for victuals to be sent from the city to her forces at St. Albans, but the carts were seized before they left the city by a mob which refused to let them go in spite of the mayor's entreaties and threats. Margaret's army consisted for the most part of rude northern followers who threatened to sack the city if once allowed within its walls, and the majority of the inhabitants were unwilling to supply the queen with provisions until she had removed her half-disciplined force to a distance from London. With a civilized army at her back it might have been possible for Margaret to have gained a footing in the city.905As matters stood, she deemed it best to accede to the request thus made to her, and to draw off her army.The Earls of March and Warwick admitted into the city, Feb., 1461.It was a fatal mistake, for it gave time for Edward and Warwick to join forces and march on London. The civic authorities, finding how hopeless it was to place further dependence upon Henry, and desiring above all things a stronger government than they could look for under the king, now surrendered the city to his opponents. They had not forsaken the king—he had forsaken them. They would no more of him."He that had Londyn for sake,Wolde no more to hem take."906[pg 306]Edward's claim to the crown recognised, 1 March, 1461.On the 1st March the chancellor called a general assembly of the citizens at Clerkenwell, and explained to them the title by which Edward, Duke of York, laid claim to the crown.907His title was thereupon acknowledged with universal applause, and on the 4th he proceeded to Westminster Palace, accompanied by many of the nobility and commons of the realm,908and was there proclaimed king by the name of Edward IV.
Rivalry between Bedford and Gloucester, 1422.At the death of Henry V the administration of affairs fell into the hands of his two brothers, John, Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester. On the 29th September a writ was issued from Windsor, in the name of the infant on whom the crown of England had devolved, summoning four citizens of London to attend a parliament to be held at Westminster at Martinmas,801and two days afterwards another was addressed to the sheriffs of London, enjoining them to make proclamation for the keeping the king's peace, and authorising them to arrest and imprison rioters until the king and his council should determine upon their punishment.802The precise wishes of the late king as to the respective parts which Bedford and Gloucester were to undertake in the government of the realm are not clearly known, but it is generally thought that he intended the former to govern France, whilst the latter was to act as his vicegerent in England. An attempt to carry out the arrangement was doomed to failure.As soon as parliament met (9 Nov.) it took into consideration the respective claims of the two dukes. Bedford had already (26 Oct.) despatched a letter from Rouen, addressed to the civic authorities,[pg 269]setting forth his right to the government of the realm, as elder brother of the deceased sovereign and as the party most interested in the succession to the crown. Without mentioning Gloucester by name, he warned the citizens against executing orders derogatory to himself. He professed to do this, not from any ambitious designs of his own, but from a wish to preserve intact the laws, usage and customs of the realm.803After some hesitation, parliament resolved to appoint Bedford protector as soon as he should return from France, but that during his absence Gloucester should act for him.804An expedition to start for France, 1 March, 1423.On the 8th February of the new year (1423), the sheriffs of London received orders to make proclamation for all soldiers who were in the king's pay to assemble at Winchelsea by the 1st day of March, as an expedition was to set sail from that port for the purpose of defending the town and castle of Crotoye. The business was pressing and necessitated a repetition of the order to the sheriffs a fortnight later (22 Feb.).805Sir John Mortimer.On the 23rd February William Crowmere, the mayor, William Sevenoke, William Waldene, and John Fray were appointed commissioners to enquire into cases of treason and felony within the city; and two days later they found Sir John Mortimer, who was charged with a treasonable design in favour of the Earl of March, guilty of having broken prison.806He was subsequently convicted of treason both by lords and commons, and sentenced to death.[pg 270]The debts of Henry IV.On the 5th June (1423) the hearts of the citizens were gladdened with the news that they were likely to be repaid some of the money they had advanced to the king's grandfather. Orders were given for all persons to whom Henry IV was indebted at the time of his decease, and who had not yet received from his executors a moiety of the sums due, to send in their bills and tallies to Sir John Pelham and John Leventhorp, two of the king's executors, sitting at the Priory of Saint Mary, Southwark, by the Monday next after Midsummer-day.807We can believe that few orders ever met with readier response from the inhabitants of the city.Gloucester and Beaufort, 1425-1428.At home as well as abroad Gloucester soon made enemies; among them was his own uncle, the Chancellor, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, a wealthy and ambitious prelate. During Gloucester's absence on the continent, whither he had gone to recover the estates of his newly-married wife, the ill-fated Jacqueline of Hainault, Beaufort garrisoned the Tower with creatures of his own. When Gloucester returned mutual recriminations took place, and the mayor was ordered (29 Oct., 1425) to prevent Beaufort entering the city. A riot ensued in which the citizens took the part of the duke, and the bishop had to take refuge in Southwark. The quarrel was patched up for awhile until Bedford, who was sent for, should arrive to act as arbitrator.808He arrived in London on the 10th January, 1426. The citizens, who had more than once been in communication with[pg 271]the duke809during his absence abroad, presented him with a pair of basins, silver-gilt, containing 1,000 marks. The gift, however, does not appear to have been so graciously received as it might have been, for a London alderman records that the donors, for all their liberality, "hadde but lytylle thanke."810End of the quarrel between Gloucester and Beaufort.The two brothers had not met since the death of Henry V. After prolonged negotiations, amodus vivendibetween the parties was arrived at, and Gloucester and the bishop were induced to shake hands. Beaufort left England soon afterwards with the Duke of Bedford, on the plea of making a pilgrimage, and did not return until September, 1428, by which time he had been made a cardinal and appointed papal legate in England. Notwithstanding his legatine authority being unacknowledged by Gloucester and others, the citizens received him on his return "worthily and loyally," riding out to meet him and escorting him into London.811Gloucester loses the favour of the citizens.Gloucester had always been a favourite with the Londoners, until his conduct to his Flemish wife, whom he left behind on the continent to fight her own battles as best as she could, and the undisguised attention he paid to Eleanor Cobham, a lady in his wife's suite, whom he eventually married, estranged their favour. In August, 1424, the Common Council had voted the duke a gift of 500 marks; and two years later—viz., in April, 1426—the citizens raised a sum, variously stated to have been £1,000 and 1,000 marks, for the benefit of his duchess.812The female[pg 272]portion of the community were specially incensed against the duke, and a number of women went the length of presenting themselves before parliament in 1427, with a letter complaining of his behaviour towards his wife. In March of the next year (1428) the citizens themselves followed suit, and drew the attention of parliament, through the mouth of John Symond, their Recorder, to the wretched straits to which the duchess had been reduced, as witnessed her own letters. They begged parliament to consider the best means for recovering for her the lands of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, which had always been places of sure refuge for the English merchant, and the rulers of which had ever been friendly to the king of England. The citizens finally avowed themselves ready to take upon themselves their share in any undertaking the lords and commons of the realm might decide upon.813The siege of Orleans, 1428-1429.In the meantime matters had not gone well with the English in France. In July, 1427, the Earl of Salisbury came over to London for reinforcements.814In September of the following year he was able to inform the City of the success that had attended his recruited army.815He was then within a short distance of Orleans, before which town he shortly afterwards met his death. Bedford continued the siege, but the town held out until May, 1429, when it was relieved by the Maid from the little village of Domremi, and the English army was compelled to retreat.Famine in London, 1429.Whilst Bedford was conducting the siege of Orleans, and Jeanne Darc was meditating how best to[pg 273]relieve the town, the citizens of London were suffering from a severe dearth. At length the Common Council resolved (22 July, 1429) to send agents abroad for the purpose of transmitting all the corn they could lay their hands on to England. The assistance of Bedford, who had by this time been compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, was invoked.816Beaufort joins Bedford in France.Bedford had recently been joined by Beaufort, who had become more than ever an object of hatred to Gloucester, and had lost to a certain extent the goodwill of the nation by the acceptance of a cardinal's hat. He had set out on the 22nd June (1429), carrying with him a small force which he was allowed to raise for the avowed object of prosecuting a Hussite crusade in Bohemia, but which was eventually sent to France.817The question of his position in parliament and the council, now that he was a cardinal, was decided by the parliament which met on the 22nd September.Allowances made to those representing the City in parliament, 1429.Members of parliament representing the City of London had hitherto been allowed a certain amount of cloth and fur trimming at the City's expense, wherewith to dress themselves and their personal attendants in a manner suitable to the position they held. Those who had from time to time been elected members appear to have abused this privilege—where a yard had been given, they had literally taken an ell—and it was now thought to be high time to take steps to check the abuse in future. Accordingly it was ordained by the mayor and aldermen, on the 12th August of this year (and the ordinance met with[pg 274]the approval of the commoners on the 29th day of the same month), that for the future no alderman elected to attend parliament should take out of the chamber or of the commonalty more than ten yards for gown and cloak, at 15s.the yard, and 100s.for fur if the alderman had already served as mayor, otherwise he was to have no more than five marks. Commoners were to be content with five yards of cloth and 33s.4d.for fur. Each alderman, moreover, was to be allowed eight yards of cloth at 28 pence a yard for two personal attendants, and each commoner four yards of the same for one attendant, if the parliament was sitting in London or the neighbourhood, and eight yards for two attendants if parliament was sitting in some more remote place, "as was formerly ordained during the mayoralty of John Michell" (1424-5).818The coronation of Henry VI, 6 Nov., 1429.The condition of France necessitated the early coronation of the young king, whose right to the French crown had been established by the Treaty of Troyes. At his accession to the throne of England Henry VI was but a child of nine months. He was now eight years old. Before he could be crowned King of France, it was necessary that he should first be crowned King of England. Proclamation was accordingly made that he would be crowned on the 6th November following, and that all claims to services should be forthwith laid before the lord steward.819[pg 275]Gregory, to whose chronicle we have had frequent occasion to refer, writing as an eye-witness, gives a full account820of what took place at the ceremony of coronation in Westminster Abbey, and of the banquet that followed; but omits to mention that the citizens put in their usual claim, in accordance with the above proclamation, to serve the king at the banquet as butler. That the claim was actually made we learn from other sources.821We also know that William Estfeld, the recently-elected mayor, received the customary gold cup and ewer used on the occasion, which he afterwards bequeathed to his grandson.822Sets out for France, April, 1430.And is crowned in Paris, Dec., 1431.In April, 1430, the young king left England for France, and remained abroad for nearly two years. On the 10th November he wrote to the mayor and citizens, urging them to advance him the sum of 10,000 marks, as that sum might do him more ease and service at that particular time than double the amount at another. The letter was dated from Rouen, where the court afterwards established itself for a considerable time.823On Sunday, the 12th December, 1431, he made his entry into Paris with great ceremony, and was duly crowned.824The citizens welcome him on his return, 1432.On his return to England early in the following year, he was met by John Welles, the mayor, the aldermen, the sheriffs, and more than 12,000 citizens[pg 276]of London, who rode out on Thursday, the 20th February, as far as Blackheath, and was there presented with the following address:—"Sovereign lord as welcome be ye to your noble Roialme of Englond, and in especial to your notable Cite London oþerwise called your Chambre, as ever was cristen prince to place or people, and of the good and gracioux achevyng of your Coronne of Fraunce, we thank hertlich our lord almyghty which of his endles mercy sende you grace in yoye and prosperite on us and all your other people long for to regne."The mayor and aldermen present him with a gift of £1,000.After hearing the address the king rode to Deptford, where he was met by a procession of 120 rectors and curates of the city, in the richest copes, and 500 secular chaplains in the whitest of surplices, with whom were a like number of monks bearing crosses, tapers and incense, and chanting psalms and antiphons in grateful thanks for his safe return. Thence the royal cavalcade passed through Southwark to the city, where pageants appeared at every turn. The fulsome adulation bestowed upon a lad scarcely ten years of age was enough to turn his young brain. Passing through Cornhill and Chepe, the procession eventually reached St. Paul's. There the king dismounted, and being met by the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten other bishops in their pontifical robes, was led by them to the high altar. Prayers were said and the sacred relics kissed. The king then remounted his horse and made his way to his palace of Westminster, the streets being hung with tapestry and the houses thronged to their roofs with crowds of onlookers, and was there allowed a brief day's rest. On the following Saturday a deputation[pg 277]from the city, headed by the mayor and aldermen, went to the palace and presented Henry with £1,000 of the purest gold, in a gold casket, with these words:—"Most cristen prince the good folk of youre notable Cite of London, otherwise cleped your Chambre, besechen in her most lowely wise that they mowe be recomanded un to yorhynesse, ant þtcan like youre noble grace to resceyve this litell yefte yoven with as good will and lovyng hertes as any yefte was yoven to eny erthly prince."The king having graciously acknowledged the gift, the deputation returned to the city.825Gloucester's attacks on Beaufort and Bedford, 1432-1433.Beaufort, who had returned home in time for the coronation, had again set out for France with the king, and Gloucester took advantage of their absence to renew his attack on his rival. Letters ofprœmunirewere drawn up in anticipation of the cardinal's return, and additional offence was given by the seizure of the cardinal's plate and jewels at Dover. On learning of Gloucester's schemes, Beaufort determined to give up a projected visit to Rome, and to return home in time for the opening of parliament (12th May, 1432).826He desired to learn why he had been thus "strangely demeened" contrary to his deserts. When parliament met and the cardinal asked who were his accusers, Gloucester held his[pg 278]tongue, and the king expressed his confidence in the cardinal's loyalty. In the following year (1433) Bedford appeared before parliament and announced that he had come home to defend himself against false accusations. He understood that the recent losses that had occurred in France were attributed to his neglect. He desired his accusers, of whom he shrewdly suspected Gloucester to be one, to stand forth and prove their charges. Again there was silence, and the duke, like the cardinal, had to rest satisfied with the king's assurance of loyalty.827Financial reform, 1433.The finances of the country were at this time (1433) in the most deplorable condition. It was necessary to exercise the strictest economy. Bedford was the first to set an example of self-denial by offering to discharge the duties of counsellor at a reduced salary. Gloucester followed his brother's example. The archbishops, the cardinal, and the bishops of Lincoln and Ely agreed to render their services without payment. Parliament showed its good will by voting a fifteenth and tenth, but out of the sum thus realised £4,000 was to be applied to the relief of poor towns. The amount of relief which fell to the share of the poorer wards of the City of London was £76 15s.6-1/4d., which was apportioned among eighteen wards. The largest sum allotted was £20, which went to Cordwainer Street Ward, whilst Lime Street Ward received the magnificent relief afforded by the odd farthing.828The mayor, sheriffs and aldermen were called upon to attend in person before the chancellor, in April, 1434, to make oath that they would duly observe a certain[pg 279]article (quendam articulum) which the late parliament had agreed to, but what this article was does not appear in the City's archives.829The death of Bedford, 14 Sept., 1435.Bedford was prevailed upon to remain in England and undertake the office of chief counsellor, but differences again arising between him and Gloucester, which the personal interference of the young king could with difficulty calm, he again set sail for France (June, 1434). His career was fast drawing to an end. Burgundy was intending to desert him as he knew full well, and the knowledge accelerated his end. His death took place at Rouen on the 14th September of the following year (1435).830Calais appeals to London for assistance, 27 June, 1436.With his death England's supremacy in France began to decline, and Henry VI was to lose in that country all or nearly all that had been gained by his doughty predecessor. The defection of Burgundy was followed by the loss of Paris. The chief event of 1436 was the raising of the siege of Calais, which had been invested by the Duke of Burgundy. On the 27th June the mayor and aldermen of Calais, being anxious to get help from the government at home, and finding that according to precedent they could only do so through the mediation of the City of London, addressed a letter to the mayor and aldermen of London imploring them, as the head of "the principal of all the cities of the realm of England," to move the king to send the requisite aid.831In answer to this appeal Henry Frowyk, the mayor, consulted the livery companies, and by their[pg 280]advice sent a contingent to the relief of the town.832The king, too, had been very urgent that the City should raise a force to oppose "the man who stiled himself Duke of Burgundy and Count of Flanders," whilst he took pains to conciliate such Flemings as were living in the city and were ready to take an oath of allegiance.833Gloucester had been appointed captain of Calais for a term of nine years, but before he set sail for its relief the siege had been raised by Edmund Beaufort, Count of Mortain.834A tax imposed on aliens, 1439.An attempt was made in 1439 to bring about a peace, but it failed, and a new tax—a tax upon aliens—had to be imposed for the purpose of raising money in addition to the usual supplies. Every alien householder was called upon to pay sixteen pence, and every alien who was not a householder sixpence, towards the expenses of the country.835The penance of Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's wife, 1441.The streets of the city have witnessed few sadder sights than the penance inflicted on Eleanor Cobham, at one time the mistress, and afterwards—on the dissolution of his marriage with Jacqueline—the wife of Gloucester. The new duchess was aware that in the event of the king's death her husband was next in succession to the throne, and was inclined to anticipate matters. It was a superstitious age, and the duchess invoked the aid of witchcraft to accomplish her wishes. In 1441 her operations, innocent as[pg 281]they were in themselves, however bad their intent, were discovered, and she was condemned to do public penance followed by imprisonment for life. For three days the wretched lady was made to walk the streets, taper in hand and bare-foot (it was November), in the sight of all the citizens, who were forbidden to show her any respect, but, at the same time, were ordered not to molest her.836The latter they were little likely to do. Nay! on each day as she landed at the Temple, at the Swan or at Oueenhithe, the mayor and sheriffs went forth to attend her, accompanied by members of the livery companies.837Yet, not a finger did her husband raise in her defence! He either could not or would not save her.The king's charter to the City, 26 Oct., 1444.By charter, dated the 26th day of October, 1444, the king confirmed the mayor, recorder and certain aldermen as justices of the peace, and, among other things, granted to the corporation the soil of the Thames within the City's liberties.838This grant was not made without some little opposition from the inhabitants of the neighbouring county of Surrey.839Henry's marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 22 April, 1445.The king was now under the influence of William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, by whose intervention a truce with France had been concluded on the 28th May of this year (1444), to last until the 1st April, 1446. In order to strengthen the truce, a marriage[pg 282]was arranged between Henry and Margaret of Anjou. The princess came over to England early in the following year, and was married on the 22nd April (1445). The match was not altogether a popular one; nevertheless, when Margaret passed through the city on her way to be crowned at Westminster, she was received "in the most goodly wise, with alle the citezines on horseback ridyng ayenst hir to the Blackheth in blew gownes and rede hodes."840Jack Cade's rebellion, 1450.The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in popularity. After the deaths of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each other, in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and continued to be so until the loss of the French provinces three years later (1450) raised so much opposition against him that the king was compelled to order his banishment. This was not thought a sufficient punishment by his enemies, and he was taken on the high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his death an attack was made on his supporters. Again the men of Kent rose in revolt; this time under the leadership of an Irish adventurer—Jack Cade—who called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an illegitimate son of the late Earl of March. They mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong (1 June), and then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where parliament had been sitting. Henry on his arrival sent to learn the reason of the gathering, and in reply received a long list of grievances which the rebels intended to amend.841Notwithstanding the[pg 283]boldness of this answer, the king had only to make proclamation that all his true and liege subjects should "a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse in the course of one night. The danger, indeed, seemed to be over. A week later, however, the royal force met a number of the rebels near Sevenoaks, by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by this success, the rebels returned and took up their quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the offer made by the citizens of London to stand by him.842The city prepares to defend itself.The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken steps to put the city into a state of defence. A Common Council met on the 8th June, when it decided that an efficient guard should be placed night and day upon all gates, wharves and lanes leading to the Thames. An enclosure recently erected at "le Crane" on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was ordered to be abated. Balistic machines (fundibula) of all kinds were to be collected on the wharves, whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it was agreed to represent to the king the advisability of limiting the number of his nobles coming into the city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.843On the 26th June the Common Council again met, and it was then decided to send two mounted men to reconnoitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his[pg 284]movements.844Three days later (29 June) orders were given for four men to be selected from each ward to assist the aldermen in preserving the peace. Anyone refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be sent to prison. In spite of all precautions, Cade and his followers succeeded in gaining a footing in the city (3 July), their first action being to sack the house of Philip Malpas.845Cade himself encouraged rather than restrained the excesses of his men. "Now is Mortimer lord of the City," he cried as he struck with his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as London stone.846It is clear that the rebels had friends in the city, otherwise they would never have effected an entrance so easily—"They had othyr men with hem as welle of London as of there owne party."847The matter was made the subject of investigation by the Common Council. Evidence was given by Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on Friday, the 3rd July, the keys of the bridge had been given up, but by whom he knew not. William Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer, had told him that unless the wardens of the bridge opened the gates, the Kentish captain threatened to set fire to the bridge and the city, and that thereupon Thomas Godfrey, a "sporyour," clad in russet, brought the keys and opened the gates.848Mock trials held by the rebels at the Guildhall.On Saturday, the 4th of July, the rebels, who had retired for the night, returned to the city.[pg 285]Robert Horne, alderman of Bridge Ward, who had rendered himself especially obnoxious to the rebels, was made prisoner and sent to Newgate. Sir James Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the Tower to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock trials on those who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, and, after a hasty examination, was conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed. His head, together with those of two others who had that day suffered a similar fate, was set up on London Bridge.Cade apprehended.By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had managed to recover their presence of mind, and sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the leadership of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge. Before they had arrived on the Southwark side of the river they were met by the rebels, and a severe fight took place between the parties on the bridge itself, lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last the rebels were defeated, and the city freed from their presence. Offers of pardon were made and accepted, and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued to plunder and ravage the country, until a price having been put upon his head, he was apprehended by the Sheriff of Kent,849and died the same night from injuries received at his capture. His head was subsequently set up on London Bridge.The question of the succession to the throne.The king had now been married some years, and no heir had appeared. Great uncertainty prevailed[pg 286]as to the right of succession to the throne, and gave rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between Richard, Duke of York, who now for the first time becomes a conspicuous figure on the stage, and Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset. Both of them could claim to be the king's nearest kinsmen, both of them being descendants of Edward III, the one tracing his descent, on his father's side, through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side, through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, whilst the other was the surviving representative of John of Gaunt.Rivalry between the Dukes of York and Somerset, 1450.The king's incapacity to govern without a strong minister at his back, as evinced by his conduct during the recent outbreak, induced both of these nobles to throw up their appointments, the one in Ireland and the other in France, and to hasten home. The Duke of York was the first to reach England, and, in spite of measures which had been taken to intercept him, made his way to London. He was anxious in the first place to clear himself of suspicion of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,850and to this end sought and obtained an interview with the king. Having satisfied Henry on this point, he next proceeded to demand the reform of certain abuses in the government. A short session of parliament, which met on the 6th November, opened with an altercation between the rival dukes. On the 1st December Somerset was placed under arrest; and on the following day his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken into and pillaged. An example was made of one of[pg 287]the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the Standard in Chepe. The Duke of York made a personal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to be made of the heavy pains and penalties which should follow any attempt at robbery. As a further demonstration against lawlessness, the king himself rode through the city a few days later, accompanied by his lords in full panoply, the route being kept by a line of armed citizens on either side of the way. Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a vivid picture of contemporary events, and who was called upon to serve the office of mayor of the city the following year, confesses that the procession on this occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight, "if hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde," for it boded little good.851The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in prison, for immediately after Christmas he was appointed captain of Calais. In 1451 the disasters which followed the English arms in France, when Calais was again threatened, were made an occasion for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He openly avowed his determination to proceed against Somerset, and, joined by the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452). Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin. The duke had hoped that through the influence of his party within the city, the gates would have been flung open on his approach. In this he was disappointed. The majority of the citizens were still loyal to Henry, and by his orders entrance was denied[pg 288]the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.Civil war averted.For a time civil war was avoided, the king promising that Somerset should be again committed to custody until he should answer such charges as York should bring against him. The king, however, failed to keep his word. Somerset was allowed to remain in power, and York was only allowed his liberty after he had consented to swear public allegiance to the king in St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures taken against him would probably have provoked disturbance in the city.852The king's illness, 1453.Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the following year (1453) it entirely gave way. In October the queen bore him a son, after eight years of married life, but though the infant was brought to his father, Henry gave no signs of recognising his presence. The illness of the king, and the birth of an heir to the crown, were events which materially affected the fortunes of the Duke of York. In November the civic authorities prepared for emergencies; every citizen was to provide himself with armour, but he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conversation, and not to provoke tumult by showing favour to this or that lord. Even a proposal that the mayor and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the present juncture.853[pg 289]The City again called upon to assist in the defence of Calais, 1453-1454.Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parliament for the defence of Calais, that town was still in danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a letter was read before the Common Council of the City, emanating from the Lord Welles and the Lord Ryvers, asking for assistance towards putting Calais into a state of defence. Further consideration of the matter was adjourned until the following 4th December. By the 7th day of the same month the Council had consulted the commons, who had declared that owing to their numerous burdens and expenses they could contribute nothing to that end.854This did not prevent a further application being made early in 1454, for contributions towards the defence of Calais if that town were besieged.855Again the commons were consulted, and again they pleaded the excessive burdens they were already called upon to bear, and the losses they had sustained by seizure of their ships and merchandise by the Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for the present to undertake any further charges unless steps were taken for the recovery of their goods.856An answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who declared themselves willing at the same time to bear their share with the rest of the realm.857An appeal made in August of the same year (1454), for the sum of £1,200 for the same purpose, met with similar failure.858The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may judge from the fact that when, in November of this year, an assessment of half a fifteenth was made on the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were[pg 290]in default.859Between the years 1431 and 1451 the citizens had advanced large sums of money to the king, of which more than £3,000 remained in the latter year due to the city.860The Duke of York and his supporters take up their quarters in the city, 1454.A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching. The birth of an heir to the throne urged the Duke of York to take prompt action. Although the majority of the nobles were opposed to him, he had on his side the powerful family of the Nevills, having married Cicely Nevill, sister of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, the head of the family, and father of the still more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of January (1454) the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and others of the duke's supporters, entered the city, each followed by a large force of retainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest son, the Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV.861The Common Council were anxious lest the presence of these nobles in the city should lead to a disturbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be observed both by the mayor and aldermen, as well as by the inhabitants of the city at large. Thewaytes, or watchmen, were ordered to perambulate the streets every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in good humour (pro recreacione hominum), and prevent robbery. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show that disturbances did occasionally arise between the inhabitants and those in the suite of the nobles.862[pg 291]The Duke of York nominated protector, 1454.The king's continued illness necessitated sooner or later the appointment of a regent. For a brief space there seemed a possibility of the regency being claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile, paid court to both parties, the mayor and aldermen one day paying a solemn visit to the queen, attired in their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a similar compliment to the Duke of York.863At length the duke was nominated protector (3 April). Some correspondence ensued between the City, the Duke of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on what subject we know not,864but on the 13th May the mayor and aldermen waited upon the duke to thank him for his favour and goodwill.865The first battle of St. Albans, 22 May, 1455.So long as the king remained an imbecile York was supreme, his rival, Somerset, having been committed to prison at his instigation in December, 1453. Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness, although his convalescence proved of equally short duration, and York's protectorate came to an end. With Henry's restoration came the release of Somerset, and York determined to try conclusions with his rival in the field. At the first battle of St. Albans, fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared for York and Somerset was killed. After the battle York accompanied the king to London and lodged him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's churchyard. The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was for the second time named protector; but in the spring of 1456 he had again to retire upon the king's recovery.[pg 292]A rising against the Lombards in the city, May, 1456.Just when the country was settling down to enjoy a period of comparative quiet, there occurred (May, 1456) in the city one of those sudden outbreaks against the "merchant stranger" residing within the city's walls which too often appear in the annals of London. On this occasion the young mercers of the city rose against the Lombards; why or wherefore we are not told. We only know that these foreigners received such bad treatment that they meditated leaving the city in a body and setting up business elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the citizens, it appears; for two Lombards were ordered to be hanged.866The king, who was at the time at Coventry—whither the queen had caused him to be removed, owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in favour of the Yorkist party—sent for alderman Cantelowe,867a mercer, and promptly committed him to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as having been implicated in the attack on the houses of the Italian merchants.This outbreak was followed by another "hurlynge" between the mercers of the city and those Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on the understanding that they should be allowed to ply[pg 293]their business without molestation until the council or parliament should determine otherwise. In consequence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers were arrested and committed to Windsor Castle.868Letter from the king for safe-guarding the city, 3 Sept., 1456.On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Lichfield to the Mayor, reminding him of the dangers which had recently threatened the city—"the king's chamber"—the government whereof ought to serve as an example to the rest of the kingdom, and enjoining him that thenceforth he should allow no one to enter the city but such as came peaceably, and with moderate retinue, according to his estate and degree, and should take precautions against gatherings of evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach of the peace.869The citizens offer to man and victual ships to punish France, 1457.Notwithstanding the precautions taken to protect the coast, the French made a descent in 1457, and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over 30 ships, great and small, and doing much damage. The citizens of London, to whom the protection of their commerce in the "narrow sea," as the channel was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon took counsel among themselves, and made a proposal to the king and to Bishop Waynflete, the chancellor, to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain ships then lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an expedition to punish the enemy for their boldness. The king thanked them for their patriotic spirit and gave orders for a naval force to join the city contingent from Hull.870[pg 294]A general reconciliation at St. Paul's, 25 March, 1458.In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a reconciliation between the two rival sections of the nobility, and to this end ordered a great council to meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick left his post at Calais, and came over to London to attend the meeting; but he did not arrive until more than a month after the appointed day, and when he came it was with a body of 600 men at his back, "all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte ragged stavis."871He took up his quarters within the city, where he found the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. The young Duke of Somerset and other lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the city for fear of a breach of the peace, and had to find accommodation outside the city's walls.872During the conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day, whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in readiness to assist the aldermen in preserving the king's peace.873The times were critical, but at length all ended well. A grand pacification took place in March, and was solemnized by an imposing procession to St. Paul's, in which York led the queen by the hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more apparent than real, and neither party relaxed their efforts to prepare for renewed hostility.Warwick implicated in a riot, Nov., 1458.Seeks refuge in the city.Leaves for Calais.In August the civic companies were warned against furnishing the confederate lords with any war material, but were to keep their arms and harness at the[pg 295]disposal of the king alone.874It wanted very little to kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into a flame, and this little was soon forthcoming. In November875a riot occurred at Westminster, in which the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in his suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's servants and wounded him. Thereupon others of the king's household, finding their fellow-servant wounded and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his attendants as they left the council to take barge on the river. By dint of hard hitting, the earl managed to embark and to make his way to the city. But the affray was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found it convenient to withdraw soon afterwards to his post at Calais, which thenceforth became the head-quarters of the disaffected lords.Riot between citizens and Templars, April, 1459.In the following April (1459) another affray broke out. This time it was between inhabitants of the city and certain members of the Inns of Court, and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of life. The king hearing of this sent for William Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and kept him in confinement at Windsor until the election of the new mayor, William Hewlyn, in October, by whose intercession he regained his freedom.876The battle of Blore Heath, 23 Sept., 1459.By this time the country was again divided into two hostile camps. A crisis came in September, when the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most inveterate enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force.[pg 296]Lord Audley, sent by the queen to arrest him, was defeated by the earl at Blore Heath (23 Sept., 1459). Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army were themselves compelled to seek security. The Duke of York took refuge in Ireland, and the Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join his father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Salisbury with him.Parliament at Coventry, 20 Nov., 1459.On the 9th October the king issued his writ for a parliament to be held at Coventry on the 20th November. The usual writ was sent to the City of London, but the names of the aldermen and commoners elected to represent the citizens do not appear in the City's records.877The business of the session was the attainder of the Duke of York and his followers, and judgment was passed upon the duke, the Nevills, father and son, the young Earls of March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the date of this writ, the Common Council decided to send a deputation to wait upon the king and assure him of the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for its safe custody.878The king loses favour.The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed their willingness to assist the king by a gift of 1,000 marks.879This gift must have been the more welcome, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly on the increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid. The queen, on the other hand, into whose hands the government of the kingdom had been drawn, was "gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of taxes, talliages and fifteenths, whilst harassing the[pg 297]king's subjects, seemed to make him not a whit the richer, the issues and profits being frittered away. They would have forgiven him had he maintained a household in regal style or spent their money on maintaining the country's honour in the field. As matters were, Henry, by misgovernment, was rapidly losing the hearts of his people, and "theyre blessyng was turned in to cursyng."880Unconstitutional conduct of the king in issuing commissions to raise an army, Jan., 1460.A deputation from the City waits upon the king at Northampton.The City's liberties not to be prejudiced.On the 14th January, 1460, the king issued a commission to the mayor, aldermen and sheriffs for collecting men-at-arms and archers to resist thelateDuke of York and thelateEarls of March, Warwick, Salisbury and Rutland.881Similar commissions were addressed to every township,882and did much harm to the royal cause, now tottering to its fall, as being unconstitutional. They formed the subject of one of the set of articles of complaint drawn up by the Earls of March, Warwick and Salisbury, and addressed by them, on behalf of themselves and the Duke of York, to the archbishop and the commons of England.883Such commissions the lords declared to be an imposition which, if continued, would be "the heaviest charge and worst example that ever grew in England." The city authorities appear to have rested their opposition to the king's commission, not so much on the grounds that they were unwilling to raise a force for his[pg 298]assistance, as that a demand for military aid in such a form might derogate from the city's franchise and liberties. A deputation, consisting of two aldermen, Thomas Urswyk, the Recorder, and one of the under-sheriffs, was sent to Northampton to wait upon the king and council and to explain the views of the citizens in that respect. The interview was of a satisfactory character; and the deputation returned bearing a gracious letter from the king declaring that the City's franchise and liberties should in no way be prejudiced by the commission.884Military precautions taken by the City, Feb., 1460.The citizens deemed it time to look to their own safety, and place their city into a better posture of defence. The master and wardens of the livery companies were exhorted (14 Feb., 1460), on account of the disturbed state of the kingdom, to raise contributions towards the purchase of accoutrements for the safeguard of the city.885The king himself was shortly coming into the city, and measures were taken (28 Feb.) for placing a proper guard over the several gates.886On the 11th May the masters and wardens were summoned, on behalf of the king, to appear before the mayor and aldermen at the Guildhall, to hear a royal proclamation read touching the preservation of the king's peace.887Landing of the confederate earls.The Yorkist Earls of Salisbury, Warwick and March, encouraged by the reports of the state of affairs in England, at length made up their minds to return and strike a blow for the recovery of their[pg 299]estates, which had become forfeited to the king. They set sail from Calais (26 June), and landing at Sandwich made their way without opposition through Kent to London.The Common Council determine to oppose their entrance to the city, 27 June, 1460.On the 27th June, by which time news of their arrival must have reached the city, a Common Council was held, when the commoners who were present solemnly promised to stand by the mayor and aldermen in safe-guarding the city, and resist with all their might the rebels against the lord the king who were about to enter the city contrary to the king's orders. The civic companies somewhat tardily gave their adhesion to the royal cause, and agreed to defend the city. The gates were ordered to be manned, and no one was to be allowed to enter without first saying who and what he was. Strict enquiry was to be made as to the character of strangers residing within each of their wards.888On the following day the Common Council met again and gave orders that the drawbridge of London Bridge should be always kept down, so that victuallers and others might have ready access to the City, but the gateway on the drawbridge was to be kept closed, whilstle wikettwas to be constantly open. A strict watch was to be kept on the new tower889above the bridge by men-at-arms stationed there, who should also be ready to let downle port Colycewhen occasion required.890Meeting of Common Council on Sunday, 29 June.A deputation, moreover, was appointed to set out to meet the Earls of March and Warwick on[pg 300]their way to Northampton, for the purpose of inducing them, if possible, to turn aside and not approach the city. The members were instructed to inform the lords of the king's commands to the citizens to hold the city for him, and to oppose the lords' entry under heavy penalty. This instruction to the deputation was given, we are told, with the approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Norwich, Ely and Exeter, and of the Prior of St. John's, Clerkenwell. The mayor, aldermen and commonalty agreed to stand by any terms which the deputation might be compelled to make. They had not taken this step without first consulting the Lords Scales and Hungerford, and Sir Edmund Hampden, who held the Tower of London for King Henry. The bridge gate was ordered to be closed between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the 28th, and to remain closed till the morning. Even the portcullis was to be kept down if necessary, whilst the mayor and sheriffs, with a certain number of armed men, patrolled the city, and the aldermen kept watch in their several wards.891Notwithstanding the next day being Sunday, the critical state of affairs necessitated a meeting of the Common Council. It was then agreed that if any messenger should arrive from Warwick, no communication should be held with him. Special watches were appointed for the bridge and for Billingsgate by night and day, and so anxious were the authorities to avail themselves of the service of every abled citizen on that Sunday, that no one was allowed to attend Divine Service at St. Paul's.892[pg 301]The Yorkist earls admitted into the city, 2 July, 1460.Up to this point the citizens had shown themselves loyal to Henry. They now began to waver. Early in the morning of the 30th June the mayor and aldermen appear to have changed their minds. The earls had sent them a letter and they resolved to receive it. The contents of this letter are not recorded. On the following day (1 July) another communication from the earls was received. Here again we are left in the dark as to its purport—the City's journals at this period being very imperfect,—we only know that they declined to accede to the request to keep at a distance from London, for the very next day (2 July) they were admitted into the city.893The Tower holds out.The city was thus lost to the king; but the Tower still held out, and no amount of eloquence on the part of certain doctors of divinity, whom the Common Council had appointed to try and arrange matters so as to avoid bloodshed, would induce Lord Scales and his companions to surrender it, although the garrison was hard pressed for victuals.894Nothing was left but to starve them out, and this the Earl of Salisbury proceeded to do, with the aid of the citizens and the boatmen on the river, by whom the Tower was strictly invested by land and water. The Common Council appear to have felt some qualms of conscience in joining in this proceeding, for they caused it to be recorded—as if by way of excuse for their action—that "there seemed to be no other way of preserving the city."895A resolution, moreover, that each alderman should subscribe the sum of £5 towards raising a[pg 302]force to intercept victuals on their way to the Tower was rescinded.896The Tower surrendered, 19 July.Murder of Lord Scales.By the 10th July matters had become so serious with the beleaguered garrison, that a letter was sent to the Common Council, signed by the Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales, Lord Hungerford, Lord Lovell and Sir Edmund Hampden, asking why war was thus being made upon them. To this the Council replied that the lords had brought it upon themselves by firing on the citizens in the first instance, and taking provisions from them without payment.897At last the garrison could hold out no longer, and the Tower was surrendered (19th July). Lord Scales endeavoured to take sanctuary at Westminster, but was seized by river boatmen and barbarously murdered.898Battle of Northampton, 10 July, 1460.Meanwhile the Duke of York had managed to raise a sum of money in the city;899the battle of Northampton had been won and lost (10th July), and Henry had been brought a prisoner to London (16th July). On the same day that the king arrived in London, the mayor, aldermen and commonalty of the City entered into an agreement, under the Common Seal, to abide by any arrangement made between the Earl of Salisbury and the beleaguered lords in the Tower for the surrender of that stronghold.900[pg 303]Measures for restoring confidence in the city.On the 21st July the king, or the Earl of Warwick, in his name, attempted to restore quiet in the city by promising that those who had offended against the king's highness and the common weal of the realm, and had been committed to the Tower, should forthwith receive ample justice. In the meantime all conventicles, assemblies or congregations in breach of the peace were strictly forbidden, and every man was exhorted to repair to his own house, and wait upon his lord or master in whose service he might happen to be.901Parliament of 7 Oct., 1460.The Duke of York's claim to the throne allowed.The Livery Companies declare their allegiance to the king.In October the Duke of York attended parliament and boldly asserted his right to the throne. After hearing arguments for and against his claim, parliament arrived at a compromise by which the reversion of the crown was settled on the duke, and to this the king himself was forced to give his assent.902It was otherwise with the proud and defiant Queen Margaret. She was determined to acquiesce in no such arrangement. Whilst she was collecting a force in the north, wherewith to strike one blow for the crown of which her son appeared likely to be robbed, the mayor and aldermen held an extraordinary meeting of the wardens of the livery companies. The king wished to be assured of the temper of the citizens. Would they as a body support him and his council, protect his royal person, and defend the city against those who were raising disturbances in divers parts of the realm? To each and all of these questions the wardens are recorded as having given satisfactory replies,[pg 304]and it was then and there agreed that each alderman should make enquiry as to the number of strangers residing in his ward, and the reasons for their being in the city. Watch was to be kept by night in every ward, a lantern hung outside every dwelling-house, and the city's gates were to be closed every night and guarded by men-at-arms.903Although these measures were avowedly taken on behalf of King Henry, they were, in reality, so many precautions for securing the government in the hands of his rival the Duke of York.The battle of Wakefield, 29 Dec., 1460.The struggle which hitherto had been between two unequal sections of the nobility, each avowing its loyalty to the king, now became a struggle between the two rival Houses of Lancaster and York. Richard, Duke of York, did not live to enjoy the crown, his right to the reversion of which had recently been acknowledged by parliament. Just as the year was drawing to a close he met his death at Wakefield in the first clash with the House of Lancaster, and his head in mockery was set up on one of the city's gates from which he derived his ducal title."Off with his head, and set it on York's gates;So York may overlook the town of York."The second battle of St. Albans, 17 Feb., 1461.When Henry was once restored to liberty and to his queen, after the second battle of St. Albans (17 Feb., 1461), York's son, Edward, Earl of March, who became by his father's death heir to the crown, was immediately proclaimed traitor in the city.904The[pg 305]queen wished for victuals to be sent from the city to her forces at St. Albans, but the carts were seized before they left the city by a mob which refused to let them go in spite of the mayor's entreaties and threats. Margaret's army consisted for the most part of rude northern followers who threatened to sack the city if once allowed within its walls, and the majority of the inhabitants were unwilling to supply the queen with provisions until she had removed her half-disciplined force to a distance from London. With a civilized army at her back it might have been possible for Margaret to have gained a footing in the city.905As matters stood, she deemed it best to accede to the request thus made to her, and to draw off her army.The Earls of March and Warwick admitted into the city, Feb., 1461.It was a fatal mistake, for it gave time for Edward and Warwick to join forces and march on London. The civic authorities, finding how hopeless it was to place further dependence upon Henry, and desiring above all things a stronger government than they could look for under the king, now surrendered the city to his opponents. They had not forsaken the king—he had forsaken them. They would no more of him."He that had Londyn for sake,Wolde no more to hem take."906[pg 306]Edward's claim to the crown recognised, 1 March, 1461.On the 1st March the chancellor called a general assembly of the citizens at Clerkenwell, and explained to them the title by which Edward, Duke of York, laid claim to the crown.907His title was thereupon acknowledged with universal applause, and on the 4th he proceeded to Westminster Palace, accompanied by many of the nobility and commons of the realm,908and was there proclaimed king by the name of Edward IV.
Rivalry between Bedford and Gloucester, 1422.
Rivalry between Bedford and Gloucester, 1422.
At the death of Henry V the administration of affairs fell into the hands of his two brothers, John, Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester. On the 29th September a writ was issued from Windsor, in the name of the infant on whom the crown of England had devolved, summoning four citizens of London to attend a parliament to be held at Westminster at Martinmas,801and two days afterwards another was addressed to the sheriffs of London, enjoining them to make proclamation for the keeping the king's peace, and authorising them to arrest and imprison rioters until the king and his council should determine upon their punishment.802The precise wishes of the late king as to the respective parts which Bedford and Gloucester were to undertake in the government of the realm are not clearly known, but it is generally thought that he intended the former to govern France, whilst the latter was to act as his vicegerent in England. An attempt to carry out the arrangement was doomed to failure.
As soon as parliament met (9 Nov.) it took into consideration the respective claims of the two dukes. Bedford had already (26 Oct.) despatched a letter from Rouen, addressed to the civic authorities,[pg 269]setting forth his right to the government of the realm, as elder brother of the deceased sovereign and as the party most interested in the succession to the crown. Without mentioning Gloucester by name, he warned the citizens against executing orders derogatory to himself. He professed to do this, not from any ambitious designs of his own, but from a wish to preserve intact the laws, usage and customs of the realm.803After some hesitation, parliament resolved to appoint Bedford protector as soon as he should return from France, but that during his absence Gloucester should act for him.804
An expedition to start for France, 1 March, 1423.
An expedition to start for France, 1 March, 1423.
On the 8th February of the new year (1423), the sheriffs of London received orders to make proclamation for all soldiers who were in the king's pay to assemble at Winchelsea by the 1st day of March, as an expedition was to set sail from that port for the purpose of defending the town and castle of Crotoye. The business was pressing and necessitated a repetition of the order to the sheriffs a fortnight later (22 Feb.).805
Sir John Mortimer.
Sir John Mortimer.
On the 23rd February William Crowmere, the mayor, William Sevenoke, William Waldene, and John Fray were appointed commissioners to enquire into cases of treason and felony within the city; and two days later they found Sir John Mortimer, who was charged with a treasonable design in favour of the Earl of March, guilty of having broken prison.806He was subsequently convicted of treason both by lords and commons, and sentenced to death.
The debts of Henry IV.
The debts of Henry IV.
On the 5th June (1423) the hearts of the citizens were gladdened with the news that they were likely to be repaid some of the money they had advanced to the king's grandfather. Orders were given for all persons to whom Henry IV was indebted at the time of his decease, and who had not yet received from his executors a moiety of the sums due, to send in their bills and tallies to Sir John Pelham and John Leventhorp, two of the king's executors, sitting at the Priory of Saint Mary, Southwark, by the Monday next after Midsummer-day.807We can believe that few orders ever met with readier response from the inhabitants of the city.
Gloucester and Beaufort, 1425-1428.
Gloucester and Beaufort, 1425-1428.
At home as well as abroad Gloucester soon made enemies; among them was his own uncle, the Chancellor, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, a wealthy and ambitious prelate. During Gloucester's absence on the continent, whither he had gone to recover the estates of his newly-married wife, the ill-fated Jacqueline of Hainault, Beaufort garrisoned the Tower with creatures of his own. When Gloucester returned mutual recriminations took place, and the mayor was ordered (29 Oct., 1425) to prevent Beaufort entering the city. A riot ensued in which the citizens took the part of the duke, and the bishop had to take refuge in Southwark. The quarrel was patched up for awhile until Bedford, who was sent for, should arrive to act as arbitrator.808He arrived in London on the 10th January, 1426. The citizens, who had more than once been in communication with[pg 271]the duke809during his absence abroad, presented him with a pair of basins, silver-gilt, containing 1,000 marks. The gift, however, does not appear to have been so graciously received as it might have been, for a London alderman records that the donors, for all their liberality, "hadde but lytylle thanke."810
End of the quarrel between Gloucester and Beaufort.
End of the quarrel between Gloucester and Beaufort.
The two brothers had not met since the death of Henry V. After prolonged negotiations, amodus vivendibetween the parties was arrived at, and Gloucester and the bishop were induced to shake hands. Beaufort left England soon afterwards with the Duke of Bedford, on the plea of making a pilgrimage, and did not return until September, 1428, by which time he had been made a cardinal and appointed papal legate in England. Notwithstanding his legatine authority being unacknowledged by Gloucester and others, the citizens received him on his return "worthily and loyally," riding out to meet him and escorting him into London.811
Gloucester loses the favour of the citizens.
Gloucester loses the favour of the citizens.
Gloucester had always been a favourite with the Londoners, until his conduct to his Flemish wife, whom he left behind on the continent to fight her own battles as best as she could, and the undisguised attention he paid to Eleanor Cobham, a lady in his wife's suite, whom he eventually married, estranged their favour. In August, 1424, the Common Council had voted the duke a gift of 500 marks; and two years later—viz., in April, 1426—the citizens raised a sum, variously stated to have been £1,000 and 1,000 marks, for the benefit of his duchess.812The female[pg 272]portion of the community were specially incensed against the duke, and a number of women went the length of presenting themselves before parliament in 1427, with a letter complaining of his behaviour towards his wife. In March of the next year (1428) the citizens themselves followed suit, and drew the attention of parliament, through the mouth of John Symond, their Recorder, to the wretched straits to which the duchess had been reduced, as witnessed her own letters. They begged parliament to consider the best means for recovering for her the lands of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, which had always been places of sure refuge for the English merchant, and the rulers of which had ever been friendly to the king of England. The citizens finally avowed themselves ready to take upon themselves their share in any undertaking the lords and commons of the realm might decide upon.813
The siege of Orleans, 1428-1429.
The siege of Orleans, 1428-1429.
In the meantime matters had not gone well with the English in France. In July, 1427, the Earl of Salisbury came over to London for reinforcements.814In September of the following year he was able to inform the City of the success that had attended his recruited army.815He was then within a short distance of Orleans, before which town he shortly afterwards met his death. Bedford continued the siege, but the town held out until May, 1429, when it was relieved by the Maid from the little village of Domremi, and the English army was compelled to retreat.
Famine in London, 1429.
Famine in London, 1429.
Whilst Bedford was conducting the siege of Orleans, and Jeanne Darc was meditating how best to[pg 273]relieve the town, the citizens of London were suffering from a severe dearth. At length the Common Council resolved (22 July, 1429) to send agents abroad for the purpose of transmitting all the corn they could lay their hands on to England. The assistance of Bedford, who had by this time been compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, was invoked.816
Beaufort joins Bedford in France.
Beaufort joins Bedford in France.
Bedford had recently been joined by Beaufort, who had become more than ever an object of hatred to Gloucester, and had lost to a certain extent the goodwill of the nation by the acceptance of a cardinal's hat. He had set out on the 22nd June (1429), carrying with him a small force which he was allowed to raise for the avowed object of prosecuting a Hussite crusade in Bohemia, but which was eventually sent to France.817The question of his position in parliament and the council, now that he was a cardinal, was decided by the parliament which met on the 22nd September.
Allowances made to those representing the City in parliament, 1429.
Allowances made to those representing the City in parliament, 1429.
Members of parliament representing the City of London had hitherto been allowed a certain amount of cloth and fur trimming at the City's expense, wherewith to dress themselves and their personal attendants in a manner suitable to the position they held. Those who had from time to time been elected members appear to have abused this privilege—where a yard had been given, they had literally taken an ell—and it was now thought to be high time to take steps to check the abuse in future. Accordingly it was ordained by the mayor and aldermen, on the 12th August of this year (and the ordinance met with[pg 274]the approval of the commoners on the 29th day of the same month), that for the future no alderman elected to attend parliament should take out of the chamber or of the commonalty more than ten yards for gown and cloak, at 15s.the yard, and 100s.for fur if the alderman had already served as mayor, otherwise he was to have no more than five marks. Commoners were to be content with five yards of cloth and 33s.4d.for fur. Each alderman, moreover, was to be allowed eight yards of cloth at 28 pence a yard for two personal attendants, and each commoner four yards of the same for one attendant, if the parliament was sitting in London or the neighbourhood, and eight yards for two attendants if parliament was sitting in some more remote place, "as was formerly ordained during the mayoralty of John Michell" (1424-5).818
The coronation of Henry VI, 6 Nov., 1429.
The coronation of Henry VI, 6 Nov., 1429.
The condition of France necessitated the early coronation of the young king, whose right to the French crown had been established by the Treaty of Troyes. At his accession to the throne of England Henry VI was but a child of nine months. He was now eight years old. Before he could be crowned King of France, it was necessary that he should first be crowned King of England. Proclamation was accordingly made that he would be crowned on the 6th November following, and that all claims to services should be forthwith laid before the lord steward.819[pg 275]Gregory, to whose chronicle we have had frequent occasion to refer, writing as an eye-witness, gives a full account820of what took place at the ceremony of coronation in Westminster Abbey, and of the banquet that followed; but omits to mention that the citizens put in their usual claim, in accordance with the above proclamation, to serve the king at the banquet as butler. That the claim was actually made we learn from other sources.821We also know that William Estfeld, the recently-elected mayor, received the customary gold cup and ewer used on the occasion, which he afterwards bequeathed to his grandson.822
Sets out for France, April, 1430.
Sets out for France, April, 1430.
And is crowned in Paris, Dec., 1431.
And is crowned in Paris, Dec., 1431.
In April, 1430, the young king left England for France, and remained abroad for nearly two years. On the 10th November he wrote to the mayor and citizens, urging them to advance him the sum of 10,000 marks, as that sum might do him more ease and service at that particular time than double the amount at another. The letter was dated from Rouen, where the court afterwards established itself for a considerable time.823On Sunday, the 12th December, 1431, he made his entry into Paris with great ceremony, and was duly crowned.824
The citizens welcome him on his return, 1432.
The citizens welcome him on his return, 1432.
On his return to England early in the following year, he was met by John Welles, the mayor, the aldermen, the sheriffs, and more than 12,000 citizens[pg 276]of London, who rode out on Thursday, the 20th February, as far as Blackheath, and was there presented with the following address:—
"Sovereign lord as welcome be ye to your noble Roialme of Englond, and in especial to your notable Cite London oþerwise called your Chambre, as ever was cristen prince to place or people, and of the good and gracioux achevyng of your Coronne of Fraunce, we thank hertlich our lord almyghty which of his endles mercy sende you grace in yoye and prosperite on us and all your other people long for to regne."
The mayor and aldermen present him with a gift of £1,000.
The mayor and aldermen present him with a gift of £1,000.
After hearing the address the king rode to Deptford, where he was met by a procession of 120 rectors and curates of the city, in the richest copes, and 500 secular chaplains in the whitest of surplices, with whom were a like number of monks bearing crosses, tapers and incense, and chanting psalms and antiphons in grateful thanks for his safe return. Thence the royal cavalcade passed through Southwark to the city, where pageants appeared at every turn. The fulsome adulation bestowed upon a lad scarcely ten years of age was enough to turn his young brain. Passing through Cornhill and Chepe, the procession eventually reached St. Paul's. There the king dismounted, and being met by the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten other bishops in their pontifical robes, was led by them to the high altar. Prayers were said and the sacred relics kissed. The king then remounted his horse and made his way to his palace of Westminster, the streets being hung with tapestry and the houses thronged to their roofs with crowds of onlookers, and was there allowed a brief day's rest. On the following Saturday a deputation[pg 277]from the city, headed by the mayor and aldermen, went to the palace and presented Henry with £1,000 of the purest gold, in a gold casket, with these words:—
"Most cristen prince the good folk of youre notable Cite of London, otherwise cleped your Chambre, besechen in her most lowely wise that they mowe be recomanded un to yorhynesse, ant þtcan like youre noble grace to resceyve this litell yefte yoven with as good will and lovyng hertes as any yefte was yoven to eny erthly prince."
The king having graciously acknowledged the gift, the deputation returned to the city.825
Gloucester's attacks on Beaufort and Bedford, 1432-1433.
Gloucester's attacks on Beaufort and Bedford, 1432-1433.
Beaufort, who had returned home in time for the coronation, had again set out for France with the king, and Gloucester took advantage of their absence to renew his attack on his rival. Letters ofprœmunirewere drawn up in anticipation of the cardinal's return, and additional offence was given by the seizure of the cardinal's plate and jewels at Dover. On learning of Gloucester's schemes, Beaufort determined to give up a projected visit to Rome, and to return home in time for the opening of parliament (12th May, 1432).826He desired to learn why he had been thus "strangely demeened" contrary to his deserts. When parliament met and the cardinal asked who were his accusers, Gloucester held his[pg 278]tongue, and the king expressed his confidence in the cardinal's loyalty. In the following year (1433) Bedford appeared before parliament and announced that he had come home to defend himself against false accusations. He understood that the recent losses that had occurred in France were attributed to his neglect. He desired his accusers, of whom he shrewdly suspected Gloucester to be one, to stand forth and prove their charges. Again there was silence, and the duke, like the cardinal, had to rest satisfied with the king's assurance of loyalty.827
Financial reform, 1433.
Financial reform, 1433.
The finances of the country were at this time (1433) in the most deplorable condition. It was necessary to exercise the strictest economy. Bedford was the first to set an example of self-denial by offering to discharge the duties of counsellor at a reduced salary. Gloucester followed his brother's example. The archbishops, the cardinal, and the bishops of Lincoln and Ely agreed to render their services without payment. Parliament showed its good will by voting a fifteenth and tenth, but out of the sum thus realised £4,000 was to be applied to the relief of poor towns. The amount of relief which fell to the share of the poorer wards of the City of London was £76 15s.6-1/4d., which was apportioned among eighteen wards. The largest sum allotted was £20, which went to Cordwainer Street Ward, whilst Lime Street Ward received the magnificent relief afforded by the odd farthing.828The mayor, sheriffs and aldermen were called upon to attend in person before the chancellor, in April, 1434, to make oath that they would duly observe a certain[pg 279]article (quendam articulum) which the late parliament had agreed to, but what this article was does not appear in the City's archives.829
The death of Bedford, 14 Sept., 1435.
The death of Bedford, 14 Sept., 1435.
Bedford was prevailed upon to remain in England and undertake the office of chief counsellor, but differences again arising between him and Gloucester, which the personal interference of the young king could with difficulty calm, he again set sail for France (June, 1434). His career was fast drawing to an end. Burgundy was intending to desert him as he knew full well, and the knowledge accelerated his end. His death took place at Rouen on the 14th September of the following year (1435).830
Calais appeals to London for assistance, 27 June, 1436.
Calais appeals to London for assistance, 27 June, 1436.
With his death England's supremacy in France began to decline, and Henry VI was to lose in that country all or nearly all that had been gained by his doughty predecessor. The defection of Burgundy was followed by the loss of Paris. The chief event of 1436 was the raising of the siege of Calais, which had been invested by the Duke of Burgundy. On the 27th June the mayor and aldermen of Calais, being anxious to get help from the government at home, and finding that according to precedent they could only do so through the mediation of the City of London, addressed a letter to the mayor and aldermen of London imploring them, as the head of "the principal of all the cities of the realm of England," to move the king to send the requisite aid.831
In answer to this appeal Henry Frowyk, the mayor, consulted the livery companies, and by their[pg 280]advice sent a contingent to the relief of the town.832The king, too, had been very urgent that the City should raise a force to oppose "the man who stiled himself Duke of Burgundy and Count of Flanders," whilst he took pains to conciliate such Flemings as were living in the city and were ready to take an oath of allegiance.833Gloucester had been appointed captain of Calais for a term of nine years, but before he set sail for its relief the siege had been raised by Edmund Beaufort, Count of Mortain.834
A tax imposed on aliens, 1439.
A tax imposed on aliens, 1439.
An attempt was made in 1439 to bring about a peace, but it failed, and a new tax—a tax upon aliens—had to be imposed for the purpose of raising money in addition to the usual supplies. Every alien householder was called upon to pay sixteen pence, and every alien who was not a householder sixpence, towards the expenses of the country.835
The penance of Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's wife, 1441.
The penance of Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's wife, 1441.
The streets of the city have witnessed few sadder sights than the penance inflicted on Eleanor Cobham, at one time the mistress, and afterwards—on the dissolution of his marriage with Jacqueline—the wife of Gloucester. The new duchess was aware that in the event of the king's death her husband was next in succession to the throne, and was inclined to anticipate matters. It was a superstitious age, and the duchess invoked the aid of witchcraft to accomplish her wishes. In 1441 her operations, innocent as[pg 281]they were in themselves, however bad their intent, were discovered, and she was condemned to do public penance followed by imprisonment for life. For three days the wretched lady was made to walk the streets, taper in hand and bare-foot (it was November), in the sight of all the citizens, who were forbidden to show her any respect, but, at the same time, were ordered not to molest her.836The latter they were little likely to do. Nay! on each day as she landed at the Temple, at the Swan or at Oueenhithe, the mayor and sheriffs went forth to attend her, accompanied by members of the livery companies.837Yet, not a finger did her husband raise in her defence! He either could not or would not save her.
The king's charter to the City, 26 Oct., 1444.
The king's charter to the City, 26 Oct., 1444.
By charter, dated the 26th day of October, 1444, the king confirmed the mayor, recorder and certain aldermen as justices of the peace, and, among other things, granted to the corporation the soil of the Thames within the City's liberties.838This grant was not made without some little opposition from the inhabitants of the neighbouring county of Surrey.839
Henry's marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 22 April, 1445.
Henry's marriage with Margaret of Anjou, 22 April, 1445.
The king was now under the influence of William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, by whose intervention a truce with France had been concluded on the 28th May of this year (1444), to last until the 1st April, 1446. In order to strengthen the truce, a marriage[pg 282]was arranged between Henry and Margaret of Anjou. The princess came over to England early in the following year, and was married on the 22nd April (1445). The match was not altogether a popular one; nevertheless, when Margaret passed through the city on her way to be crowned at Westminster, she was received "in the most goodly wise, with alle the citezines on horseback ridyng ayenst hir to the Blackheth in blew gownes and rede hodes."840
Jack Cade's rebellion, 1450.
Jack Cade's rebellion, 1450.
The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in popularity. After the deaths of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each other, in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and continued to be so until the loss of the French provinces three years later (1450) raised so much opposition against him that the king was compelled to order his banishment. This was not thought a sufficient punishment by his enemies, and he was taken on the high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his death an attack was made on his supporters. Again the men of Kent rose in revolt; this time under the leadership of an Irish adventurer—Jack Cade—who called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an illegitimate son of the late Earl of March. They mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong (1 June), and then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where parliament had been sitting. Henry on his arrival sent to learn the reason of the gathering, and in reply received a long list of grievances which the rebels intended to amend.841Notwithstanding the[pg 283]boldness of this answer, the king had only to make proclamation that all his true and liege subjects should "a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse in the course of one night. The danger, indeed, seemed to be over. A week later, however, the royal force met a number of the rebels near Sevenoaks, by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by this success, the rebels returned and took up their quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the offer made by the citizens of London to stand by him.842
The city prepares to defend itself.
The city prepares to defend itself.
The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken steps to put the city into a state of defence. A Common Council met on the 8th June, when it decided that an efficient guard should be placed night and day upon all gates, wharves and lanes leading to the Thames. An enclosure recently erected at "le Crane" on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was ordered to be abated. Balistic machines (fundibula) of all kinds were to be collected on the wharves, whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it was agreed to represent to the king the advisability of limiting the number of his nobles coming into the city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.843On the 26th June the Common Council again met, and it was then decided to send two mounted men to reconnoitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his[pg 284]movements.844Three days later (29 June) orders were given for four men to be selected from each ward to assist the aldermen in preserving the peace. Anyone refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be sent to prison. In spite of all precautions, Cade and his followers succeeded in gaining a footing in the city (3 July), their first action being to sack the house of Philip Malpas.845Cade himself encouraged rather than restrained the excesses of his men. "Now is Mortimer lord of the City," he cried as he struck with his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as London stone.846It is clear that the rebels had friends in the city, otherwise they would never have effected an entrance so easily—"They had othyr men with hem as welle of London as of there owne party."847The matter was made the subject of investigation by the Common Council. Evidence was given by Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on Friday, the 3rd July, the keys of the bridge had been given up, but by whom he knew not. William Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer, had told him that unless the wardens of the bridge opened the gates, the Kentish captain threatened to set fire to the bridge and the city, and that thereupon Thomas Godfrey, a "sporyour," clad in russet, brought the keys and opened the gates.848
Mock trials held by the rebels at the Guildhall.
Mock trials held by the rebels at the Guildhall.
On Saturday, the 4th of July, the rebels, who had retired for the night, returned to the city.[pg 285]Robert Horne, alderman of Bridge Ward, who had rendered himself especially obnoxious to the rebels, was made prisoner and sent to Newgate. Sir James Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the Tower to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock trials on those who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, and, after a hasty examination, was conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed. His head, together with those of two others who had that day suffered a similar fate, was set up on London Bridge.
Cade apprehended.
Cade apprehended.
By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had managed to recover their presence of mind, and sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the leadership of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge. Before they had arrived on the Southwark side of the river they were met by the rebels, and a severe fight took place between the parties on the bridge itself, lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last the rebels were defeated, and the city freed from their presence. Offers of pardon were made and accepted, and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued to plunder and ravage the country, until a price having been put upon his head, he was apprehended by the Sheriff of Kent,849and died the same night from injuries received at his capture. His head was subsequently set up on London Bridge.
The question of the succession to the throne.
The question of the succession to the throne.
The king had now been married some years, and no heir had appeared. Great uncertainty prevailed[pg 286]as to the right of succession to the throne, and gave rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between Richard, Duke of York, who now for the first time becomes a conspicuous figure on the stage, and Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset. Both of them could claim to be the king's nearest kinsmen, both of them being descendants of Edward III, the one tracing his descent, on his father's side, through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side, through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, whilst the other was the surviving representative of John of Gaunt.
Rivalry between the Dukes of York and Somerset, 1450.
Rivalry between the Dukes of York and Somerset, 1450.
The king's incapacity to govern without a strong minister at his back, as evinced by his conduct during the recent outbreak, induced both of these nobles to throw up their appointments, the one in Ireland and the other in France, and to hasten home. The Duke of York was the first to reach England, and, in spite of measures which had been taken to intercept him, made his way to London. He was anxious in the first place to clear himself of suspicion of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,850and to this end sought and obtained an interview with the king. Having satisfied Henry on this point, he next proceeded to demand the reform of certain abuses in the government. A short session of parliament, which met on the 6th November, opened with an altercation between the rival dukes. On the 1st December Somerset was placed under arrest; and on the following day his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken into and pillaged. An example was made of one of[pg 287]the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the Standard in Chepe. The Duke of York made a personal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to be made of the heavy pains and penalties which should follow any attempt at robbery. As a further demonstration against lawlessness, the king himself rode through the city a few days later, accompanied by his lords in full panoply, the route being kept by a line of armed citizens on either side of the way. Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a vivid picture of contemporary events, and who was called upon to serve the office of mayor of the city the following year, confesses that the procession on this occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight, "if hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde," for it boded little good.851
The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in prison, for immediately after Christmas he was appointed captain of Calais. In 1451 the disasters which followed the English arms in France, when Calais was again threatened, were made an occasion for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He openly avowed his determination to proceed against Somerset, and, joined by the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452). Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin. The duke had hoped that through the influence of his party within the city, the gates would have been flung open on his approach. In this he was disappointed. The majority of the citizens were still loyal to Henry, and by his orders entrance was denied[pg 288]the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.
Civil war averted.
Civil war averted.
For a time civil war was avoided, the king promising that Somerset should be again committed to custody until he should answer such charges as York should bring against him. The king, however, failed to keep his word. Somerset was allowed to remain in power, and York was only allowed his liberty after he had consented to swear public allegiance to the king in St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures taken against him would probably have provoked disturbance in the city.852
The king's illness, 1453.
The king's illness, 1453.
Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the following year (1453) it entirely gave way. In October the queen bore him a son, after eight years of married life, but though the infant was brought to his father, Henry gave no signs of recognising his presence. The illness of the king, and the birth of an heir to the crown, were events which materially affected the fortunes of the Duke of York. In November the civic authorities prepared for emergencies; every citizen was to provide himself with armour, but he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conversation, and not to provoke tumult by showing favour to this or that lord. Even a proposal that the mayor and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the present juncture.853
The City again called upon to assist in the defence of Calais, 1453-1454.
The City again called upon to assist in the defence of Calais, 1453-1454.
Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parliament for the defence of Calais, that town was still in danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a letter was read before the Common Council of the City, emanating from the Lord Welles and the Lord Ryvers, asking for assistance towards putting Calais into a state of defence. Further consideration of the matter was adjourned until the following 4th December. By the 7th day of the same month the Council had consulted the commons, who had declared that owing to their numerous burdens and expenses they could contribute nothing to that end.854This did not prevent a further application being made early in 1454, for contributions towards the defence of Calais if that town were besieged.855Again the commons were consulted, and again they pleaded the excessive burdens they were already called upon to bear, and the losses they had sustained by seizure of their ships and merchandise by the Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for the present to undertake any further charges unless steps were taken for the recovery of their goods.856An answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who declared themselves willing at the same time to bear their share with the rest of the realm.857An appeal made in August of the same year (1454), for the sum of £1,200 for the same purpose, met with similar failure.858
The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may judge from the fact that when, in November of this year, an assessment of half a fifteenth was made on the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were[pg 290]in default.859Between the years 1431 and 1451 the citizens had advanced large sums of money to the king, of which more than £3,000 remained in the latter year due to the city.860
The Duke of York and his supporters take up their quarters in the city, 1454.
The Duke of York and his supporters take up their quarters in the city, 1454.
A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching. The birth of an heir to the throne urged the Duke of York to take prompt action. Although the majority of the nobles were opposed to him, he had on his side the powerful family of the Nevills, having married Cicely Nevill, sister of Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, the head of the family, and father of the still more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of January (1454) the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and others of the duke's supporters, entered the city, each followed by a large force of retainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest son, the Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV.861
The Common Council were anxious lest the presence of these nobles in the city should lead to a disturbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be observed both by the mayor and aldermen, as well as by the inhabitants of the city at large. Thewaytes, or watchmen, were ordered to perambulate the streets every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in good humour (pro recreacione hominum), and prevent robbery. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show that disturbances did occasionally arise between the inhabitants and those in the suite of the nobles.862
The Duke of York nominated protector, 1454.
The Duke of York nominated protector, 1454.
The king's continued illness necessitated sooner or later the appointment of a regent. For a brief space there seemed a possibility of the regency being claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile, paid court to both parties, the mayor and aldermen one day paying a solemn visit to the queen, attired in their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a similar compliment to the Duke of York.863At length the duke was nominated protector (3 April). Some correspondence ensued between the City, the Duke of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on what subject we know not,864but on the 13th May the mayor and aldermen waited upon the duke to thank him for his favour and goodwill.865
The first battle of St. Albans, 22 May, 1455.
The first battle of St. Albans, 22 May, 1455.
So long as the king remained an imbecile York was supreme, his rival, Somerset, having been committed to prison at his instigation in December, 1453. Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness, although his convalescence proved of equally short duration, and York's protectorate came to an end. With Henry's restoration came the release of Somerset, and York determined to try conclusions with his rival in the field. At the first battle of St. Albans, fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared for York and Somerset was killed. After the battle York accompanied the king to London and lodged him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's churchyard. The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was for the second time named protector; but in the spring of 1456 he had again to retire upon the king's recovery.
A rising against the Lombards in the city, May, 1456.
A rising against the Lombards in the city, May, 1456.
Just when the country was settling down to enjoy a period of comparative quiet, there occurred (May, 1456) in the city one of those sudden outbreaks against the "merchant stranger" residing within the city's walls which too often appear in the annals of London. On this occasion the young mercers of the city rose against the Lombards; why or wherefore we are not told. We only know that these foreigners received such bad treatment that they meditated leaving the city in a body and setting up business elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the citizens, it appears; for two Lombards were ordered to be hanged.866
The king, who was at the time at Coventry—whither the queen had caused him to be removed, owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in favour of the Yorkist party—sent for alderman Cantelowe,867a mercer, and promptly committed him to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as having been implicated in the attack on the houses of the Italian merchants.
This outbreak was followed by another "hurlynge" between the mercers of the city and those Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on the understanding that they should be allowed to ply[pg 293]their business without molestation until the council or parliament should determine otherwise. In consequence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers were arrested and committed to Windsor Castle.868
Letter from the king for safe-guarding the city, 3 Sept., 1456.
Letter from the king for safe-guarding the city, 3 Sept., 1456.
On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Lichfield to the Mayor, reminding him of the dangers which had recently threatened the city—"the king's chamber"—the government whereof ought to serve as an example to the rest of the kingdom, and enjoining him that thenceforth he should allow no one to enter the city but such as came peaceably, and with moderate retinue, according to his estate and degree, and should take precautions against gatherings of evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach of the peace.869
The citizens offer to man and victual ships to punish France, 1457.
The citizens offer to man and victual ships to punish France, 1457.
Notwithstanding the precautions taken to protect the coast, the French made a descent in 1457, and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over 30 ships, great and small, and doing much damage. The citizens of London, to whom the protection of their commerce in the "narrow sea," as the channel was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon took counsel among themselves, and made a proposal to the king and to Bishop Waynflete, the chancellor, to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain ships then lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an expedition to punish the enemy for their boldness. The king thanked them for their patriotic spirit and gave orders for a naval force to join the city contingent from Hull.870
A general reconciliation at St. Paul's, 25 March, 1458.
A general reconciliation at St. Paul's, 25 March, 1458.
In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a reconciliation between the two rival sections of the nobility, and to this end ordered a great council to meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick left his post at Calais, and came over to London to attend the meeting; but he did not arrive until more than a month after the appointed day, and when he came it was with a body of 600 men at his back, "all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte ragged stavis."871He took up his quarters within the city, where he found the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. The young Duke of Somerset and other lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the city for fear of a breach of the peace, and had to find accommodation outside the city's walls.872During the conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day, whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in readiness to assist the aldermen in preserving the king's peace.873The times were critical, but at length all ended well. A grand pacification took place in March, and was solemnized by an imposing procession to St. Paul's, in which York led the queen by the hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more apparent than real, and neither party relaxed their efforts to prepare for renewed hostility.
Warwick implicated in a riot, Nov., 1458.
Warwick implicated in a riot, Nov., 1458.
Seeks refuge in the city.
Seeks refuge in the city.
Leaves for Calais.
Leaves for Calais.
In August the civic companies were warned against furnishing the confederate lords with any war material, but were to keep their arms and harness at the[pg 295]disposal of the king alone.874It wanted very little to kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into a flame, and this little was soon forthcoming. In November875a riot occurred at Westminster, in which the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in his suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's servants and wounded him. Thereupon others of the king's household, finding their fellow-servant wounded and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his attendants as they left the council to take barge on the river. By dint of hard hitting, the earl managed to embark and to make his way to the city. But the affray was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found it convenient to withdraw soon afterwards to his post at Calais, which thenceforth became the head-quarters of the disaffected lords.
Riot between citizens and Templars, April, 1459.
Riot between citizens and Templars, April, 1459.
In the following April (1459) another affray broke out. This time it was between inhabitants of the city and certain members of the Inns of Court, and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of life. The king hearing of this sent for William Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and kept him in confinement at Windsor until the election of the new mayor, William Hewlyn, in October, by whose intercession he regained his freedom.876
The battle of Blore Heath, 23 Sept., 1459.
The battle of Blore Heath, 23 Sept., 1459.
By this time the country was again divided into two hostile camps. A crisis came in September, when the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most inveterate enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force.[pg 296]Lord Audley, sent by the queen to arrest him, was defeated by the earl at Blore Heath (23 Sept., 1459). Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army were themselves compelled to seek security. The Duke of York took refuge in Ireland, and the Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join his father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Salisbury with him.
Parliament at Coventry, 20 Nov., 1459.
Parliament at Coventry, 20 Nov., 1459.
On the 9th October the king issued his writ for a parliament to be held at Coventry on the 20th November. The usual writ was sent to the City of London, but the names of the aldermen and commoners elected to represent the citizens do not appear in the City's records.877The business of the session was the attainder of the Duke of York and his followers, and judgment was passed upon the duke, the Nevills, father and son, the young Earls of March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the date of this writ, the Common Council decided to send a deputation to wait upon the king and assure him of the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for its safe custody.878
The king loses favour.
The king loses favour.
The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed their willingness to assist the king by a gift of 1,000 marks.879This gift must have been the more welcome, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly on the increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid. The queen, on the other hand, into whose hands the government of the kingdom had been drawn, was "gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of taxes, talliages and fifteenths, whilst harassing the[pg 297]king's subjects, seemed to make him not a whit the richer, the issues and profits being frittered away. They would have forgiven him had he maintained a household in regal style or spent their money on maintaining the country's honour in the field. As matters were, Henry, by misgovernment, was rapidly losing the hearts of his people, and "theyre blessyng was turned in to cursyng."880
Unconstitutional conduct of the king in issuing commissions to raise an army, Jan., 1460.
Unconstitutional conduct of the king in issuing commissions to raise an army, Jan., 1460.
A deputation from the City waits upon the king at Northampton.
A deputation from the City waits upon the king at Northampton.
The City's liberties not to be prejudiced.
The City's liberties not to be prejudiced.
On the 14th January, 1460, the king issued a commission to the mayor, aldermen and sheriffs for collecting men-at-arms and archers to resist thelateDuke of York and thelateEarls of March, Warwick, Salisbury and Rutland.881Similar commissions were addressed to every township,882and did much harm to the royal cause, now tottering to its fall, as being unconstitutional. They formed the subject of one of the set of articles of complaint drawn up by the Earls of March, Warwick and Salisbury, and addressed by them, on behalf of themselves and the Duke of York, to the archbishop and the commons of England.883Such commissions the lords declared to be an imposition which, if continued, would be "the heaviest charge and worst example that ever grew in England." The city authorities appear to have rested their opposition to the king's commission, not so much on the grounds that they were unwilling to raise a force for his[pg 298]assistance, as that a demand for military aid in such a form might derogate from the city's franchise and liberties. A deputation, consisting of two aldermen, Thomas Urswyk, the Recorder, and one of the under-sheriffs, was sent to Northampton to wait upon the king and council and to explain the views of the citizens in that respect. The interview was of a satisfactory character; and the deputation returned bearing a gracious letter from the king declaring that the City's franchise and liberties should in no way be prejudiced by the commission.884
Military precautions taken by the City, Feb., 1460.
Military precautions taken by the City, Feb., 1460.
The citizens deemed it time to look to their own safety, and place their city into a better posture of defence. The master and wardens of the livery companies were exhorted (14 Feb., 1460), on account of the disturbed state of the kingdom, to raise contributions towards the purchase of accoutrements for the safeguard of the city.885The king himself was shortly coming into the city, and measures were taken (28 Feb.) for placing a proper guard over the several gates.886On the 11th May the masters and wardens were summoned, on behalf of the king, to appear before the mayor and aldermen at the Guildhall, to hear a royal proclamation read touching the preservation of the king's peace.887
Landing of the confederate earls.
Landing of the confederate earls.
The Yorkist Earls of Salisbury, Warwick and March, encouraged by the reports of the state of affairs in England, at length made up their minds to return and strike a blow for the recovery of their[pg 299]estates, which had become forfeited to the king. They set sail from Calais (26 June), and landing at Sandwich made their way without opposition through Kent to London.
The Common Council determine to oppose their entrance to the city, 27 June, 1460.
The Common Council determine to oppose their entrance to the city, 27 June, 1460.
On the 27th June, by which time news of their arrival must have reached the city, a Common Council was held, when the commoners who were present solemnly promised to stand by the mayor and aldermen in safe-guarding the city, and resist with all their might the rebels against the lord the king who were about to enter the city contrary to the king's orders. The civic companies somewhat tardily gave their adhesion to the royal cause, and agreed to defend the city. The gates were ordered to be manned, and no one was to be allowed to enter without first saying who and what he was. Strict enquiry was to be made as to the character of strangers residing within each of their wards.888On the following day the Common Council met again and gave orders that the drawbridge of London Bridge should be always kept down, so that victuallers and others might have ready access to the City, but the gateway on the drawbridge was to be kept closed, whilstle wikettwas to be constantly open. A strict watch was to be kept on the new tower889above the bridge by men-at-arms stationed there, who should also be ready to let downle port Colycewhen occasion required.890
Meeting of Common Council on Sunday, 29 June.
Meeting of Common Council on Sunday, 29 June.
A deputation, moreover, was appointed to set out to meet the Earls of March and Warwick on[pg 300]their way to Northampton, for the purpose of inducing them, if possible, to turn aside and not approach the city. The members were instructed to inform the lords of the king's commands to the citizens to hold the city for him, and to oppose the lords' entry under heavy penalty. This instruction to the deputation was given, we are told, with the approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Norwich, Ely and Exeter, and of the Prior of St. John's, Clerkenwell. The mayor, aldermen and commonalty agreed to stand by any terms which the deputation might be compelled to make. They had not taken this step without first consulting the Lords Scales and Hungerford, and Sir Edmund Hampden, who held the Tower of London for King Henry. The bridge gate was ordered to be closed between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the 28th, and to remain closed till the morning. Even the portcullis was to be kept down if necessary, whilst the mayor and sheriffs, with a certain number of armed men, patrolled the city, and the aldermen kept watch in their several wards.891Notwithstanding the next day being Sunday, the critical state of affairs necessitated a meeting of the Common Council. It was then agreed that if any messenger should arrive from Warwick, no communication should be held with him. Special watches were appointed for the bridge and for Billingsgate by night and day, and so anxious were the authorities to avail themselves of the service of every abled citizen on that Sunday, that no one was allowed to attend Divine Service at St. Paul's.892
The Yorkist earls admitted into the city, 2 July, 1460.
The Yorkist earls admitted into the city, 2 July, 1460.
Up to this point the citizens had shown themselves loyal to Henry. They now began to waver. Early in the morning of the 30th June the mayor and aldermen appear to have changed their minds. The earls had sent them a letter and they resolved to receive it. The contents of this letter are not recorded. On the following day (1 July) another communication from the earls was received. Here again we are left in the dark as to its purport—the City's journals at this period being very imperfect,—we only know that they declined to accede to the request to keep at a distance from London, for the very next day (2 July) they were admitted into the city.893
The Tower holds out.
The Tower holds out.
The city was thus lost to the king; but the Tower still held out, and no amount of eloquence on the part of certain doctors of divinity, whom the Common Council had appointed to try and arrange matters so as to avoid bloodshed, would induce Lord Scales and his companions to surrender it, although the garrison was hard pressed for victuals.894Nothing was left but to starve them out, and this the Earl of Salisbury proceeded to do, with the aid of the citizens and the boatmen on the river, by whom the Tower was strictly invested by land and water. The Common Council appear to have felt some qualms of conscience in joining in this proceeding, for they caused it to be recorded—as if by way of excuse for their action—that "there seemed to be no other way of preserving the city."895A resolution, moreover, that each alderman should subscribe the sum of £5 towards raising a[pg 302]force to intercept victuals on their way to the Tower was rescinded.896
The Tower surrendered, 19 July.
The Tower surrendered, 19 July.
Murder of Lord Scales.
Murder of Lord Scales.
By the 10th July matters had become so serious with the beleaguered garrison, that a letter was sent to the Common Council, signed by the Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales, Lord Hungerford, Lord Lovell and Sir Edmund Hampden, asking why war was thus being made upon them. To this the Council replied that the lords had brought it upon themselves by firing on the citizens in the first instance, and taking provisions from them without payment.897At last the garrison could hold out no longer, and the Tower was surrendered (19th July). Lord Scales endeavoured to take sanctuary at Westminster, but was seized by river boatmen and barbarously murdered.898
Battle of Northampton, 10 July, 1460.
Battle of Northampton, 10 July, 1460.
Meanwhile the Duke of York had managed to raise a sum of money in the city;899the battle of Northampton had been won and lost (10th July), and Henry had been brought a prisoner to London (16th July). On the same day that the king arrived in London, the mayor, aldermen and commonalty of the City entered into an agreement, under the Common Seal, to abide by any arrangement made between the Earl of Salisbury and the beleaguered lords in the Tower for the surrender of that stronghold.900
Measures for restoring confidence in the city.
Measures for restoring confidence in the city.
On the 21st July the king, or the Earl of Warwick, in his name, attempted to restore quiet in the city by promising that those who had offended against the king's highness and the common weal of the realm, and had been committed to the Tower, should forthwith receive ample justice. In the meantime all conventicles, assemblies or congregations in breach of the peace were strictly forbidden, and every man was exhorted to repair to his own house, and wait upon his lord or master in whose service he might happen to be.901
Parliament of 7 Oct., 1460.
Parliament of 7 Oct., 1460.
The Duke of York's claim to the throne allowed.
The Duke of York's claim to the throne allowed.
The Livery Companies declare their allegiance to the king.
The Livery Companies declare their allegiance to the king.
In October the Duke of York attended parliament and boldly asserted his right to the throne. After hearing arguments for and against his claim, parliament arrived at a compromise by which the reversion of the crown was settled on the duke, and to this the king himself was forced to give his assent.902It was otherwise with the proud and defiant Queen Margaret. She was determined to acquiesce in no such arrangement. Whilst she was collecting a force in the north, wherewith to strike one blow for the crown of which her son appeared likely to be robbed, the mayor and aldermen held an extraordinary meeting of the wardens of the livery companies. The king wished to be assured of the temper of the citizens. Would they as a body support him and his council, protect his royal person, and defend the city against those who were raising disturbances in divers parts of the realm? To each and all of these questions the wardens are recorded as having given satisfactory replies,[pg 304]and it was then and there agreed that each alderman should make enquiry as to the number of strangers residing in his ward, and the reasons for their being in the city. Watch was to be kept by night in every ward, a lantern hung outside every dwelling-house, and the city's gates were to be closed every night and guarded by men-at-arms.903Although these measures were avowedly taken on behalf of King Henry, they were, in reality, so many precautions for securing the government in the hands of his rival the Duke of York.
The battle of Wakefield, 29 Dec., 1460.
The battle of Wakefield, 29 Dec., 1460.
The struggle which hitherto had been between two unequal sections of the nobility, each avowing its loyalty to the king, now became a struggle between the two rival Houses of Lancaster and York. Richard, Duke of York, did not live to enjoy the crown, his right to the reversion of which had recently been acknowledged by parliament. Just as the year was drawing to a close he met his death at Wakefield in the first clash with the House of Lancaster, and his head in mockery was set up on one of the city's gates from which he derived his ducal title.
"Off with his head, and set it on York's gates;So York may overlook the town of York."
"Off with his head, and set it on York's gates;
So York may overlook the town of York."
The second battle of St. Albans, 17 Feb., 1461.
The second battle of St. Albans, 17 Feb., 1461.
When Henry was once restored to liberty and to his queen, after the second battle of St. Albans (17 Feb., 1461), York's son, Edward, Earl of March, who became by his father's death heir to the crown, was immediately proclaimed traitor in the city.904The[pg 305]queen wished for victuals to be sent from the city to her forces at St. Albans, but the carts were seized before they left the city by a mob which refused to let them go in spite of the mayor's entreaties and threats. Margaret's army consisted for the most part of rude northern followers who threatened to sack the city if once allowed within its walls, and the majority of the inhabitants were unwilling to supply the queen with provisions until she had removed her half-disciplined force to a distance from London. With a civilized army at her back it might have been possible for Margaret to have gained a footing in the city.905As matters stood, she deemed it best to accede to the request thus made to her, and to draw off her army.
The Earls of March and Warwick admitted into the city, Feb., 1461.
The Earls of March and Warwick admitted into the city, Feb., 1461.
It was a fatal mistake, for it gave time for Edward and Warwick to join forces and march on London. The civic authorities, finding how hopeless it was to place further dependence upon Henry, and desiring above all things a stronger government than they could look for under the king, now surrendered the city to his opponents. They had not forsaken the king—he had forsaken them. They would no more of him.
"He that had Londyn for sake,Wolde no more to hem take."906
"He that had Londyn for sake,
Wolde no more to hem take."906
Edward's claim to the crown recognised, 1 March, 1461.
Edward's claim to the crown recognised, 1 March, 1461.
On the 1st March the chancellor called a general assembly of the citizens at Clerkenwell, and explained to them the title by which Edward, Duke of York, laid claim to the crown.907His title was thereupon acknowledged with universal applause, and on the 4th he proceeded to Westminster Palace, accompanied by many of the nobility and commons of the realm,908and was there proclaimed king by the name of Edward IV.