Preparations for war.The time was fast approaching when the queen would find herself unable any longer to maintain her frequent cry to the council board, "No war, my lords, no war!" and she began to concert measures to frustrate any attempt that might be made to attack her crown and realm by the subtle device of the Pope's emissaries or the more open hostility of Philip.Troubles in Ireland, 1579-1583.There were two ways in which the Pope and Spain could attack England, the one by making a descent upon the coast, the other by undermining the loyalty of the queen's subjects by the aid of missionaries. A descent upon the English coast was, for the present at least, out of the question, but it was possible to wound England by fostering insurrection in Ireland. Accordingly, in 1579, a large force landed at Limerick under the authority of the Pope. It was, however, overpowered and destroyed by Lord Grey, the lord deputy.1618Then followed the rebellion under the Earl of Desmond, who six years before had regained his liberty on a promise to use his influence to destroy the Catholic religion in Ireland.1619Throughout the[pg 524]Desmond rebellion the Londoners were constantly being called upon to furnish men and munition of war. The trouble was protracted by the landing of a force of 800 men from Spain, with the connivance, if not with the authority, of Philip. When the rebellion was suppressed distress drove many Irish to England, and the city became their chief refuge.1620A special day was appointed for apprehending "all suche rogishe and begging Ireishe people as well men weomen as children" as should be found wandering abroad in the city,1621and steps were taken subsequently to convey all Irish beggars to Bristol with the view of sending them back to their native land.1622The Jesuits in the city, 1580-1581.Whilst appealing to force to accomplish their object in Ireland, the Catholics resorted to intrigue to gain the same object in England and Scotland. For some years past there had been a steady flow from the continent of seminary priests, who worked silently and secretly making converts to the old religion. Every precaution was taken to prevent their inculcating their dangerous opinions into the minds of the inhabitants of the city and drawing them off from their allegiance to the queen and to the established Church. The aldermen were instructed to make return of those in their ward who refused to attend[pg 525]church. This was in 1568.1623In 1574 all strangers who had crept into the city under colour of religion and were found to be of no church were ordered to leave.1624In the following year (9 June, 1575) every stranger was called upon to subscribe the Articles of religion before he was allowed to take up his residence within the city, and those who refused to subscribe or to attend church were to give bond for their appearance before her Majesty's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes to answer such matters as should be objected against them.1625The aldermen were instructed to make diligent search in their several wards for such as held conventicles under colour of religion and inter-meddled with matters of State and civil governance.1626In 1580 a regular Jesuit mission, under two priests, Campion and Parsons, was despatched to England as part of an organised Catholic scheme. Campion had at one time been a fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. Their first step was to remove a difficulty under which devout Catholics had laboured ever since the issue of the Bull of excommunication against Elizabeth in 1571. That Bull had reduced them to the necessity of choosing between disobedience to the Church and treason to the queen. The new missionaries helped them out of the dilemma by explaining that the censures of the Church only applied to heretics; Catholics might feign allegiance and the Church would say nothing.The Recusancy Laws, 1581.Under these circumstances it can scarcely be wondered at that the government proceeded to strong[pg 526]measures—A proclamation was issued requiring English parents to remove their children from foreign seminaries, and declaring that to harbour Jesuit priests was to harbour rebels;1627whilst parliament imposed fines upon all who refused to attend the service of the established Church, in addition to the penalties imposed in 1571 upon those who claimed to absolve subjects from their allegiance and to receive them into the Church of Rome. In the city a strict watch was again ordered to be kept on all those who failed to attend regularly their parish church.1628It was further proposed to appoint special preachers to counteract the baneful influence of the Jesuit priest, and the Bishop of London was ordered to make a list of the best preachers and to appoint them districts.1629Special preachers appointed for the city, 1581-1582.These instructions Bishop Aylmer forwarded to the lord mayor with a request for a contribution to enable him and his associates, the dean of St. Paul's and the dean of Windsor, to carry them into effect. The mayor replied (6 Sept., 1581) that, as for himself, his office was already so burdensome, both in work and expense, that it would go hard with him if he was called upon to pay more than any other parishioner in a Church matter. Both he and his brethren the aldermen were no less desirous than others to promote the knowledge of true religion and to inculcate obedience to the queen by lectures in the city, but the commons would have to be consulted first. He enclosed a list of lectures already established in the several parishes, and drew attention to the great yearly charge incurred by the companies and private[pg 527]persons in the city in maintaining students at the universities to serve the Church in the office of preaching and reading.1630This expense, the mayor said, warranted the City and the Companies asking to be no further burdened. The writer concluded by intimating that, however willing the corporation might be to assist in the good work, its ability to do so had been much diminished by the indiscreet demeanour of the bishop's own chaplain, Mr. Dyos, who had recently defamed the citizens in a public sermon at Paul's Cross, "as favorers of userers, of the familye of love and puritanes," saying "that if the appointing of preachers were committed to us we wold appointe preachers such as should defend usirie, the familie of love and puritanisme as they call it." The City was liable to make mistakes, just as the bishop himself had made a mistake in appointing so indiscreet a person for his chaplain, but in other respects they had no cause to reproach themselves in the matter of appointments. In conclusion they desired his lordship to take order for the reparation of their good fame.Hitherto the City had received no direct communications from the Privy Council on the subject, but three days after the date of the lord mayor's letter to the Bishop of London the lords of the council made a direct appeal to the mayor and aldermen suggesting that a collection should be made among the clergy and other inhabitants of the city in order to "oppose the supersticion of[pg 528]popery wchby the coming over of divers Jesuits and seminarie preistes hath ben of late much increased."1631Little appears to have been done in the matter by the civic authorities until the beginning of the next year, when the first step was taken by the appointment of a committee (25 Jan., 1582).1632Arrest and execution of Campion.Campion meanwhile had been arrested and subjected to cruel torture. He was eventually executed. Parsons, his companion, escaped to the continent, where he continued to carry on an intrigue against the life of Elizabeth in conjunction with Allen, who some years before had established the famous seminary at Donay for the purpose of keeping up a supply of Jesuit priests for England.Breach with Spain, Jan., 1584.In 1583—soon after Edward Osborne1633had been elected to the mayoralty—a conspiracy, which had long been on foot, for the assassination of Elizabeth and the invasion of England by a French army was discovered. Matters began to look serious, and it behoved the queen to dismiss the Spanish ambassador[pg 529]from England (Jan., 1584) and to see to her forces. Lord Burghley drew up "a memoryall of dyvers thynges nesessary to be thought of and to be put in execution for this sommer for yestrength of yerealme to serve for martiall defence ageynst ether rebellion or invasion,"1634containing suggestions for holding musters and training soldiers. The navy was got ready for sea.Muster of 4,000 men in Greenwich Park, 1584.In April (1584) the City received orders to muster 4,000 men and to revive the military shows on the eve of the Feasts of St. John the Baptist and St. Peter the Apostle as accustomed to be held in the days of Henry VIII. These displays had gradually fallen into desuetude; it was now the queen's policy to renew them.1635The citizens showed themselves equal to the emergency, and "mustered and skirmished" daily at Mile End and St. George's Field, so that in little more than a month they were in a fit state of discipline and training to appear in Greenwich Park before the queen herself, who thanked them graciously for their energy and pains, and declared that she had no subjects more ready to suppress disloyalty and to defend her person.1636Assassination of Prince of Orange, 10 July, 1584.In July news arrived of the assassination of the Prince of Orange (10 July). Englishmen well knew that those who plotted against his life were plotting also against the life of their queen, and with wonderful unanimity—Catholics and Protestants alike—they[pg 530]joined in a "Bond of Association" for the defence of her majesty's person. The terms of the association were afterwards embodied in a bill and submitted to parliament, specially summoned for the purpose.1637Dutch envoys to Elizabeth, June, 1585.Staggered by the sudden loss of their beloved leader, the Netherlanders despatched envoys the following year (1585) to England offering to acknowledge Elizabeth as their sovereign. Upon their arrival in London the envoys were lodged and hospitably entertained—although not at the City's expense—in Clothworkers' Hall,1638and on the 29th June were received in audience by the queen at Greenwich. After much hesitation, as was her wont, she at last consented to take the Netherlands under her protection and to despatch troops to their assistance, but only on condition that the States gave security for expenses to be incurred.1639Recruits for service in the Low Countries, July, 1585.On the 9th July the mayor, Sir Thomas Pullison,1640issued his precept to the aldermen for each to make a survey in his ward of all such persons as were suitable and willing for service in the Low Countries, where it was intended they should have good allowance.1641The fall of Antwerp and despatch of Leicester to the Low Countries, 1585.Every effort was made to save Antwerp, but it was too late. By chaffering and bargaining with the envoys Elizabeth had lost her opportunity and Antwerp fell (19 Aug.). She could be resolute at[pg 531]times, but it wanted much to rouse her into activity. The news of Antwerp's fall administered to her the necessary incitement to deal "roundly and resolutely" with her new allies. Fresh forces were despatched to Flanders under the Earl of Leicester, making in all some 10,000 men that had already been sent thither, nearly one-fourth of which had been furnished by the city of London.1642The queen grumbled at having to send so many—"I have sent a fine heap of folk thither, in all ... not under 10,000 soldiers of the English nation," said she to the envoys in October1643—and she kept the earl so short of money that he had to mortgage his estate.1644The City did what it could and made him a present of £500 in "newe angells," but the City itself was in pecuniary difficulties and was compelled to borrow or "take up" money to defend its title to its own lands,1645which had been in constant jeopardy ever since the appointment of the royal commission to search for "concealed lands" in 1567.1646[pg 532]The city flooded with strangers from France and Flanders.The direct effect of the fall of Antwerp upon the city of London was to flood its streets more than ever with strangers, and on the 30th October, 1585, the mayor was once more called upon by the lords of the Privy Council to make a return of the number of strangers within the city, and more especially of the number of French and Flemish strangers that had arrived "sithens the beginninge of the presente trobles moved by the house of Guise in Fraunce and the rendringe of the towne of Andwerpe."1647In April and May of the following year (1586) the year of the disastrous battle at Zutphen and of the death of theChevalier sans peur et sans reproche, Sir Philip Sidney—another call was made in the city for volunteers for service in the Low Countries,1648and the civic companies were ordered to lay in a stock of gunpowder to be ready "uppon eny ymminent occacioun."1649Discovery of the Babington plot, Aug., 1586.Whilst operations, more or less active, were being carried on in the Netherlands against Spain, a new Catholic conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth, with Anthony Babington at its head, was discovered by Walsingham. The delight of the citizens at the queen's escape drew forth from her a letter which she desired to be read before the Common Council, and in which she testified her appreciation of their loyalty. The letter was introduced to the council by some prefatory remarks made by James Dalton, a member of the court, in which he expatiated upon the beauties of the reformed Church[pg 533]as contrasted with the Roman religion.1650The discovery of the plot led to stringent measures being taken against suspected persons in the city, and returns were ordered to be made setting forth for each ward: (1) the names of the ablest men for service, (2) the names of those past service, (3) the names of all who were suspected as to religion, and (4) the names of all strangers born.1651Execution of Mary Stuart, 8 Feb., 1587.The discovery had also another effect: it brought the head of Mary Stuart to the block. A commission of peers sitting at Fotheringhay found that the conspiracy had been "with the privitie of the said Marie pretending tytle to the crowne of the realme of England," and it only remained for Elizabeth to sign the warrant for her execution to remove for ever a dangerous rival. This, however, the queen long hesitated to do, and when at length prevailed upon she caused public proclamation to be made of the reasons which induced her to take the extreme course.1652A threatened famine in the city, Nov., 1586To add to the general gloom, England was threatened before the close of the year (1586) with a famine, caused partly by the inclemency of the seasons and partly by a "corner" in wheat, which some enterprising engrossers had managed to bring about.1653In November the mayor caused the city companies to lay in 6,000 or 7,000 quarters of wheat and rye for the relief of those who had already[pg 534]suffered from the extreme dearth, and to raise a sum of £2,500 over and above such sums as they had hitherto disbursed for the provision of corn and grain,1654and the Court of Aldermen (3 Jan., 1587) agreed to erect a new garner at the Bridgehouse.1655Philip's preparations for invasion, 1587.After the execution of Mary Stuart, Philip of Spain laid claim to the crown of England. For years past he was known to have been preparing a fleet for an invasion of the country. Preparations were now almost complete, and in 1587 expectation was that the fleet might be seen any day bearing down upon the English coast. The inhabitants of villages and towns on the south coast forsook their homes in terror of the invasion and sought shelter inland.1656The evil hour was put off by the prompt action of Drake, who, with four ships of the royal navy and twenty-four others supplied by the City and private individuals,1657appeared suddenly off the Spanish coast, and running into Cadiz and Lisbon, destroyed tons of shipping under the very nose of the Spanish lord high admiral, and threw into the sea the vast military stores that had been accumulated there. Having thus accomplished the object for which he set sail—that of "singeing the king of Spain's beard"—he returned, and the sailing of the Armada was put off for a year.Preparations in England, 1587-1588.Preparations were in the meanwhile pushed on in the city to meet the attack whenever it should be made. Ten thousand men were levied and equipped in a short space of time.1658Any inhabitant of the city[pg 535]assessed in the subsidy-book at £50 in goods, and who, being under fifty years of age, was called upon to serve, and refused, was forthwith committed to Newgate.1659If any fault was to be found with the city's force it was the inefficiency of its officers, whom the municipal authorities always claimed to appoint. The Earl of Leicester, who was in command of the camp which had been formed at Tilbury, held but a poor opinion of Londoners as a fighting force.1660"For your Londoners," wrote the earl to Walsingham,1661I see their service will be little, except they have their own captains, and having them, I look for none at all by them when we shall meet the enemy." He declares that he knows what burghers be well enough, even though they be "as brave and well trained" as the Londoners; they would be useless without good leaders,1662and on this he had always insisted. He warns Walsingham against yielding to the wishes of "townsmen" at such a critical juncture, for they would look for the like concession at other times. The Londoners were not peculiar in their desire to have their own officers, according to the earl's own showing, for the letter continues:—"You and my lords all know the imperfection[pg 536]at this time, how few leaders you have, and the gentlemen of the counties here are likewise very loth to have any placed with them to command under them, but well pleased to have some expert man with them to give them advice." Two years later a code of regulations for the "trayninge of capytaynes" was forwarded by the government to the city, and there put into execution.1663The City fits out sixteen ships and four pinnaces.In addition to the land force the City agreed (3 April, 1588) to furnish and fully equip for war sixteen of the largest and best merchant ships that could be found in the Thames, and four pinnaces to attend on them.1664A committee was nominated to sit at Clothworkers' Hall and take the necessary steps for fitting out the vessels, the cost of which was to be met by an assessment on citizen and stranger alike.1665Nothing was said at the time about victualling the fleet, but we learn from a later entry in the City's Journal that they were victualled for three months. On the 16th July the City agreed to supply victuals[pg 537]for "those twentie shipps lately sett forth" for one month longer, and on the 10th August the Common Council again passed a similar resolution.1666The fate of the Armada, July, 1588.At last the blow fell. On Friday, the 19th (o.s.) July, the Armada was sighted off the Lizard. A strong wind from the south-west was blowing at the time, and it was thought advisable to let the fleet pass and to follow it up with the English vessels then lying in Plymouth harbour. On the following day the two fleets hove in sight of each other. According to the report made to Walsingham by Richard Tomson—a Londoner serving on board theMargaret and John, one of the ships furnished by the City—the Spanish fleet numbered at that time 136 sail, ninety of which were large vessels, whilst the English fleet numbered no more than sixty-seven.1667Notwithstanding the great superiority of the enemy's fleet in numbers and tonnage, the English admiral, Lord Howard, opened fire the next morning, but took care not to come to close quarters. "We had some small fight with them that Sunday afternoon," reported Hawkins to Walsingham.1668The admiral had other reasons for preserving caution. His ships were but ill-furnished with provisions and with ammunition, and even thus early he had to beg the Secretary of State to send him "for God's sake some powder and shot."1669The same deficiency of ammunition was experienced the whole time that[pg 538]the two fleets were opposed to each other, and but for this the enemy would not have got off so cheaply as it did. Scarcely a day passed without some cannonading taking place, but never a general engagement. The English trusted to their superior seamanship and to the greater activity of their own light vessels compared with the heavier and more unwieldly Spanish galleons. Again and again they poured broadside after broadside into the enemy, but always making good their retreat before the Spanish vessels could turn in pursuit. On Tuesday (23 July), wrote Hawkins, they had "a sharp and long fight" off Portland, on Thursday "a hot fraye." And thus the Armada made its way up channel, pestered with the swarm of English vessels that would never leave it at peace. On the Saturday following (27 July) it finally dropped anchor in Calais roads, with the intention of awaiting there the arrival of Alexander Farnese with his promised aid before making a direct descent upon the English coast. Farnese did not arrive for the reason that he was blockaded by the Dutch fleet; but the English received an accession of strength by the arrival of Lord Henry Seymour with a squadron of sixteen ships, which hitherto had been lying off Folkestone.1670At this juncture the lord mayor (Sir George Bond), having received information of the critical state of affairs and that a general engagement was imminent, issued his precept to the aldermen to summon the pastors and ministers of each ward, and bid them call their parishioners to church by toll of[pg 539]bell or otherwise, both in the morning and afternoon of this eventful Saturday, in order that humble and hearty prayers might be offered to Almighty God "by preaching and otherwise," as the necessity of the times required.1671Three days before (24 July) he had given orders for a strict watch and ward to be kept in the city, and for a goodly supply of leather buckets in case of fire.1672Richard Tomson and the London shipMargaret and John.After more than one consultation together, the English commanders determined to resort to stratagem. They sent for a number of useless hulks from Dover, and having filled them with every kind of combustible, sent them all aflame on Sunday night into the thick of the enemy. The result was a panic; cables were cut and frantic attempts made to escape what seemed imminent and wholesale destruction. The ships fell foul of each other; some were wrecked and others burnt. When Monday morning dawned only eighty-six vessels out of 124 that had anchored off Calais thirty-six hours before could be found, and these for the most part were seen driving towards the coast of Flanders. The English fleet at once prepared to follow in pursuit, but attention was for a time drawn off to the action of the flagship of the squadron of galeasses, a huge vessel which had become disabled by loss of rudder, and the crew of which were endeavouring by the aid of oars to bring into Calais harbour. The Lord Admiral Howard at once bore down upon her in theArk, but the water proved too shallow. The London shipMargaret and Johnfollowed suit and, although of less tonnage than theArk, got aground. Richard Tomson sent[pg 540]home a graphic account of the exploit that followed.1673Both ships sent out long boats to capture the rich prize as she lay stuck fast upon the harbour bar. Tomson himself formed one of the little band of volunteers. The boats were soon alongside the galeass, its huge sides towering high above them. There then ensued "a pretty skirmish for half-an-hour," wrote Tomson, "but they seemed safely ensconced in their ships, while we in our open pinnaces and far under them had nothing to shroud and cover us." Fortune at last favoured the attackers. The Spanish commander fell dead on his deck with a bullet through his head. A panic seized the sailors, most of whom jumped overboard and tried by swimming and wading to reach the shore. Some succeeded, but many were drowned; whilst those who remained on board signified their readiness to capitulate by hoisting a couple of "handkerchers" on rapiers. The English lost no time in clambering up the sides of the monster, and at once commenced plundering the vessel and releasing the galley slaves. They were only waiting for the tide to take their prize in tow and carry her off when they were warned by the governor of Calais against making any such attempt. They were free to plunder the vessel if they liked, but make prize of the vessel itself they must not, and this order the governor showed himself ready and able to enforce by opening fire from the fort. Tomson and his fellow volunteers were heartily disgusted at having after all to surrender their prize, "the verye glory and staye of the Spanish armye, a thing of very great value and strength."[pg 541]The naval engagement off Gravelines 29 July, 1588.This exploit being ended and the long boats having returned to their respective ships, the lord admiral started in pursuit of the Spaniards. Seeing them coming up the Spanish commander immediately prepared for action. An engagement—described by Hawkins as "a long and great fight"—took place off Gravelines and lasted six hours. The English pursued the same tactics as before, and with like success. Without losing a single ship of their own they succeeded in riddling the best Spanish ships through and through, and at last the Armada was forced to bear away towards the open sea. The English followed and made a pretence of keeping up the attack, but by this time nearly all their ammunition as well as food had given out.The Armada driven northward.From Tuesday (30 July) until the following Friday (2 Aug.) the pursuit was, nevertheless, maintained by Howard, Drake and Frobisher. On Sunday (4 Aug.) the strong south-wester which had prevailed rose to a gale, and the English fleet made its way home with difficulty. It was otherwise with the Armada. Crippled and forlorn, without pilots and without competent commander, the great fleet was driven northward past the Hebrides and eventually returned home in a decimated condition by the west coast of Ireland.Preparations in the city for receiving sick and wounded, 29 July.In the meantime the civic authorities took order for receiving the sick and wounded and administering to their comfort. Two aldermen—Sir Thomas Pullison and Sir Wolstan Dixie—were deputed (29 July) by their brethren to ride abroad among the innholders, brewers, bakers and butchers of the city to see that they did not enhance the price of provisions and that[pg 542]they well entertained all soldiers who arrived in the city.1674The City agreed, moreover, to re-victual the ships it had furnished and to provide them with munition and other requisites. A fresh tax was imposed for the purpose of "marine and land affairs."1675Reports as to the fate of the Armada, July-Aug., 1588.It was a long time before any certain news arrived in the city of the ultimate fate of the Armada. There had been rumours abroad that the English fleet had been victorious—with so many Londoners serving in the fleet, it would have been strange indeed if their friends at home had been kept in absolute ignorance of what was taking place in the channel—and bonfires had been lighted, but these rumours were often incorrect and sometimes lead to mischief. The mayor therefore issued his precept to the aldermen on the 30th July—the day after the engagement off Gravelines—bidding them see that the inhabitants of their several wards refrained from crediting any news that might be reported of the vessels at sea but what they received from the mayor himself. The precaution was necessary "for the avoyding of some dislike that may come thereof."1676On the 1st August, so critical were the times, the mayor issued a precept by the queen's orders forbidding householders to quit the city, that they might the better be ready for the queen's service if required.1677On the 4th the citizens were informed that if they had any friend or servant detained as prisoner in the Spanish dominion, or bound to the galleys, whom they wished to set free,[pg 543]they might have Spanish prisoners allotted to them to assist towards ransom.1678

Preparations for war.

The time was fast approaching when the queen would find herself unable any longer to maintain her frequent cry to the council board, "No war, my lords, no war!" and she began to concert measures to frustrate any attempt that might be made to attack her crown and realm by the subtle device of the Pope's emissaries or the more open hostility of Philip.

Troubles in Ireland, 1579-1583.

There were two ways in which the Pope and Spain could attack England, the one by making a descent upon the coast, the other by undermining the loyalty of the queen's subjects by the aid of missionaries. A descent upon the English coast was, for the present at least, out of the question, but it was possible to wound England by fostering insurrection in Ireland. Accordingly, in 1579, a large force landed at Limerick under the authority of the Pope. It was, however, overpowered and destroyed by Lord Grey, the lord deputy.1618

Then followed the rebellion under the Earl of Desmond, who six years before had regained his liberty on a promise to use his influence to destroy the Catholic religion in Ireland.1619Throughout the[pg 524]Desmond rebellion the Londoners were constantly being called upon to furnish men and munition of war. The trouble was protracted by the landing of a force of 800 men from Spain, with the connivance, if not with the authority, of Philip. When the rebellion was suppressed distress drove many Irish to England, and the city became their chief refuge.1620A special day was appointed for apprehending "all suche rogishe and begging Ireishe people as well men weomen as children" as should be found wandering abroad in the city,1621and steps were taken subsequently to convey all Irish beggars to Bristol with the view of sending them back to their native land.1622

The Jesuits in the city, 1580-1581.

Whilst appealing to force to accomplish their object in Ireland, the Catholics resorted to intrigue to gain the same object in England and Scotland. For some years past there had been a steady flow from the continent of seminary priests, who worked silently and secretly making converts to the old religion. Every precaution was taken to prevent their inculcating their dangerous opinions into the minds of the inhabitants of the city and drawing them off from their allegiance to the queen and to the established Church. The aldermen were instructed to make return of those in their ward who refused to attend[pg 525]church. This was in 1568.1623In 1574 all strangers who had crept into the city under colour of religion and were found to be of no church were ordered to leave.1624In the following year (9 June, 1575) every stranger was called upon to subscribe the Articles of religion before he was allowed to take up his residence within the city, and those who refused to subscribe or to attend church were to give bond for their appearance before her Majesty's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes to answer such matters as should be objected against them.1625The aldermen were instructed to make diligent search in their several wards for such as held conventicles under colour of religion and inter-meddled with matters of State and civil governance.1626In 1580 a regular Jesuit mission, under two priests, Campion and Parsons, was despatched to England as part of an organised Catholic scheme. Campion had at one time been a fellow of St. John's College, Oxford. Their first step was to remove a difficulty under which devout Catholics had laboured ever since the issue of the Bull of excommunication against Elizabeth in 1571. That Bull had reduced them to the necessity of choosing between disobedience to the Church and treason to the queen. The new missionaries helped them out of the dilemma by explaining that the censures of the Church only applied to heretics; Catholics might feign allegiance and the Church would say nothing.

The Recusancy Laws, 1581.

Under these circumstances it can scarcely be wondered at that the government proceeded to strong[pg 526]measures—A proclamation was issued requiring English parents to remove their children from foreign seminaries, and declaring that to harbour Jesuit priests was to harbour rebels;1627whilst parliament imposed fines upon all who refused to attend the service of the established Church, in addition to the penalties imposed in 1571 upon those who claimed to absolve subjects from their allegiance and to receive them into the Church of Rome. In the city a strict watch was again ordered to be kept on all those who failed to attend regularly their parish church.1628It was further proposed to appoint special preachers to counteract the baneful influence of the Jesuit priest, and the Bishop of London was ordered to make a list of the best preachers and to appoint them districts.1629

Special preachers appointed for the city, 1581-1582.

These instructions Bishop Aylmer forwarded to the lord mayor with a request for a contribution to enable him and his associates, the dean of St. Paul's and the dean of Windsor, to carry them into effect. The mayor replied (6 Sept., 1581) that, as for himself, his office was already so burdensome, both in work and expense, that it would go hard with him if he was called upon to pay more than any other parishioner in a Church matter. Both he and his brethren the aldermen were no less desirous than others to promote the knowledge of true religion and to inculcate obedience to the queen by lectures in the city, but the commons would have to be consulted first. He enclosed a list of lectures already established in the several parishes, and drew attention to the great yearly charge incurred by the companies and private[pg 527]persons in the city in maintaining students at the universities to serve the Church in the office of preaching and reading.1630This expense, the mayor said, warranted the City and the Companies asking to be no further burdened. The writer concluded by intimating that, however willing the corporation might be to assist in the good work, its ability to do so had been much diminished by the indiscreet demeanour of the bishop's own chaplain, Mr. Dyos, who had recently defamed the citizens in a public sermon at Paul's Cross, "as favorers of userers, of the familye of love and puritanes," saying "that if the appointing of preachers were committed to us we wold appointe preachers such as should defend usirie, the familie of love and puritanisme as they call it." The City was liable to make mistakes, just as the bishop himself had made a mistake in appointing so indiscreet a person for his chaplain, but in other respects they had no cause to reproach themselves in the matter of appointments. In conclusion they desired his lordship to take order for the reparation of their good fame.

Hitherto the City had received no direct communications from the Privy Council on the subject, but three days after the date of the lord mayor's letter to the Bishop of London the lords of the council made a direct appeal to the mayor and aldermen suggesting that a collection should be made among the clergy and other inhabitants of the city in order to "oppose the supersticion of[pg 528]popery wchby the coming over of divers Jesuits and seminarie preistes hath ben of late much increased."1631Little appears to have been done in the matter by the civic authorities until the beginning of the next year, when the first step was taken by the appointment of a committee (25 Jan., 1582).1632

Arrest and execution of Campion.

Campion meanwhile had been arrested and subjected to cruel torture. He was eventually executed. Parsons, his companion, escaped to the continent, where he continued to carry on an intrigue against the life of Elizabeth in conjunction with Allen, who some years before had established the famous seminary at Donay for the purpose of keeping up a supply of Jesuit priests for England.

Breach with Spain, Jan., 1584.

In 1583—soon after Edward Osborne1633had been elected to the mayoralty—a conspiracy, which had long been on foot, for the assassination of Elizabeth and the invasion of England by a French army was discovered. Matters began to look serious, and it behoved the queen to dismiss the Spanish ambassador[pg 529]from England (Jan., 1584) and to see to her forces. Lord Burghley drew up "a memoryall of dyvers thynges nesessary to be thought of and to be put in execution for this sommer for yestrength of yerealme to serve for martiall defence ageynst ether rebellion or invasion,"1634containing suggestions for holding musters and training soldiers. The navy was got ready for sea.

Muster of 4,000 men in Greenwich Park, 1584.

In April (1584) the City received orders to muster 4,000 men and to revive the military shows on the eve of the Feasts of St. John the Baptist and St. Peter the Apostle as accustomed to be held in the days of Henry VIII. These displays had gradually fallen into desuetude; it was now the queen's policy to renew them.1635The citizens showed themselves equal to the emergency, and "mustered and skirmished" daily at Mile End and St. George's Field, so that in little more than a month they were in a fit state of discipline and training to appear in Greenwich Park before the queen herself, who thanked them graciously for their energy and pains, and declared that she had no subjects more ready to suppress disloyalty and to defend her person.1636

Assassination of Prince of Orange, 10 July, 1584.

In July news arrived of the assassination of the Prince of Orange (10 July). Englishmen well knew that those who plotted against his life were plotting also against the life of their queen, and with wonderful unanimity—Catholics and Protestants alike—they[pg 530]joined in a "Bond of Association" for the defence of her majesty's person. The terms of the association were afterwards embodied in a bill and submitted to parliament, specially summoned for the purpose.1637

Dutch envoys to Elizabeth, June, 1585.

Staggered by the sudden loss of their beloved leader, the Netherlanders despatched envoys the following year (1585) to England offering to acknowledge Elizabeth as their sovereign. Upon their arrival in London the envoys were lodged and hospitably entertained—although not at the City's expense—in Clothworkers' Hall,1638and on the 29th June were received in audience by the queen at Greenwich. After much hesitation, as was her wont, she at last consented to take the Netherlands under her protection and to despatch troops to their assistance, but only on condition that the States gave security for expenses to be incurred.1639

Recruits for service in the Low Countries, July, 1585.

On the 9th July the mayor, Sir Thomas Pullison,1640issued his precept to the aldermen for each to make a survey in his ward of all such persons as were suitable and willing for service in the Low Countries, where it was intended they should have good allowance.1641

The fall of Antwerp and despatch of Leicester to the Low Countries, 1585.

Every effort was made to save Antwerp, but it was too late. By chaffering and bargaining with the envoys Elizabeth had lost her opportunity and Antwerp fell (19 Aug.). She could be resolute at[pg 531]times, but it wanted much to rouse her into activity. The news of Antwerp's fall administered to her the necessary incitement to deal "roundly and resolutely" with her new allies. Fresh forces were despatched to Flanders under the Earl of Leicester, making in all some 10,000 men that had already been sent thither, nearly one-fourth of which had been furnished by the city of London.1642The queen grumbled at having to send so many—"I have sent a fine heap of folk thither, in all ... not under 10,000 soldiers of the English nation," said she to the envoys in October1643—and she kept the earl so short of money that he had to mortgage his estate.1644The City did what it could and made him a present of £500 in "newe angells," but the City itself was in pecuniary difficulties and was compelled to borrow or "take up" money to defend its title to its own lands,1645which had been in constant jeopardy ever since the appointment of the royal commission to search for "concealed lands" in 1567.1646

The city flooded with strangers from France and Flanders.

The direct effect of the fall of Antwerp upon the city of London was to flood its streets more than ever with strangers, and on the 30th October, 1585, the mayor was once more called upon by the lords of the Privy Council to make a return of the number of strangers within the city, and more especially of the number of French and Flemish strangers that had arrived "sithens the beginninge of the presente trobles moved by the house of Guise in Fraunce and the rendringe of the towne of Andwerpe."1647In April and May of the following year (1586) the year of the disastrous battle at Zutphen and of the death of theChevalier sans peur et sans reproche, Sir Philip Sidney—another call was made in the city for volunteers for service in the Low Countries,1648and the civic companies were ordered to lay in a stock of gunpowder to be ready "uppon eny ymminent occacioun."1649

Discovery of the Babington plot, Aug., 1586.

Whilst operations, more or less active, were being carried on in the Netherlands against Spain, a new Catholic conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth, with Anthony Babington at its head, was discovered by Walsingham. The delight of the citizens at the queen's escape drew forth from her a letter which she desired to be read before the Common Council, and in which she testified her appreciation of their loyalty. The letter was introduced to the council by some prefatory remarks made by James Dalton, a member of the court, in which he expatiated upon the beauties of the reformed Church[pg 533]as contrasted with the Roman religion.1650The discovery of the plot led to stringent measures being taken against suspected persons in the city, and returns were ordered to be made setting forth for each ward: (1) the names of the ablest men for service, (2) the names of those past service, (3) the names of all who were suspected as to religion, and (4) the names of all strangers born.1651

Execution of Mary Stuart, 8 Feb., 1587.

The discovery had also another effect: it brought the head of Mary Stuart to the block. A commission of peers sitting at Fotheringhay found that the conspiracy had been "with the privitie of the said Marie pretending tytle to the crowne of the realme of England," and it only remained for Elizabeth to sign the warrant for her execution to remove for ever a dangerous rival. This, however, the queen long hesitated to do, and when at length prevailed upon she caused public proclamation to be made of the reasons which induced her to take the extreme course.1652

A threatened famine in the city, Nov., 1586

To add to the general gloom, England was threatened before the close of the year (1586) with a famine, caused partly by the inclemency of the seasons and partly by a "corner" in wheat, which some enterprising engrossers had managed to bring about.1653In November the mayor caused the city companies to lay in 6,000 or 7,000 quarters of wheat and rye for the relief of those who had already[pg 534]suffered from the extreme dearth, and to raise a sum of £2,500 over and above such sums as they had hitherto disbursed for the provision of corn and grain,1654and the Court of Aldermen (3 Jan., 1587) agreed to erect a new garner at the Bridgehouse.1655

Philip's preparations for invasion, 1587.

After the execution of Mary Stuart, Philip of Spain laid claim to the crown of England. For years past he was known to have been preparing a fleet for an invasion of the country. Preparations were now almost complete, and in 1587 expectation was that the fleet might be seen any day bearing down upon the English coast. The inhabitants of villages and towns on the south coast forsook their homes in terror of the invasion and sought shelter inland.1656The evil hour was put off by the prompt action of Drake, who, with four ships of the royal navy and twenty-four others supplied by the City and private individuals,1657appeared suddenly off the Spanish coast, and running into Cadiz and Lisbon, destroyed tons of shipping under the very nose of the Spanish lord high admiral, and threw into the sea the vast military stores that had been accumulated there. Having thus accomplished the object for which he set sail—that of "singeing the king of Spain's beard"—he returned, and the sailing of the Armada was put off for a year.

Preparations in England, 1587-1588.

Preparations were in the meanwhile pushed on in the city to meet the attack whenever it should be made. Ten thousand men were levied and equipped in a short space of time.1658Any inhabitant of the city[pg 535]assessed in the subsidy-book at £50 in goods, and who, being under fifty years of age, was called upon to serve, and refused, was forthwith committed to Newgate.1659If any fault was to be found with the city's force it was the inefficiency of its officers, whom the municipal authorities always claimed to appoint. The Earl of Leicester, who was in command of the camp which had been formed at Tilbury, held but a poor opinion of Londoners as a fighting force.1660"For your Londoners," wrote the earl to Walsingham,1661I see their service will be little, except they have their own captains, and having them, I look for none at all by them when we shall meet the enemy." He declares that he knows what burghers be well enough, even though they be "as brave and well trained" as the Londoners; they would be useless without good leaders,1662and on this he had always insisted. He warns Walsingham against yielding to the wishes of "townsmen" at such a critical juncture, for they would look for the like concession at other times. The Londoners were not peculiar in their desire to have their own officers, according to the earl's own showing, for the letter continues:—"You and my lords all know the imperfection[pg 536]at this time, how few leaders you have, and the gentlemen of the counties here are likewise very loth to have any placed with them to command under them, but well pleased to have some expert man with them to give them advice." Two years later a code of regulations for the "trayninge of capytaynes" was forwarded by the government to the city, and there put into execution.1663

The City fits out sixteen ships and four pinnaces.

In addition to the land force the City agreed (3 April, 1588) to furnish and fully equip for war sixteen of the largest and best merchant ships that could be found in the Thames, and four pinnaces to attend on them.1664A committee was nominated to sit at Clothworkers' Hall and take the necessary steps for fitting out the vessels, the cost of which was to be met by an assessment on citizen and stranger alike.1665Nothing was said at the time about victualling the fleet, but we learn from a later entry in the City's Journal that they were victualled for three months. On the 16th July the City agreed to supply victuals[pg 537]for "those twentie shipps lately sett forth" for one month longer, and on the 10th August the Common Council again passed a similar resolution.1666

The fate of the Armada, July, 1588.

At last the blow fell. On Friday, the 19th (o.s.) July, the Armada was sighted off the Lizard. A strong wind from the south-west was blowing at the time, and it was thought advisable to let the fleet pass and to follow it up with the English vessels then lying in Plymouth harbour. On the following day the two fleets hove in sight of each other. According to the report made to Walsingham by Richard Tomson—a Londoner serving on board theMargaret and John, one of the ships furnished by the City—the Spanish fleet numbered at that time 136 sail, ninety of which were large vessels, whilst the English fleet numbered no more than sixty-seven.1667

Notwithstanding the great superiority of the enemy's fleet in numbers and tonnage, the English admiral, Lord Howard, opened fire the next morning, but took care not to come to close quarters. "We had some small fight with them that Sunday afternoon," reported Hawkins to Walsingham.1668The admiral had other reasons for preserving caution. His ships were but ill-furnished with provisions and with ammunition, and even thus early he had to beg the Secretary of State to send him "for God's sake some powder and shot."1669The same deficiency of ammunition was experienced the whole time that[pg 538]the two fleets were opposed to each other, and but for this the enemy would not have got off so cheaply as it did. Scarcely a day passed without some cannonading taking place, but never a general engagement. The English trusted to their superior seamanship and to the greater activity of their own light vessels compared with the heavier and more unwieldly Spanish galleons. Again and again they poured broadside after broadside into the enemy, but always making good their retreat before the Spanish vessels could turn in pursuit. On Tuesday (23 July), wrote Hawkins, they had "a sharp and long fight" off Portland, on Thursday "a hot fraye." And thus the Armada made its way up channel, pestered with the swarm of English vessels that would never leave it at peace. On the Saturday following (27 July) it finally dropped anchor in Calais roads, with the intention of awaiting there the arrival of Alexander Farnese with his promised aid before making a direct descent upon the English coast. Farnese did not arrive for the reason that he was blockaded by the Dutch fleet; but the English received an accession of strength by the arrival of Lord Henry Seymour with a squadron of sixteen ships, which hitherto had been lying off Folkestone.1670

At this juncture the lord mayor (Sir George Bond), having received information of the critical state of affairs and that a general engagement was imminent, issued his precept to the aldermen to summon the pastors and ministers of each ward, and bid them call their parishioners to church by toll of[pg 539]bell or otherwise, both in the morning and afternoon of this eventful Saturday, in order that humble and hearty prayers might be offered to Almighty God "by preaching and otherwise," as the necessity of the times required.1671Three days before (24 July) he had given orders for a strict watch and ward to be kept in the city, and for a goodly supply of leather buckets in case of fire.1672

Richard Tomson and the London shipMargaret and John.

After more than one consultation together, the English commanders determined to resort to stratagem. They sent for a number of useless hulks from Dover, and having filled them with every kind of combustible, sent them all aflame on Sunday night into the thick of the enemy. The result was a panic; cables were cut and frantic attempts made to escape what seemed imminent and wholesale destruction. The ships fell foul of each other; some were wrecked and others burnt. When Monday morning dawned only eighty-six vessels out of 124 that had anchored off Calais thirty-six hours before could be found, and these for the most part were seen driving towards the coast of Flanders. The English fleet at once prepared to follow in pursuit, but attention was for a time drawn off to the action of the flagship of the squadron of galeasses, a huge vessel which had become disabled by loss of rudder, and the crew of which were endeavouring by the aid of oars to bring into Calais harbour. The Lord Admiral Howard at once bore down upon her in theArk, but the water proved too shallow. The London shipMargaret and Johnfollowed suit and, although of less tonnage than theArk, got aground. Richard Tomson sent[pg 540]home a graphic account of the exploit that followed.1673Both ships sent out long boats to capture the rich prize as she lay stuck fast upon the harbour bar. Tomson himself formed one of the little band of volunteers. The boats were soon alongside the galeass, its huge sides towering high above them. There then ensued "a pretty skirmish for half-an-hour," wrote Tomson, "but they seemed safely ensconced in their ships, while we in our open pinnaces and far under them had nothing to shroud and cover us." Fortune at last favoured the attackers. The Spanish commander fell dead on his deck with a bullet through his head. A panic seized the sailors, most of whom jumped overboard and tried by swimming and wading to reach the shore. Some succeeded, but many were drowned; whilst those who remained on board signified their readiness to capitulate by hoisting a couple of "handkerchers" on rapiers. The English lost no time in clambering up the sides of the monster, and at once commenced plundering the vessel and releasing the galley slaves. They were only waiting for the tide to take their prize in tow and carry her off when they were warned by the governor of Calais against making any such attempt. They were free to plunder the vessel if they liked, but make prize of the vessel itself they must not, and this order the governor showed himself ready and able to enforce by opening fire from the fort. Tomson and his fellow volunteers were heartily disgusted at having after all to surrender their prize, "the verye glory and staye of the Spanish armye, a thing of very great value and strength."

The naval engagement off Gravelines 29 July, 1588.

This exploit being ended and the long boats having returned to their respective ships, the lord admiral started in pursuit of the Spaniards. Seeing them coming up the Spanish commander immediately prepared for action. An engagement—described by Hawkins as "a long and great fight"—took place off Gravelines and lasted six hours. The English pursued the same tactics as before, and with like success. Without losing a single ship of their own they succeeded in riddling the best Spanish ships through and through, and at last the Armada was forced to bear away towards the open sea. The English followed and made a pretence of keeping up the attack, but by this time nearly all their ammunition as well as food had given out.

The Armada driven northward.

From Tuesday (30 July) until the following Friday (2 Aug.) the pursuit was, nevertheless, maintained by Howard, Drake and Frobisher. On Sunday (4 Aug.) the strong south-wester which had prevailed rose to a gale, and the English fleet made its way home with difficulty. It was otherwise with the Armada. Crippled and forlorn, without pilots and without competent commander, the great fleet was driven northward past the Hebrides and eventually returned home in a decimated condition by the west coast of Ireland.

Preparations in the city for receiving sick and wounded, 29 July.

In the meantime the civic authorities took order for receiving the sick and wounded and administering to their comfort. Two aldermen—Sir Thomas Pullison and Sir Wolstan Dixie—were deputed (29 July) by their brethren to ride abroad among the innholders, brewers, bakers and butchers of the city to see that they did not enhance the price of provisions and that[pg 542]they well entertained all soldiers who arrived in the city.1674The City agreed, moreover, to re-victual the ships it had furnished and to provide them with munition and other requisites. A fresh tax was imposed for the purpose of "marine and land affairs."1675

Reports as to the fate of the Armada, July-Aug., 1588.

It was a long time before any certain news arrived in the city of the ultimate fate of the Armada. There had been rumours abroad that the English fleet had been victorious—with so many Londoners serving in the fleet, it would have been strange indeed if their friends at home had been kept in absolute ignorance of what was taking place in the channel—and bonfires had been lighted, but these rumours were often incorrect and sometimes lead to mischief. The mayor therefore issued his precept to the aldermen on the 30th July—the day after the engagement off Gravelines—bidding them see that the inhabitants of their several wards refrained from crediting any news that might be reported of the vessels at sea but what they received from the mayor himself. The precaution was necessary "for the avoyding of some dislike that may come thereof."1676On the 1st August, so critical were the times, the mayor issued a precept by the queen's orders forbidding householders to quit the city, that they might the better be ready for the queen's service if required.1677On the 4th the citizens were informed that if they had any friend or servant detained as prisoner in the Spanish dominion, or bound to the galleys, whom they wished to set free,[pg 543]they might have Spanish prisoners allotted to them to assist towards ransom.1678

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