Chapter 47

The extent of the ravages of the fire.In spite of every effort to stay its progress the fire continued to rage throughout the whole of Monday and Tuesday. By this time Lombard Street, Cannon Street and Gracechurch Street had been reduced to ashes. The houses on London Bridge were attacked and Southwark threatened with destruction. On Wednesday the flames devastated Cornhill and the Exchange. The following day they got hold of St. Paul's (at that time undergoing repairs and surrounded with scaffolding), and were carried by the east wind towards the Temple and Hatton Garden. The brick buildings of the Temple offered a more stubborn resistance than the wooden buildings of the city, and prevented the fire spreading further westward.1307In the meantime resort was had to gunpowder for the quicker destruction of houses in the[pg 417]city, and by this means much was eventually saved which otherwise would inevitably have been lost. But this was not done without considerable opposition from the owners of houses who objected to their property being blown up if there was a chance of it being saved.1308At last the "horrid, malicious, bloody flame," described by Pepys as so unlike the flame of an ordinary fire, burnt itself out, and at the close of Thursday, the 6th September, the inhabitants of the city were able for the first time since the outbreak to seek a night's rest without fear of further danger. When they rose the next morning and contemplated the extent of the havoc wrought on their city by the fire, the hearts of many must have fairly sunk within them. At least four-fifths of the whole of the buildings situate within the walls had been reduced to ashes. The official report was that no less than 13,200 houses and eighty-nine parish churches, besides St. Paul's and divers chapels, were destroyed, and that only seventy-five acres out of a total of 373 acres of ground within the walls escaped the conflagration.1309These seventy-five acres chiefly lay in the vicinity of Aldgate and Tower Hill, and probably owed their immunity from the fire to the free use of gunpowder, for it was in Tower Street, Pepys tells us, that the practice of blowing up houses began. Most of the livery companies lost their halls. Clothworkers' Hall burned for three days and three nights, the flames being fed with the oil that was stored in its cellars. The Leaden Hall was partly saved. Gresham House[pg 418]also escaped; but the Guildhall suffered severely, its outer walls only being left standing.Lord Mayor Bludworth.Much dissatisfaction was displayed against Bludworth for his want of resolution during the crisis,1310and when Michaelmas-day arrived, and he was about to go out of office, he was called to account for his conduct. In anticipation of lord mayor's day he wrote to Joseph Williamson, afterwards Secretary of State, bespeaking his favour and support. He professed not to live by popular applause (he said), but he needed and desired the support and esteem of government, "having had the misfortune to serve in the severest year that ever man did."1311The fire attributed to the Papists.As to the origin of the fire the wildest rumours at the time prevailed, and for years afterwards it was commonly attributed to Papists wishing to destroy the stronghold of the reformed religion, notwithstanding the fact that not a scintilla of evidence was forthcoming in support of such a charge, after a most careful investigation.1312The citizens were not satisfied with the first inquiry, and in March, 1668, a petition was prepared to lay before parliament to re-open the question and to receive fresh evidence.1313Thirteen years later the belief that the Papists had a hand in causing the wholesale destruction of the[pg 419]city was formally promulgated by the House of Commons (10 Jan., 1681),1314and the same belief was perpetuated by an inscription on the Monument commemorating the fire, an inscription which met with the approval of the municipal authorities of the day.1315Sir Patience Ward and the inscription on the Monument.Sir Patience Ward happened to be mayor at the time, but was probably no more responsible for the inscription than any other member of the Court of Aldermen or Common Council, notwithstanding the severe reflection passed upon him by his namesake Thomas Ward,1316who, speaking of Titus Oates and his bogus "discoveries," wrote:"He swore—with flaming faggot sticks,In sixteen hundred sixty-six,That they through London took their marches,And burnt the city down with torches;Yet all invisible they were,Clad in their coats of Lapland air.The sniffling Whig-mayor Patience WardTo this damn'd lie paid such regard,That he his godly masons sent,T' engrave it round the Monument:They did so; but let such things pass—His men were fools, himself an ass."The inscription finally removed, 1830.On the accession of James II the obnoxious inscription was removed, but the feeling against Papists had obtained so strong a hold over the popular mind, that it was again set up as soon as William III came to the throne.1317There it remained[pg 420]until 1830, when, wisdom having come with years, it was finally removed by order of the Common Council (6 Dec.).1318No longer is it true, in the words of Pope, that"... London's column pointing at the skiesLike a tall bully lifts the head and lies."Provisions ordered for the city, 5 & 6 Sept., 1666.As soon as the fire began to abate measures were taken to provide food for the houseless poor. A detachment of 200 soldiers was ordered to London from Hertfordshire with carts laden with pickaxes, ropes, buckets, etc., to prevent any further outbreak, whilst the justices of the peace and deputy lieutenants were instructed to forward provisions to the city, especially bread and cheese, lest the much suffering inhabitants should perish from starvation.1319Letter of condolence and assistance from York, 17 Sept., 1666.The City received much sympathy and no little assistance from other cities, both in England and Ireland. The city of York not only despatched its town clerk to London to express its condolences with the Londoners in their great loss, but the lord mayor of York wrote (17 Sept.) to the lord mayor of London to tell him that a small sum of money—"as much as this poore decayed citty could furnish us with"—was on its way to London for the relief of the most necessitous and distressed.1320Similar letters from the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, 27 Sept.Ten days later (29 Sept.) Lord Ormond and the Lords of the Council of Ireland wrote to Bludworth expressing their hearty sorrow at the calamity that[pg 421]had befallen the citizens of London, who had shown so much humanity and kindness to the Protestants of Ireland in the late rebellion. They desired to assist the city in its distress, but money was so scarce in Ireland that they were compelled to ask the city to accept the greater part of such assistance as that country could offer in cattle, which should be despatched either alive or slaughtered, as his lordship should prefer, to any port in Ireland. But before this could be done the assent of parliament would have to be obtained.1321Similar letter from Londonderry.The inhabitants of Londonderry sent a deeply sympathetic and affectionate letter to their "deare mother citty," and forwarded a sum of £250 to assist those "who buylt orhowses now their oune are in ashes." They could not send more (they said) because of the deep poverty that lay upon their city and the general want of money throughout the country. What they did send they sent as an expression of their love and duty to their "honoured mother."1322Municipal offices removed to Gresham House.In the meantime a special Court of Aldermen had met in the afternoon of Thursday, the 6th September, and appointed Gresham House for the meetings of the Court of Aldermen and Common Council, and for transacting the general municipal business of[pg 422]the city until further order. The mayor and the sheriffs, whose houses had been destroyed, were also to take up their lodging there during the remainder of their year of office. The Exchange, too, was ordered to be kept in the gardens or walks of Gresham House. The house was to be got ready with all speed, and the governor of the East India Company was to be desired to see that the pepper stored in the walks was removed without delay. Temporary sites were at the same time appointed for the various markets until better accommodation could be found. Those who had been rendered houseless were allowed to erect sheds on the void places of London Bridge. It was further resolved to entreat his majesty to send tents into Finsbury Fields for housing the poor until they could provide themselves with habitations. The other wants of the poor were to be supplied as far as possible by the masters, wardens and assistants of the several companies of which they happened to be members.1323On Friday the court again met at Gresham House, when it gave orders for the ruins of the Guildhall to be cleared of all rubbish. Melted lead, iron, and such other materials as were of value were to be picked out and stored for further use. The passages to the Guildhall were to be boarded up. The chamberlain was ordered to remove his office to Gresham House; and thither also were to go the deputy town clerk and the city swordbearer, whose houses had been consumed. They were to take with them the city's records and such books and papers as were in actual use.1324[pg 423]Freemen allowed to erect tents or sheds for trade purposes in certain parts of the city.The next day (8 Sept.) the court gave permission for any freeman of the city to erect a tent or shed wherein to carry on his trade or craft on any part of the artillery ground, or if he so wished, either outside London wall between the postern near Broad Street and Moorgate, or within the wall between the said postern and Coleman Street. He might also erect his tent or shed in the "Round" at Smithfield. But in every case the ground was to be set out as apportioned by the mayor and sheriffs with the assistance of "Mr." [Peter] Mills. Those who had formerly kept shop in the upper "pawne" of the Royal Exchange were at the same time permitted to erect sheds under certain conditions.1325Order of Common Council for clearing rubbish from the streets, 10 Sept.On Monday, the 10th September, the Common Council met. It is the first court since the fire of which any record has come down to us. Its first care was to order every street and lane in each ward to be cleared of all rubbish by the late inhabitants, "every one before his grounds," and by no one else. It next proceeded to nominate a committee of aldermen and commoners to consider the best means of raising the city out of its ruins, and it was agreed that the Common Council should sit every Wednesday at Gresham House.1326Proclamation for the recovery of goods stolen or lost during the late fire, 19 Sept.When the fire was at its height the king had been anxious to send for the Duke of Albemarle, but hesitated to do so fearing lest he would be unwilling to be ordered home whilst engaged in the Dutch war.1327Representations of the king's wishes, however, having[pg 424]been made to the duke, he hurried home. On the 12th September a committee was appointed by the Court of Aldermen to wait upon him with a draft proclamation for the discovery and restoration of goods taken either wilfully, ignorantly, or of purpose during the confusion consequent on the late fire.1328The quantity of plate, money, jewels, household stuff, goods and merchandise discovered among the ruins was very great, and much of it had quickly been misappropriated. The proclamation ordered all persons who had so misappropriated property to bring the same within eight days into the armoury in Finsbury Fields; and by order of the Common Council no such property was to be given up to any claimant without permission of the Court of Aldermen or the lord mayor and sheriffs for the time being.1329Letter from the Primate and lords to the mayor touching the property of ruined churches, 19 Oct., 1666.A month later (19 Oct.) a letter was addressed to the mayor signed by the archbishop of Canterbury, the lords Clarendon, Albemarle, Manchester, Arlington and others, complaining that sundry materials of city churches destroyed by the fire had been embezzled and stolen, and also that smiths' forges and other artificers' shops and even alehouses were kept within the sacred ruins. The mayor was directed, with the assistance of the Court of Aldermen, to obtain inventories of all communion plate, vestments, records, books and other goods belonging to each church that the fire had destroyed, and of all that remained to each church after the fire, and he was to cause the plate and goods that survived the fire to be preserved[pg 425]for future use in their respective churches. He was further directed to collect and preserve the lead, bells and other appurtenances and materials of the various churches in order to assist in repairing and re-building them, and to prohibit any trade or selling of ale, beer, tobacco or victuals within their precincts.1330Lord mayor's day shorn of its pageantry, 29 Oct., 1666.One effect of the fire, which was estimated at the time to have destroyed houses of the rental value of £600,000 a-year,1331was seen in the lack of pageantry which usually marked the day when the newly elected mayor proceeded to the Exchequer to be sworn. When Bludworth's successor—Sir William Bolton—went to take the oath on the 29th October, the meanness of the appearance of the civic fathers was remarked by the on-lookers, who reflected "with pity upon the poor city ... compared with what it heretofore was."1332No elections on St. Thomas's day.Another result was that when the day for election of members of the Common Council was approaching, the Court of Aldermen, considering how difficult it would be, if not absolutely impossible, to hold the customary wardmotes, resolved to present a Bill to Parliament for permitting the sitting members to continue in their places for the year next ensuing without any election being held.1333The City's scheme for insurance against fire, 1681.Fourteen years after the fire (i.e., towards the close of the year 1680) the City projected a scheme[pg 426]for insurance against fire, and in 1681 a deed of conveyance of city lands of the estimated value of £100,000 was executed by the City to certain trustees as security to persons effecting insurances against fire.1334That the municipal body of the city should undertake a business of insurance and thus compete with private enterprise gave rise to no little discontent among the "gentlemen of the insurance office" carrying on business "on the backside of the Royal Exchange," who claimed to have originated the idea.1335

The extent of the ravages of the fire.

In spite of every effort to stay its progress the fire continued to rage throughout the whole of Monday and Tuesday. By this time Lombard Street, Cannon Street and Gracechurch Street had been reduced to ashes. The houses on London Bridge were attacked and Southwark threatened with destruction. On Wednesday the flames devastated Cornhill and the Exchange. The following day they got hold of St. Paul's (at that time undergoing repairs and surrounded with scaffolding), and were carried by the east wind towards the Temple and Hatton Garden. The brick buildings of the Temple offered a more stubborn resistance than the wooden buildings of the city, and prevented the fire spreading further westward.1307In the meantime resort was had to gunpowder for the quicker destruction of houses in the[pg 417]city, and by this means much was eventually saved which otherwise would inevitably have been lost. But this was not done without considerable opposition from the owners of houses who objected to their property being blown up if there was a chance of it being saved.1308At last the "horrid, malicious, bloody flame," described by Pepys as so unlike the flame of an ordinary fire, burnt itself out, and at the close of Thursday, the 6th September, the inhabitants of the city were able for the first time since the outbreak to seek a night's rest without fear of further danger. When they rose the next morning and contemplated the extent of the havoc wrought on their city by the fire, the hearts of many must have fairly sunk within them. At least four-fifths of the whole of the buildings situate within the walls had been reduced to ashes. The official report was that no less than 13,200 houses and eighty-nine parish churches, besides St. Paul's and divers chapels, were destroyed, and that only seventy-five acres out of a total of 373 acres of ground within the walls escaped the conflagration.1309These seventy-five acres chiefly lay in the vicinity of Aldgate and Tower Hill, and probably owed their immunity from the fire to the free use of gunpowder, for it was in Tower Street, Pepys tells us, that the practice of blowing up houses began. Most of the livery companies lost their halls. Clothworkers' Hall burned for three days and three nights, the flames being fed with the oil that was stored in its cellars. The Leaden Hall was partly saved. Gresham House[pg 418]also escaped; but the Guildhall suffered severely, its outer walls only being left standing.

Lord Mayor Bludworth.

Much dissatisfaction was displayed against Bludworth for his want of resolution during the crisis,1310and when Michaelmas-day arrived, and he was about to go out of office, he was called to account for his conduct. In anticipation of lord mayor's day he wrote to Joseph Williamson, afterwards Secretary of State, bespeaking his favour and support. He professed not to live by popular applause (he said), but he needed and desired the support and esteem of government, "having had the misfortune to serve in the severest year that ever man did."1311

The fire attributed to the Papists.

As to the origin of the fire the wildest rumours at the time prevailed, and for years afterwards it was commonly attributed to Papists wishing to destroy the stronghold of the reformed religion, notwithstanding the fact that not a scintilla of evidence was forthcoming in support of such a charge, after a most careful investigation.1312The citizens were not satisfied with the first inquiry, and in March, 1668, a petition was prepared to lay before parliament to re-open the question and to receive fresh evidence.1313Thirteen years later the belief that the Papists had a hand in causing the wholesale destruction of the[pg 419]city was formally promulgated by the House of Commons (10 Jan., 1681),1314and the same belief was perpetuated by an inscription on the Monument commemorating the fire, an inscription which met with the approval of the municipal authorities of the day.1315

Sir Patience Ward and the inscription on the Monument.

Sir Patience Ward happened to be mayor at the time, but was probably no more responsible for the inscription than any other member of the Court of Aldermen or Common Council, notwithstanding the severe reflection passed upon him by his namesake Thomas Ward,1316who, speaking of Titus Oates and his bogus "discoveries," wrote:

"He swore—with flaming faggot sticks,In sixteen hundred sixty-six,That they through London took their marches,And burnt the city down with torches;Yet all invisible they were,Clad in their coats of Lapland air.The sniffling Whig-mayor Patience WardTo this damn'd lie paid such regard,That he his godly masons sent,T' engrave it round the Monument:They did so; but let such things pass—His men were fools, himself an ass."

"He swore—with flaming faggot sticks,

In sixteen hundred sixty-six,

That they through London took their marches,

And burnt the city down with torches;

Yet all invisible they were,

Clad in their coats of Lapland air.

The sniffling Whig-mayor Patience Ward

To this damn'd lie paid such regard,

That he his godly masons sent,

T' engrave it round the Monument:

They did so; but let such things pass—

His men were fools, himself an ass."

The inscription finally removed, 1830.

On the accession of James II the obnoxious inscription was removed, but the feeling against Papists had obtained so strong a hold over the popular mind, that it was again set up as soon as William III came to the throne.1317There it remained[pg 420]until 1830, when, wisdom having come with years, it was finally removed by order of the Common Council (6 Dec.).1318No longer is it true, in the words of Pope, that

"... London's column pointing at the skiesLike a tall bully lifts the head and lies."

"... London's column pointing at the skies

Like a tall bully lifts the head and lies."

Provisions ordered for the city, 5 & 6 Sept., 1666.

As soon as the fire began to abate measures were taken to provide food for the houseless poor. A detachment of 200 soldiers was ordered to London from Hertfordshire with carts laden with pickaxes, ropes, buckets, etc., to prevent any further outbreak, whilst the justices of the peace and deputy lieutenants were instructed to forward provisions to the city, especially bread and cheese, lest the much suffering inhabitants should perish from starvation.1319

Letter of condolence and assistance from York, 17 Sept., 1666.

The City received much sympathy and no little assistance from other cities, both in England and Ireland. The city of York not only despatched its town clerk to London to express its condolences with the Londoners in their great loss, but the lord mayor of York wrote (17 Sept.) to the lord mayor of London to tell him that a small sum of money—"as much as this poore decayed citty could furnish us with"—was on its way to London for the relief of the most necessitous and distressed.1320

Similar letters from the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, 27 Sept.

Ten days later (29 Sept.) Lord Ormond and the Lords of the Council of Ireland wrote to Bludworth expressing their hearty sorrow at the calamity that[pg 421]had befallen the citizens of London, who had shown so much humanity and kindness to the Protestants of Ireland in the late rebellion. They desired to assist the city in its distress, but money was so scarce in Ireland that they were compelled to ask the city to accept the greater part of such assistance as that country could offer in cattle, which should be despatched either alive or slaughtered, as his lordship should prefer, to any port in Ireland. But before this could be done the assent of parliament would have to be obtained.1321

Similar letter from Londonderry.

The inhabitants of Londonderry sent a deeply sympathetic and affectionate letter to their "deare mother citty," and forwarded a sum of £250 to assist those "who buylt orhowses now their oune are in ashes." They could not send more (they said) because of the deep poverty that lay upon their city and the general want of money throughout the country. What they did send they sent as an expression of their love and duty to their "honoured mother."1322

Municipal offices removed to Gresham House.

In the meantime a special Court of Aldermen had met in the afternoon of Thursday, the 6th September, and appointed Gresham House for the meetings of the Court of Aldermen and Common Council, and for transacting the general municipal business of[pg 422]the city until further order. The mayor and the sheriffs, whose houses had been destroyed, were also to take up their lodging there during the remainder of their year of office. The Exchange, too, was ordered to be kept in the gardens or walks of Gresham House. The house was to be got ready with all speed, and the governor of the East India Company was to be desired to see that the pepper stored in the walks was removed without delay. Temporary sites were at the same time appointed for the various markets until better accommodation could be found. Those who had been rendered houseless were allowed to erect sheds on the void places of London Bridge. It was further resolved to entreat his majesty to send tents into Finsbury Fields for housing the poor until they could provide themselves with habitations. The other wants of the poor were to be supplied as far as possible by the masters, wardens and assistants of the several companies of which they happened to be members.1323On Friday the court again met at Gresham House, when it gave orders for the ruins of the Guildhall to be cleared of all rubbish. Melted lead, iron, and such other materials as were of value were to be picked out and stored for further use. The passages to the Guildhall were to be boarded up. The chamberlain was ordered to remove his office to Gresham House; and thither also were to go the deputy town clerk and the city swordbearer, whose houses had been consumed. They were to take with them the city's records and such books and papers as were in actual use.1324

Freemen allowed to erect tents or sheds for trade purposes in certain parts of the city.

The next day (8 Sept.) the court gave permission for any freeman of the city to erect a tent or shed wherein to carry on his trade or craft on any part of the artillery ground, or if he so wished, either outside London wall between the postern near Broad Street and Moorgate, or within the wall between the said postern and Coleman Street. He might also erect his tent or shed in the "Round" at Smithfield. But in every case the ground was to be set out as apportioned by the mayor and sheriffs with the assistance of "Mr." [Peter] Mills. Those who had formerly kept shop in the upper "pawne" of the Royal Exchange were at the same time permitted to erect sheds under certain conditions.1325

Order of Common Council for clearing rubbish from the streets, 10 Sept.

On Monday, the 10th September, the Common Council met. It is the first court since the fire of which any record has come down to us. Its first care was to order every street and lane in each ward to be cleared of all rubbish by the late inhabitants, "every one before his grounds," and by no one else. It next proceeded to nominate a committee of aldermen and commoners to consider the best means of raising the city out of its ruins, and it was agreed that the Common Council should sit every Wednesday at Gresham House.1326

Proclamation for the recovery of goods stolen or lost during the late fire, 19 Sept.

When the fire was at its height the king had been anxious to send for the Duke of Albemarle, but hesitated to do so fearing lest he would be unwilling to be ordered home whilst engaged in the Dutch war.1327Representations of the king's wishes, however, having[pg 424]been made to the duke, he hurried home. On the 12th September a committee was appointed by the Court of Aldermen to wait upon him with a draft proclamation for the discovery and restoration of goods taken either wilfully, ignorantly, or of purpose during the confusion consequent on the late fire.1328The quantity of plate, money, jewels, household stuff, goods and merchandise discovered among the ruins was very great, and much of it had quickly been misappropriated. The proclamation ordered all persons who had so misappropriated property to bring the same within eight days into the armoury in Finsbury Fields; and by order of the Common Council no such property was to be given up to any claimant without permission of the Court of Aldermen or the lord mayor and sheriffs for the time being.1329

Letter from the Primate and lords to the mayor touching the property of ruined churches, 19 Oct., 1666.

A month later (19 Oct.) a letter was addressed to the mayor signed by the archbishop of Canterbury, the lords Clarendon, Albemarle, Manchester, Arlington and others, complaining that sundry materials of city churches destroyed by the fire had been embezzled and stolen, and also that smiths' forges and other artificers' shops and even alehouses were kept within the sacred ruins. The mayor was directed, with the assistance of the Court of Aldermen, to obtain inventories of all communion plate, vestments, records, books and other goods belonging to each church that the fire had destroyed, and of all that remained to each church after the fire, and he was to cause the plate and goods that survived the fire to be preserved[pg 425]for future use in their respective churches. He was further directed to collect and preserve the lead, bells and other appurtenances and materials of the various churches in order to assist in repairing and re-building them, and to prohibit any trade or selling of ale, beer, tobacco or victuals within their precincts.1330

Lord mayor's day shorn of its pageantry, 29 Oct., 1666.

One effect of the fire, which was estimated at the time to have destroyed houses of the rental value of £600,000 a-year,1331was seen in the lack of pageantry which usually marked the day when the newly elected mayor proceeded to the Exchequer to be sworn. When Bludworth's successor—Sir William Bolton—went to take the oath on the 29th October, the meanness of the appearance of the civic fathers was remarked by the on-lookers, who reflected "with pity upon the poor city ... compared with what it heretofore was."1332

No elections on St. Thomas's day.

Another result was that when the day for election of members of the Common Council was approaching, the Court of Aldermen, considering how difficult it would be, if not absolutely impossible, to hold the customary wardmotes, resolved to present a Bill to Parliament for permitting the sitting members to continue in their places for the year next ensuing without any election being held.1333

The City's scheme for insurance against fire, 1681.

Fourteen years after the fire (i.e., towards the close of the year 1680) the City projected a scheme[pg 426]for insurance against fire, and in 1681 a deed of conveyance of city lands of the estimated value of £100,000 was executed by the City to certain trustees as security to persons effecting insurances against fire.1334That the municipal body of the city should undertake a business of insurance and thus compete with private enterprise gave rise to no little discontent among the "gentlemen of the insurance office" carrying on business "on the backside of the Royal Exchange," who claimed to have originated the idea.1335

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