Chapter 36

[192]L. Pulci, as above, p. 63 (Fuligno, May 20, 1472).[193]Med. Arch. Filza, 34.[194]Cosimo Rucellai, Bernardo’s son and Lucrezia’s grandson; born 1468, died 1495. The marriage with Madonna Argentina, daughter of Gabriel Malaspina, Marchesa of Fosdinovo, took place only in 1492. (The widow married Piero Soderini, later Gonfaloniere for life.) The expression ‘nuova di zecca,’ or ‘zecca al gitto’ for unexpected news, is still used in Tuscany at the present day.[195]L. Pulci, as above, p. 83.[196]When Muratori, in vol. xxiii. of theScriptores rer. Ital., printed the Commentariolus de bello Volaterrano, a. 1472, by Antonio Ivano (Hyvaniss) of Sarzana, then Chancellor of Volterra, he remarks with his usual insight how cautiously one must proceed in employing this apologetic official account, evidently ordered in Florence, of a man not well spoken of. (Ivano came to Florence in March, 1473, as ambassador from Sarzana; see Gaye,Carteggio inedito, vol. i. p. 251. There is a description by him of the ruins of Luni.) The anonymous ‘Cronachetta Volterrana’ already quoted, which M. Tabarrini gives in theArch. Stor. Ital., App. vol. iii., is also favourable to the Florentines. Machiavelli and G. M. Bruto, who copied from him, have an account not only insufficient but incorrect, in respect to the causes which led to the quarrel; Alamanno Rinuccini, as above, s. cxx., has only short notices of the war; Scipione Ammirato has no desire of agreeing with Machiavelli. How Raffael Maffei (Volterranus) regarded the matter is shown by his ‘Comment. Urb.’ and the whole of his proceedings towards the Medici. Stan. Gatteschi has in his translation of Bruto (vol. ii. p. 90,seq.) investigated the origin of the whole conflict with the help of documents. The name of Lorenzo de’ Medici is not to be found in the contract which mentions the members of the trading company, but in the contemporary ‘Ricordi’ of Zaccharia Zucchi (see Fabroni, as above, vol. ii. p. 62). Francesco Guicciardini (Stor. Fior.chap, iii.), who had the traditions of his own house at his disposal, although he remarks that the fact was unknown to him, also speaks of Lorenzo’s selfish intentions in the affair, and how he oppressed the Volterrans, because he feared a diminution of their general respect if he did not succeed in his purpose. Louis XI.’s letter to the Florentines of June 3O, wherein he complains of the silence of the Republic about the Volterran affairs, is in Desjardins, as above, p. 157; the letter from the Signori of July 1, p. 58; and the answer to the first of July 30, p. 160.[197]Fabroni, as above, vol ii. p. 63.[198]Lorenzo to Sixtus IV., November 21, 1472. See Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 61 (Quello che essa ha a me tanto liberalmente in questa causa promessa). The letters of Cardinal Ammanati from 1473, idem. pp. 58-61.[199]Rinuccini,Ricordi, s. cxxi., cxxii.;Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 126. Angelo Politiano refers to the presence of Eleonore in his beautiful elegy on the death of Albiera degli Albizzi—Prose volgari inedite, &c., p. 140. (‘Cum celebres linquens Sirenum nomine muros—Herculeumque petens regia nata torum,’ &c.)[200]Med. Arch.[201]See Cappelli, as above, p. 251.[202]L. Passerini,Manfredi Family. Ratti,Della Famiglia Sforza, vol. ii. p. 35,seq.[203]Litta,Vitelli Family. A. Fabretti,Capitani venturieri dell’Umbria, vol. iii. p. 37,seq.Roberto Orsi,De obsidione Tifernatum Città di Castello, 1538, reprinted by D. M. Manni in vol. ii. of J. M. Tartini’s Supplements to the Muratori Collection.[204]June 28, 1474: Fabroni, as above, vol. ii. p. 105.[205]Florence, December 25, 1475. See D. Moreni,Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII.Flor., 1830, p. 1,seq.The letter addressed to Sixtus IV. is here incomprehensibly referred to his successor.[206]Ricordi, s. cxxiii. cxxiv.[207]Chronicle of Piero di Marco Parenti, MS. of the Magliabechiana;Letter of Angelo Poliziano to Madonna Lucrezia de’ Mediciof May 31, 1477, in Poliziano’sProse Volgari Inedite, &c. p. 49.[208]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, pp. 134-137.[209]The date results from Morelli’sChronicle. See T. Dellungo in G. Carducci’s edition of Poliziano’sItalian Poems, Flor. 1863, p. xxvii. Piero de’ Medici mentions the desire of his younger son in a letter to Lorenzo, then at Milan, Fabroni,l.c.vol. ii. p. 52.[210]Vasari, vol. x. p. 293. C. Quarti,Le Ville Bandinelli a Pizzidimonte, in Belle Arti Opuscoli descritivi e biografici, Florence 1874, p. 345, &c.[211]Ricordi, s. cxxv.[212]L. Pulci, l. c. p. 99.[213]Rinuccini,Ricordi, s. cxxvi.[214]Rome, Oct. 15, 1474,Med. Arch.[215]‘Ad Franciscum Salviatum,’ 1473, in theProse Volgari, &c. p. 113. He calls him ‘dulcis Salviate,’ and says ‘Parva peto, dare magna soles; da parva petenti.’[216]Niccolò Bendedei to Ercole d’Este. See A. Cappelli. l. c. p. 252.[217]Chroniclesof Giovanni di Juzzo, in theCronache e Statuti della Città di Viterbo, ed. Ignazio Ciampi, Flor. 1872, p. 414. Fabretti,Capitani dell’Umbria, vol. ii. p. 307.[218]Sixtus IV. to Federigo di Montefeltro, Rome, June 9, 1477. (Arch. of Urbino, in the Tuscan Central Arch., Cl. I. Div. G., Filza, 104.)[219]Malavolti,Historia di Siena, part iii. book 4, p. 71.[220]Med. Arch., Filza 34.[221]Fabroni, 1. c. vol. ii. p. 106.[222]A 1. c. p. 160.[223]Guicciardini,Storia Fior., p. 34, andRicordi di Famiglia. Jacopo de’ Pazzi’s letters to Lorenzo, Fabroni, 1. cit. vol. ii. p. 104.[224]Fabroni, 1. c. vol. ii. p. 105.[225]The confession of Giovan Batista da Montesecco, in theExcusatio Florentinorum, drawn up by the Chancellor Bartolommeo Scala in Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 167, gives the clearest insight into the course of the conspiracy, and the measure of Pope Sixtus IV’s. share in it. We have not the least ground to doubt the truth of the statements contained in this document. The best-known contemporary account of the occurrences is Angelo Poliziano’sDe Coniuratione Pactiana Commentarius, printed in the year of the conspiracy, and extremely rare, reprinted in the edition of Poliziano’s works which appeared at Bâle, 1553, and then carefully re-edited, with many valuable additions by Giovanni Adimari. A translation made, as it seems, after the middle of the sixteenth century, was printed in theProse Volgari inedite, &c., di Angelo Poliziano, Flor. 1867, pp. 87-105. There was no lack of later translation. The relation of the facts is undoubtedly correct; the opinions regarding the acting persons are those of a partizan. The later ones follow that of Poliziano in all essentials, whom, however, G. M. Bruto rightly accuses of partizanship. The best and most reliable representation, according to the documents, is that in Scipione Ammirato, in the twenty-fourth book of his Florentine History, printed separately with remarks, Flor. 1826. Fabroni, as usual, has selected the most important from the documentary materials, as far as they were at his disposal in Florence.[226]Med. Archiv.[227]Rome, January 15, 1478. (The delivery of the letter followed on the 22nd, according to Lorenzo.)Med. Arch.[228]Med. Archiv.[229]List of Filippo Strozzi after a Riccardi MS. inVita di Filippo Strozzi il vecchio, scritta da Lorenzo suo figlio, per cura di Giuseppe Bini e Pietro Bigazzi. Flor. 1851, p. 55,seq.[230]Piero di Marco Parenti,Flor. Hist.MS. of the Magliabechiana. See above, p. 277.[231]Filippo Strozzi relates that Nori was slain by the side of Giuliano.[232]Concerning the different sentences pronounced on command of the Magnifici Octoviri from April 28 to May 18 and August 3rd, 1478, seeSententiæ Dni. Matthæi de Toscanis de Mediolano Potestatis, Florentiæ, 1477-1478, from the Strozzi MSS. G. Adimari, l. c. pp. 136-155. A less correct list of those executed and killed after a Magliabechian MS. in the Appendix to the separate imprint of Scip. Ammirato’s Report, pp. 86-88. On June 9, 1478, Sforza degli Oddi wrote to Lorenzo to recommend to him Madonna Andrea, widow of Messer Gentile de Graziani, a Peruginese emigrant, who had perished in the tumult (Med. Arch., Filza 36, seeCronache di Perugia, vol. ii. p. 589).[233]Letter of May 22, 1478,Med. Arch.[234]Fabroni, p. 111. (Ex cod. 170,Provision. Reip. Flor.).[235]See book v. The palace in the Borgo degli Albizzi, belonging to a branch of the family in the present day, with the large garden, whose portal in the Via dell’Orinolo was ascribed to Donatello, has lately disappeared in building the National Bank.[236]Vasari’s assertion that these libellous pictures are by the hand of Andrea del Castagno arises from an anachronism.[237]Vasari, in theLife of Verrocchio, vol. v. p. 152. According to this description, one might suppose that the figures were still existing at Vasari’s time. Other Medicean portraits (Voti), in the Annunziata were destroyed after the revolution of 1527.[238]Letter to Gio. Lanfredini of August 18, 1487,Med. Archiv.The priorate of Capua came later to Leone Strozzi, the son of Filippo and Clarice de’ Medici, Lorenzo’s granddaughter.[239]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p.[240]Fabroni, l. c., ii. 116.[241]Romanin, iv. 389.[242]In the document,Synodus florentina, cap. ix.[243]Allegretto Allegretti,Diarj Senesi; Muratori,R. It. Scr., xxiii. col. 784.[244]Bull, see Rainaldi,Annales Eccl., x. 582et seq., and Fabroni, l. c. ii. 121et seq.[245]Rome, June 1478,Med. Arch.[246]Instructio pro. R. Card. Mantuano, &c. Copy without date. MSS. Capponi, cod. xxii. cat. no. 1230.[247]Letter of the Doge Andrea Vendramin. Capponi MSS. cod. cccxiii.[248]Romanin, l. c., iv. 390.[249]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, pp. 128-132. The statement of Barante (Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne, ‘Charles the Bold,’ b. iv.), that Campobasso came to France with the Anjou prince, is erroneous according to this. The condottiere belonged to the Aragonese party. In Naples the defeat at Nancy was ascribed to his treason,Cronaca, 1. c. p. 133.[250]Idem, p. 129.[251]See first, Fabroni, p. 119; also Desjardins, p. 171; French, in Kervyn de Lettenhove,Lettres et Négociations de Philippe de Commines, i. 173.[252]The documents relative to Commines’ mission. See Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 173-182.[253]Florence, June 19, 1478. See Fabroni, p. 132.[254]Kervyn de Lettenhove, iii. 11.[255]Mémoires, vi. chap. v.[256]Archives of Urbino (Tuscan. Central Arch.), class i. div. iv. 104.[257]Brief of Sixtus IV. to the parish of Perugia, Rome, June 10, 1478, in theCronache e Storie di Perugia, ii. 580.[258]Divine Comedy, Purg. xiv. 48.[259]Divine Comedy, Inferno, xxix. 46.[260]The best details of the campaign of 1478-9 are given in Allegretti’sDiarj Senesi Sanesi, 1. c., 784-797.[261]Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl., 1. c., p. 585.[262]Roscoe,Illustrations, Doc. v., Heidelberg edit., iv. 199.[263]Fabroni, ii. 136-166. See above, p. 387.[264]Letter of July 25, 1478, in Fabroni, ii. 130.[265]G. M. Canale,Nuova Istoria della Republica di Genova, iv. 212.[266]Rosmini,Istoria di Gian Jacopo Trivulzio, Mil. 1815, i. 31seq.; ii. 31seq.[267]Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl., 1. c., p. 591; Kervyn de Lettenhove, 1. c., iii. 12.[268]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c., i. 185.[269]Mémoires, 1, vi. chap. 5.[270]Warrant of Louis XI. for Lorenzo de’ Medici and Commines, July 13, 1478. Warrant for Commines to grant the investiture of the same date, in Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 185-188. Despatches of the Milanese ambassadors at Florence, &c., ib. iii. 13-29.[271]Ib., 1. c., pp. 190, 191.[272]Letter of the Signoria, August 23, 1478; Desjardins, 1. c., p. 172; Kervyn de Lettenhove (French), i. 190; Letter of Lorenzo in Kervyn, p. 191. When Commines says in his memoirs, ‘Je demourai au dit lieu de Florence un an, ou dans leurs territoires,’ this is incorrect. He did not arrive at Turin much before the middle of June; went from thence to Milan, Florence, and Rome; and at the beginning of October was again in Lyons.[273]Letter of Louis XI. to Lorenzo de’ Medici, November 1, 1478, and instructions for the ambassadors, from the Medici Archives, Desjardins, 1. c., vol. i. pp. 174-184.[274]Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl., l. c., pp. 588-590.[275]Malipiero,Annali Veniti, i. 247; Romanin, l. c., iv. 391[276]The demand that the caricature of the Archbishop of Pisa should be erased is dated February 9, 1479. Gaye, 1. c., p. 574.[277]Romanin, 1. c., iv. 382.[278]Notices of the treaties in Rome from the documents of the Medicean Archives, Desjardins, 1. c., i. 184-186; Scip. Ammirato, 1. c., pp. 131-136; Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl.x. 587seq.[279]Cronache Ec.di Viterbo, p. 420seq.[280]Scipione Ammirato, book xxiv. Pezzana,Storia di Parma, iv. 86-128.[281]Vincenzo Acciaiuoli,Vita di Piero Capponi, in theArch. Stor. Ital., iv. pt. 2, p. 17. Tommasi,Storia di Lucca, p. 338.[282]Rosmini,Storia di Milano, iii. 82. Pezzana, 1. c. p. 144seq.[283]Despatches of December 30, 1478, January 13, and July 18, 1479, inKervyn de Lettenhore, l. c. i. 232, 239, 271.[284]Despatches of Visconti and Cagnola, Orleans, September 1, 1479, l. c. p. 283seq.[285]Letter of Antonio Pucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Flor. June 18, 1479; see Fabroni, l. c. p. 199.[286]Med. Arch.[287]D. Malipiero, l. c. i. 482.[288]Mémoires, 1. vii. c. 2.[289]Cronache Milanesi, pp. 186, 187.[290]Molini (G. Capponi),Documenti di Storia Italiana, Flor. 1836, i. 297.[291]Instructio D. Nicolai Martelli ituri ad Laur. Medicem, see Fabroni, l. c. ii. 189 seq. ‘Inter os et offam multa accidere possent.’ ‘Jactet aleam.’[292]Pier Filippo Pandolfini to the Magistracy of Ten, Milan, November 22, 1479. Fabroni, pp. 196-199.[293]See above, Bk. 3, ch. i. Filippo says: ‘Che totalmentegli si rimetteva nelle braccia e che in quello modo Sua Maestà lo volessi o grande o basso dentro o fuori, era contento, di modo che S. M. rendesse pacie alla città e le terre tolte.’—Idem.l. c. p. 58.[294]Guicciardini,Storia Fiorentina, cap. vi.[295]The danger which Lorenzo de’ Medici exposed himself to has been made much greater in later times than it really was. Jacopo Pitti (l. c. p. 25) says clearly that safety had been promised him both by the king and the pope (?); but it was believed that he gave himself into Ferrante’s power unconditionally (liberamente), in order to increase the fame of the latter and the splendour of his own patriotism. The danger lay less in what might happen at Naples than what might occur at Florence from a longer absence. Guicciardini hints at this (p. 59). Confidence shown in a man like the king was never without danger however.[296]Lettere de’ Principi(Venet. edit. 1581), i. 3. Translated by Roscoe, i. 221.[297]Lettere di Lorenzo de’ Medicifrom the Modena Archives, edited by A. Cappelli.Atti e Memorie della R. Diputazione di Storia patria per le prov. Modenesi e Parmensi, i. 230.[298]Malavotti,Historia di Sienna, part iii. p. 176.[299]B. Scala’s Letter (see Fabroni, p. 205) has the date of December 5, which must be a mistake, as the Signoria was first informed on the 7th.[300]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Ferrarese ambassador Antonio Montecatino, Pisa, December 10; see Cappelli, l. c. p. 240.[301]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 145.[302]Fabroni, i. 103seq., has an address to the king spoken by Lorenzo, evidently a later oratorical production.[303]Guicciardini, l. c. chap. vi. p. 58.[304]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 201, 202. Agnolo della Stufa to Lorenzo de’ Medici, January 4, 1480;Idem.pp. 207-210.[305]Carlo Visconti to the regency at Milan, Tours, January 30, 1480; see Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 318.[306]Guicciardini, l. c.[307]Bart. Scala to Lorenzo de’ Medici, January 12, 1480; see Fabroni, l. c. ii. 202-204.[308]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Ten, Naples, January 3, 1480; Fabroni, l. c. ii. 206.[309]Capponi MSS. xxii. p. 68seq.(Catalogo, No. 1212). The date is wanting in the copy; but the instruction must be of 1459, as this year is spoken of as the present one.[310]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 207-210.[311]Letter of Ippolita Maria, Castel Capuano, July 3, 1480; Fabroni, 1. c. ii. 223.[312](Ratti)Della Famiglia Sforza, ii. 11. See above, p. x. Lascaris’ Greek grammar, dedicated to Ippolita, appeared at Milan 1476.[313]Diarium Parmense, see Muratori,R. It. Scr.vol. xxiii. col. 335.[314]Alamanno Rinuccini, l. c. s. cxxxi.[315]Agnolo della Stufa, l. c.[316]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatini, March 19, 1480; see Cappelli, l. c. p. 253.[317]Jacobi Volaterrani,Diarium Rom., ad. a. 1479 (1480); see Muratori,R. It. Scr.vol. xxiii. col. 100.[318]Ferrante to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, March 1, 1480; Fabroni, ii. 213-216.[319]Jacobi Volat.Diar., 1. c.[320]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatini, April 20, 1480; Cappelli, 1. c. p. 253.[321]Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 146.[322]Angelo di Costanzo mentions the suspicion in his History of Naples; but an author of the second half of the sixteenth century is no authority. That Lorenzo, in a letter to Albino, the Duke of Calabria’s secretary, who entertained the same suspicion (see Fabroni, l. c. ii. 216), rejoices over Alfonso’s success and speaks ofcani Turchi, proves as little on the other side.[323]See Fabroni, l. c. ii. 217.[324]Jac. Volaterr, l. c. pp. 113, 118.[325]Regola del Governo di Cura Familiare del B. Giovanni Dominici, pubbl. da Donato Salvi, Flor., 1860.[326]L. Mehus,Epistola di M. Lapo da Castiglionchio, Bologna, 1653. Fr. Bocchi,Elogia, in G. E. Galletti’s edit. of Philippi Villani,Liber de civitatis Florentiæ famosis civibus, et de Florentinorum Litteratura principes fere synchroni Scriptores, Flor. 1847, pp. 9, 12.[327]In the decree of August 27 (Gaye, l. c. i. 573) we read: ‘Cogitantes magnifici viri priores artium et vexillifer virtutem supremam, vitam sinceram, mores honestos et in omnibus exemplares, religionis integritatem, doctrinam sanctam utilem et decoram, ac vere sancte et summæ eloquentiæ vas habundans venerabilis et omni tempore cum laude memorandi magistri Loysii de Marsiliis de Florentiæ’, &c.[328]The students were then placed on an equal footing with the burghers by law, ‘tractentur ut cives populares.’ See Gaye, l. c. i. 461; Prezziner,Storia del Pubblico Studio di Firenze, Flor. 1810, i. 3; Fabroni,Historia Academiæ Pisanæ, i. 46.[329]Extract of the decree of August 7, 1348,apudGaye, 1.c. p. 499.[330]L. Mehus,Ambrosii Traversarii, &c.;Latinæ Epistolæ accedit eiusdem Ambrosii vita, &c., Flor. 1759, i. 356.[331]G. Shepherd,Vita di Poggio Bracciolini, trad. da T. Tonelli, Flor. 1825. The numerous corrections and additions made by the translator of the English work which appeared in 1802 are based on careful investigation. Tonelli arranged later a complete edition of Poggio’s letters, the first volume of which appeared at Florence in 1831 (Poggii Epistolæ ed. a Th. Tonellio), the second long after the editor’s death, while the third is still wanting.[332]Mehus,Ambr. Travers. Epist.i. 178.[333]Savigny,History of Roman Law, &c., iii. 583 and elsewhere. A. Kirchhoff, the manuscript collector of the Middle Ages, in Naumann’sSerapeum, 1852, p. 17seq.Fr. Bonaini,I libri, gli Stazionari, i Peciari, i Copisti, &c., in theGiornale Stor. degli Archiv. Tosc. iv. 97seq.The price of theCorpus Juris, from the legacyquondam Cristofani judicis, amounted to 112 Sienese liri.[334]Lettere della B. Chiara Gambacorta Pisana(edited by Cesare Guasti), Pisa, 1871.[335]Commissioni, i. 86.[336]Lettere della B. Chiara Gambacorta, p. 59.[337]Marco Foscarini,Dei Veneziani raccoglitori di Codici, in the Appendix to hisStoria Arcana, Flor. 1843, vol. v. of theArchiv. Storico Italiano.[338]Gayo, l. c. i. 533.[339]Information respecting Leonardo Bruni has been collected by C. Monzani:Leonardo Bruni Aretino, in theArchivio Stor. Ital., series ii. vol. v. (reprinted inIstoria Fiorentina di Leon. Aretino, tradotta in volgare da Donato Acciaiuoli, Flor. 1861). L. Mehus’ edition of the letters appeared at Flor. 1741. The literary Academy of Arezzo planned (Flor. 1856) a reprint of the Florentine history which had first appeared in 1610, with Acciaiuoli’s version opposite, which, completed in 1473, had been published at Venice three years later, while the original remained so long inedited.[340]With a Latin translation by B. Moneta, Flor. 1755; German by C. F. Neumann, Frankfort, 1822; and new revision of the text by L. W. Hasper, Leipsig, 1841.[341]Gaye, 1. c. i. 545, 554, 560.[342]Fabroni,Magni Cosmi Med. Vita, ii. 217.[343]L. Mehus,Ambrosii Traversarii, &c.;Latinæ Epistolæ, &c.[344]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 240.[345]Vespasiano da Bisticci, 1. c. p. 439. Letters of Nicholas V. to Marsuppini and the Signoria, October 24, 1452, p. 441.[346]Detailed Latin biography by Naldo Naldi, Muratori,Scr. r. Ital.vol. xx.; Vespasiano da Bisticci, 1. c. p. 444seq.For the introduction to the latter by Bernardo del Nero, with a short outline and list of Manetti’s writings, as well as an Italian extract from Naldi by one of the Ricci family, see Galletti, 1. c. p. 129seq.CompareApostolo Zeno Dissertaz., Voss, i. 170seq.[347]The original of theStatuta Populi et Communis Florentiæis to be found, with the MSS. of numerous other statutes, in the Florentine archives; printed in three volumes, said to be at Freiburg, 1778-83. See Lami,Antichità Toscane, i. 522, and N. Salvetti,Antiquitates Florentinæ jurisprudentiam Etruriæ illustrantes, Flor. 1777.[348]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 283.[349]Tractatus quo concluditur: Nullam Gentilium scientiam chatolicæ fidei christianæ esse contrariam, addressed to Malatesta de’ Malatesti by Pesaro as umpire, Rinaldo is termed therein, ‘Nobilis florentinus juvenis Rainaldus domini Masii de Albicis de Florentia.’ There is a tract by the same author,De electione medici ad nobilem florentinum juvenem Cosmum Johannis Bitii de Medicis; seeCommissioni di R. d. A. iii. 601seq.; Mehus, 1. c. p. 394.[350]On the sonnet generally ascribed to Burchiello, ‘O umil popol mio, tu non ti avvedi,’ seeCommissioni, iii. 647.[351]Rosmini,Vita di Francesco Filelfo da Tolentino, Milan, 1808, i. 35.[352]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 69.[353]Phil.Sat.ii. 3; iv. 1; Shepherd, l. c. i. 238. Rosmini, p. 75, has no desire to dwell on revolting subjects.[354]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 246.[355]L. Mehus, l. c. p. 18; Poggio,Opera, p. 278.[356]Epist. I.iii. 29 (in Tonelli’s edit. i. 269).[357]Idem., iv. 16, 17 (i. 333, 339).[358]Shepherd, l. c. i. 155, 222.[359]Tiraboschi,Stor.lett. vi. 1 (vol. vii.), p. 263. A. Peruzzi, in Hercolani’sBiografie d’illustri Piceni, i. 27, very superficial. L. Mehus’ edition ofKyriaci Anconitani Itinerarium, Flor. 1742, is insufficient; information about him has been carefully collected in the preface and in Traversari’s life. For the opinion of Alberto degli Alberti respecting the state of Rome in Pope Eugenius IV.’s time in a letter to Giovanni de’ Medici, Cosimo’s son, see Fabroni, 1. c. ii. 165.[360]Vespasiano da Bisticci, 1. c. p. 511; G. Cantalamessa, Hercolani, i. 117seq.[361]G. Voigt,Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, p. 361.[362]Mehus, 1. c. ii. 335.[363]Apostolo Zeno, 1. c. i. 318; Fabroni, 1. c. i. 136, ii. 223.[364]Histor. de var. Fort.p.92; Traversari,Epist.v. 10 (ii. 245).[365]Fr. Schulze,Geschichte der Philosophie der Renaissance, i. Jena, 1874.[366]Gio. Corsi,Marsilii Ficini Vita, with introduction and notes by A. M. Bandini, Pisa, 1771; reprinted by Galletti Philippi Villani,Liber, &c., pp. 183-214. L. Galeotti,Saggio intorno alla vita e agli scritti di M. F.in theArch. Stor. Ital., series ii., ix. 2, 25seq.(A careful collection of Ficino’s opinions, especially on religion and particularly from his letters.) Edit. of the Works, Basle, 1576, with twelve books of letters in vol. i. There is an Italian translation of the letters,Lettere di M. F., tradotte per M. Felice, Figliucci Senese, Venice, 1556. Ficino composed his commentary to Plato’s Banquet and his book on the Christian religion in Italian also. Edit. of the first, Flor. 1544; the second, Flor. 1568 (Gamba,Testi di Lingua, 1097, 1098).[367]M. Ficino,Epistolæ, book i.; see vol. i. p. 192; vol. ii. p. 29seq.[368]In Lord Vernon’s illustrated edition of theInfernothere is a representation of Landino’s grave and the body.[369]A. M. Bandini,Specimen literaturæ Florentinæ sæculi XV.Flor. 1748 (History and Monuments of the Florentine Literature of the second half of the Fifteenth Century, in the form of a biography of Landino); see vol. ii. p. 40seq.[370]Ad Jacobum Salvettum de laudibus M. Cosmi, Bandini, i. 102.[371]Lettere di Sant’Antonino, Flor. 1859, pp. 126, 193. On the embassies to Rome entrusted to the Archbishop in the years 1455 and 1458:Due Legazioni al Sommo Pontefice per il Comune di Firenze, presedute da Sant’Antonino arcivescovo(edited by Cesare Guasti), Flor. 1857. Of the works of the Saint, for which see Brunet’sManuel bibliographique, i. 330, we need only mention here,Opera a ben vivere di S. A., messa a luce con altri suoi ammaestramenti e una giunta di antiche orazioni Toscane, da Fr. Palermo, Flor. 1858.[372]L. c. p. 193.[373]Fabroni, l. c.[374]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 291.[375]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 482.[376]Gaye, l. c. i. 545; see above, p. 528.[377]Shepherd, l. c. i. 255.[378]Idem.p. 261.[379]Vespasiano da Bisticci, pp. 210, 213, 402.[380]‘Protonotaio apostolico inghilese,’ ‘Messer Andrea Ols,’ l. c. p. 238.[381]See vol. ii. pp. 141, 142.[382]Inscription:SOCIETATI MEDICEÆAPUD DEUMFRATRES ET STUDIOSI OMNESLINGUIS ANIMISQUEFAVERE TENEMURQUOD SUA IMPENSALOCUM BIBLIOTHECÆOMNI CULTU ET ORNATUJOANNE LANFREDINO SOCIOFACIUNDUM CURAVIT.The bitter words in the sonnet mentioned on page 451, after the recall of the decree of 1434, ‘del tuo gran tesoro—ti vota sempre, e empie a Marco il seno,’ refer to Cosimo’s munificence at Venice.[383]Plan of San Marco in (Aurelio Gotti’s)le Gallerie de Firenze.[384]Mehus,Ambr. Trav. Epist.i. 63.[385]‘Ex hereditate doctissimi viri Nicolai de Nicolis de Florentia.’ These and similar words we read in the MSS. also.[386]‘Inventarium Nicolai p. v. quod ipso composuit ad instantiam Cosmæ de Medicis ut ab ipso Cosma audivi die xii Nov. 1463. Ego frater Leonardus Ser. Uberti de Florentia ord. præd.’ &c. MSS. of the same library. See Mehus,Traversari, i. 65, where are a number of details respecting the history of the Collection partly from Fra Roberto Ubaldini’sAnnales Marciani.[387]‘Liber Colucii Pierii de Salutatis cancellarii florentini Liber Cosmæ Johannis de Medicis de Florentia.’ Such is the inscription on such Codices.[388]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 382.[389]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 252.[390](N. Anziani)Della Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana in Firenze, Flor. 1872, pp. 4, 6, 22, 24.[391]In a MS. of the Epistles of St. Paul (Codd. Fiesolani Laur. cod. v.) we read the following inscription: Magnifici viri Cosmae de Medicis ingens liberalitas, eximia virtus et charitas prope singularis ex omni parte sese ostendit. Sacras has ædificavit ædes, his religiosis viris canonicis regularibus quæ ad usum vitæ necessaria erant paravit, postremo illis has epistolas Pauli dono dedit ut nihil relinqueretur quod esset ab illis ulterius expetendum. Adsit igitur clementissimus Deus et benedicat ei omnibus diebus vitæ suæ. Ex hereditate Joannis filii sui.’In a MS. of the works of the Fathers of the Church (cod. lv.) we find: ‘Has Sanctorum Patrum Collationes quas Joannes Cassianus luculentissime edidit Magnificus Cosmus Medices viginti aureis emit et huic Divi Bartholomæi fesulano monasterio quod a fundamentis erexit sua pietate dedit anno MCCCCLXII. Inter orandum eius animæ memores estote. Timotheus Veronensis.’ In the Cod. lxxii.: ‘In hoc volumine quisquis legendo profecerit Petro Mediceo Cosmi filio acceptum referri debebit qui eximiam patris pietatem atque religionem prosequutus hoc ipso multisque aliis præclarissimis libris bibliothecam istam ornavit, cui æternum munus cumulatamque mercedem reddat Deus opt. max.’ In the cod. clvii.: ‘Laurentius Medices Petri filius eiusque virtutis et gloriæ æmulator felicissimus codicem hunc illustri suo nomine ab auctore dicatum huic preciosæ librorum supellectili avita paternaque magnificentia ac liberalitate institutæ addendum merito duxit ut et eam hoc munere locupletiorem ornatioremque redderet et opus eius scriptorisque nomine insigne ipsa quoque sede illustrius fieret ac multorum ingeniis deserviret. Orato itaque lector ut gloria et divitiæ sint in domo eius justitia eius et maneat in sæculum sæculi.’[392]Descrizione del palazzo d’Urbino in versi e prose di Bernardino Baldi, Flor. 1859.

[192]L. Pulci, as above, p. 63 (Fuligno, May 20, 1472).

[193]Med. Arch. Filza, 34.

[194]Cosimo Rucellai, Bernardo’s son and Lucrezia’s grandson; born 1468, died 1495. The marriage with Madonna Argentina, daughter of Gabriel Malaspina, Marchesa of Fosdinovo, took place only in 1492. (The widow married Piero Soderini, later Gonfaloniere for life.) The expression ‘nuova di zecca,’ or ‘zecca al gitto’ for unexpected news, is still used in Tuscany at the present day.

[195]L. Pulci, as above, p. 83.

[196]When Muratori, in vol. xxiii. of theScriptores rer. Ital., printed the Commentariolus de bello Volaterrano, a. 1472, by Antonio Ivano (Hyvaniss) of Sarzana, then Chancellor of Volterra, he remarks with his usual insight how cautiously one must proceed in employing this apologetic official account, evidently ordered in Florence, of a man not well spoken of. (Ivano came to Florence in March, 1473, as ambassador from Sarzana; see Gaye,Carteggio inedito, vol. i. p. 251. There is a description by him of the ruins of Luni.) The anonymous ‘Cronachetta Volterrana’ already quoted, which M. Tabarrini gives in theArch. Stor. Ital., App. vol. iii., is also favourable to the Florentines. Machiavelli and G. M. Bruto, who copied from him, have an account not only insufficient but incorrect, in respect to the causes which led to the quarrel; Alamanno Rinuccini, as above, s. cxx., has only short notices of the war; Scipione Ammirato has no desire of agreeing with Machiavelli. How Raffael Maffei (Volterranus) regarded the matter is shown by his ‘Comment. Urb.’ and the whole of his proceedings towards the Medici. Stan. Gatteschi has in his translation of Bruto (vol. ii. p. 90,seq.) investigated the origin of the whole conflict with the help of documents. The name of Lorenzo de’ Medici is not to be found in the contract which mentions the members of the trading company, but in the contemporary ‘Ricordi’ of Zaccharia Zucchi (see Fabroni, as above, vol. ii. p. 62). Francesco Guicciardini (Stor. Fior.chap, iii.), who had the traditions of his own house at his disposal, although he remarks that the fact was unknown to him, also speaks of Lorenzo’s selfish intentions in the affair, and how he oppressed the Volterrans, because he feared a diminution of their general respect if he did not succeed in his purpose. Louis XI.’s letter to the Florentines of June 3O, wherein he complains of the silence of the Republic about the Volterran affairs, is in Desjardins, as above, p. 157; the letter from the Signori of July 1, p. 58; and the answer to the first of July 30, p. 160.

[197]Fabroni, as above, vol ii. p. 63.

[198]Lorenzo to Sixtus IV., November 21, 1472. See Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 61 (Quello che essa ha a me tanto liberalmente in questa causa promessa). The letters of Cardinal Ammanati from 1473, idem. pp. 58-61.

[199]Rinuccini,Ricordi, s. cxxi., cxxii.;Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 126. Angelo Politiano refers to the presence of Eleonore in his beautiful elegy on the death of Albiera degli Albizzi—Prose volgari inedite, &c., p. 140. (‘Cum celebres linquens Sirenum nomine muros—Herculeumque petens regia nata torum,’ &c.)

[200]Med. Arch.

[201]See Cappelli, as above, p. 251.

[202]L. Passerini,Manfredi Family. Ratti,Della Famiglia Sforza, vol. ii. p. 35,seq.

[203]Litta,Vitelli Family. A. Fabretti,Capitani venturieri dell’Umbria, vol. iii. p. 37,seq.Roberto Orsi,De obsidione Tifernatum Città di Castello, 1538, reprinted by D. M. Manni in vol. ii. of J. M. Tartini’s Supplements to the Muratori Collection.

[204]June 28, 1474: Fabroni, as above, vol. ii. p. 105.

[205]Florence, December 25, 1475. See D. Moreni,Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII.Flor., 1830, p. 1,seq.The letter addressed to Sixtus IV. is here incomprehensibly referred to his successor.

[206]Ricordi, s. cxxiii. cxxiv.

[207]Chronicle of Piero di Marco Parenti, MS. of the Magliabechiana;Letter of Angelo Poliziano to Madonna Lucrezia de’ Mediciof May 31, 1477, in Poliziano’sProse Volgari Inedite, &c. p. 49.

[208]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, pp. 134-137.

[209]The date results from Morelli’sChronicle. See T. Dellungo in G. Carducci’s edition of Poliziano’sItalian Poems, Flor. 1863, p. xxvii. Piero de’ Medici mentions the desire of his younger son in a letter to Lorenzo, then at Milan, Fabroni,l.c.vol. ii. p. 52.

[210]Vasari, vol. x. p. 293. C. Quarti,Le Ville Bandinelli a Pizzidimonte, in Belle Arti Opuscoli descritivi e biografici, Florence 1874, p. 345, &c.

[211]Ricordi, s. cxxv.

[212]L. Pulci, l. c. p. 99.

[213]Rinuccini,Ricordi, s. cxxvi.

[214]Rome, Oct. 15, 1474,Med. Arch.

[215]‘Ad Franciscum Salviatum,’ 1473, in theProse Volgari, &c. p. 113. He calls him ‘dulcis Salviate,’ and says ‘Parva peto, dare magna soles; da parva petenti.’

[216]Niccolò Bendedei to Ercole d’Este. See A. Cappelli. l. c. p. 252.

[217]Chroniclesof Giovanni di Juzzo, in theCronache e Statuti della Città di Viterbo, ed. Ignazio Ciampi, Flor. 1872, p. 414. Fabretti,Capitani dell’Umbria, vol. ii. p. 307.

[218]Sixtus IV. to Federigo di Montefeltro, Rome, June 9, 1477. (Arch. of Urbino, in the Tuscan Central Arch., Cl. I. Div. G., Filza, 104.)

[219]Malavolti,Historia di Siena, part iii. book 4, p. 71.

[220]Med. Arch., Filza 34.

[221]Fabroni, 1. c. vol. ii. p. 106.

[222]A 1. c. p. 160.

[223]Guicciardini,Storia Fior., p. 34, andRicordi di Famiglia. Jacopo de’ Pazzi’s letters to Lorenzo, Fabroni, 1. cit. vol. ii. p. 104.

[224]Fabroni, 1. c. vol. ii. p. 105.

[225]The confession of Giovan Batista da Montesecco, in theExcusatio Florentinorum, drawn up by the Chancellor Bartolommeo Scala in Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 167, gives the clearest insight into the course of the conspiracy, and the measure of Pope Sixtus IV’s. share in it. We have not the least ground to doubt the truth of the statements contained in this document. The best-known contemporary account of the occurrences is Angelo Poliziano’sDe Coniuratione Pactiana Commentarius, printed in the year of the conspiracy, and extremely rare, reprinted in the edition of Poliziano’s works which appeared at Bâle, 1553, and then carefully re-edited, with many valuable additions by Giovanni Adimari. A translation made, as it seems, after the middle of the sixteenth century, was printed in theProse Volgari inedite, &c., di Angelo Poliziano, Flor. 1867, pp. 87-105. There was no lack of later translation. The relation of the facts is undoubtedly correct; the opinions regarding the acting persons are those of a partizan. The later ones follow that of Poliziano in all essentials, whom, however, G. M. Bruto rightly accuses of partizanship. The best and most reliable representation, according to the documents, is that in Scipione Ammirato, in the twenty-fourth book of his Florentine History, printed separately with remarks, Flor. 1826. Fabroni, as usual, has selected the most important from the documentary materials, as far as they were at his disposal in Florence.

[226]Med. Archiv.

[227]Rome, January 15, 1478. (The delivery of the letter followed on the 22nd, according to Lorenzo.)Med. Arch.

[228]Med. Archiv.

[229]List of Filippo Strozzi after a Riccardi MS. inVita di Filippo Strozzi il vecchio, scritta da Lorenzo suo figlio, per cura di Giuseppe Bini e Pietro Bigazzi. Flor. 1851, p. 55,seq.

[230]Piero di Marco Parenti,Flor. Hist.MS. of the Magliabechiana. See above, p. 277.

[231]Filippo Strozzi relates that Nori was slain by the side of Giuliano.

[232]Concerning the different sentences pronounced on command of the Magnifici Octoviri from April 28 to May 18 and August 3rd, 1478, seeSententiæ Dni. Matthæi de Toscanis de Mediolano Potestatis, Florentiæ, 1477-1478, from the Strozzi MSS. G. Adimari, l. c. pp. 136-155. A less correct list of those executed and killed after a Magliabechian MS. in the Appendix to the separate imprint of Scip. Ammirato’s Report, pp. 86-88. On June 9, 1478, Sforza degli Oddi wrote to Lorenzo to recommend to him Madonna Andrea, widow of Messer Gentile de Graziani, a Peruginese emigrant, who had perished in the tumult (Med. Arch., Filza 36, seeCronache di Perugia, vol. ii. p. 589).

[233]Letter of May 22, 1478,Med. Arch.

[234]Fabroni, p. 111. (Ex cod. 170,Provision. Reip. Flor.).

[235]See book v. The palace in the Borgo degli Albizzi, belonging to a branch of the family in the present day, with the large garden, whose portal in the Via dell’Orinolo was ascribed to Donatello, has lately disappeared in building the National Bank.

[236]Vasari’s assertion that these libellous pictures are by the hand of Andrea del Castagno arises from an anachronism.

[237]Vasari, in theLife of Verrocchio, vol. v. p. 152. According to this description, one might suppose that the figures were still existing at Vasari’s time. Other Medicean portraits (Voti), in the Annunziata were destroyed after the revolution of 1527.

[238]Letter to Gio. Lanfredini of August 18, 1487,Med. Archiv.The priorate of Capua came later to Leone Strozzi, the son of Filippo and Clarice de’ Medici, Lorenzo’s granddaughter.

[239]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p.

[240]Fabroni, l. c., ii. 116.

[241]Romanin, iv. 389.

[242]In the document,Synodus florentina, cap. ix.

[243]Allegretto Allegretti,Diarj Senesi; Muratori,R. It. Scr., xxiii. col. 784.

[244]Bull, see Rainaldi,Annales Eccl., x. 582et seq., and Fabroni, l. c. ii. 121et seq.

[245]Rome, June 1478,Med. Arch.

[246]Instructio pro. R. Card. Mantuano, &c. Copy without date. MSS. Capponi, cod. xxii. cat. no. 1230.

[247]Letter of the Doge Andrea Vendramin. Capponi MSS. cod. cccxiii.

[248]Romanin, l. c., iv. 390.

[249]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, pp. 128-132. The statement of Barante (Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne, ‘Charles the Bold,’ b. iv.), that Campobasso came to France with the Anjou prince, is erroneous according to this. The condottiere belonged to the Aragonese party. In Naples the defeat at Nancy was ascribed to his treason,Cronaca, 1. c. p. 133.

[250]Idem, p. 129.

[251]See first, Fabroni, p. 119; also Desjardins, p. 171; French, in Kervyn de Lettenhove,Lettres et Négociations de Philippe de Commines, i. 173.

[252]The documents relative to Commines’ mission. See Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 173-182.

[253]Florence, June 19, 1478. See Fabroni, p. 132.

[254]Kervyn de Lettenhove, iii. 11.

[255]Mémoires, vi. chap. v.

[256]Archives of Urbino (Tuscan. Central Arch.), class i. div. iv. 104.

[257]Brief of Sixtus IV. to the parish of Perugia, Rome, June 10, 1478, in theCronache e Storie di Perugia, ii. 580.

[258]Divine Comedy, Purg. xiv. 48.

[259]Divine Comedy, Inferno, xxix. 46.

[260]The best details of the campaign of 1478-9 are given in Allegretti’sDiarj Senesi Sanesi, 1. c., 784-797.

[261]Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl., 1. c., p. 585.

[262]Roscoe,Illustrations, Doc. v., Heidelberg edit., iv. 199.

[263]Fabroni, ii. 136-166. See above, p. 387.

[264]Letter of July 25, 1478, in Fabroni, ii. 130.

[265]G. M. Canale,Nuova Istoria della Republica di Genova, iv. 212.

[266]Rosmini,Istoria di Gian Jacopo Trivulzio, Mil. 1815, i. 31seq.; ii. 31seq.

[267]Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl., 1. c., p. 591; Kervyn de Lettenhove, 1. c., iii. 12.

[268]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c., i. 185.

[269]Mémoires, 1, vi. chap. 5.

[270]Warrant of Louis XI. for Lorenzo de’ Medici and Commines, July 13, 1478. Warrant for Commines to grant the investiture of the same date, in Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 185-188. Despatches of the Milanese ambassadors at Florence, &c., ib. iii. 13-29.

[271]Ib., 1. c., pp. 190, 191.

[272]Letter of the Signoria, August 23, 1478; Desjardins, 1. c., p. 172; Kervyn de Lettenhove (French), i. 190; Letter of Lorenzo in Kervyn, p. 191. When Commines says in his memoirs, ‘Je demourai au dit lieu de Florence un an, ou dans leurs territoires,’ this is incorrect. He did not arrive at Turin much before the middle of June; went from thence to Milan, Florence, and Rome; and at the beginning of October was again in Lyons.

[273]Letter of Louis XI. to Lorenzo de’ Medici, November 1, 1478, and instructions for the ambassadors, from the Medici Archives, Desjardins, 1. c., vol. i. pp. 174-184.

[274]Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl., l. c., pp. 588-590.

[275]Malipiero,Annali Veniti, i. 247; Romanin, l. c., iv. 391

[276]The demand that the caricature of the Archbishop of Pisa should be erased is dated February 9, 1479. Gaye, 1. c., p. 574.

[277]Romanin, 1. c., iv. 382.

[278]Notices of the treaties in Rome from the documents of the Medicean Archives, Desjardins, 1. c., i. 184-186; Scip. Ammirato, 1. c., pp. 131-136; Rainaldi,Ann. Eccl.x. 587seq.

[279]Cronache Ec.di Viterbo, p. 420seq.

[280]Scipione Ammirato, book xxiv. Pezzana,Storia di Parma, iv. 86-128.

[281]Vincenzo Acciaiuoli,Vita di Piero Capponi, in theArch. Stor. Ital., iv. pt. 2, p. 17. Tommasi,Storia di Lucca, p. 338.

[282]Rosmini,Storia di Milano, iii. 82. Pezzana, 1. c. p. 144seq.

[283]Despatches of December 30, 1478, January 13, and July 18, 1479, inKervyn de Lettenhore, l. c. i. 232, 239, 271.

[284]Despatches of Visconti and Cagnola, Orleans, September 1, 1479, l. c. p. 283seq.

[285]Letter of Antonio Pucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Flor. June 18, 1479; see Fabroni, l. c. p. 199.

[286]Med. Arch.

[287]D. Malipiero, l. c. i. 482.

[288]Mémoires, 1. vii. c. 2.

[289]Cronache Milanesi, pp. 186, 187.

[290]Molini (G. Capponi),Documenti di Storia Italiana, Flor. 1836, i. 297.

[291]Instructio D. Nicolai Martelli ituri ad Laur. Medicem, see Fabroni, l. c. ii. 189 seq. ‘Inter os et offam multa accidere possent.’ ‘Jactet aleam.’

[292]Pier Filippo Pandolfini to the Magistracy of Ten, Milan, November 22, 1479. Fabroni, pp. 196-199.

[293]See above, Bk. 3, ch. i. Filippo says: ‘Che totalmentegli si rimetteva nelle braccia e che in quello modo Sua Maestà lo volessi o grande o basso dentro o fuori, era contento, di modo che S. M. rendesse pacie alla città e le terre tolte.’—Idem.l. c. p. 58.

[294]Guicciardini,Storia Fiorentina, cap. vi.

[295]The danger which Lorenzo de’ Medici exposed himself to has been made much greater in later times than it really was. Jacopo Pitti (l. c. p. 25) says clearly that safety had been promised him both by the king and the pope (?); but it was believed that he gave himself into Ferrante’s power unconditionally (liberamente), in order to increase the fame of the latter and the splendour of his own patriotism. The danger lay less in what might happen at Naples than what might occur at Florence from a longer absence. Guicciardini hints at this (p. 59). Confidence shown in a man like the king was never without danger however.

[296]Lettere de’ Principi(Venet. edit. 1581), i. 3. Translated by Roscoe, i. 221.

[297]Lettere di Lorenzo de’ Medicifrom the Modena Archives, edited by A. Cappelli.Atti e Memorie della R. Diputazione di Storia patria per le prov. Modenesi e Parmensi, i. 230.

[298]Malavotti,Historia di Sienna, part iii. p. 176.

[299]B. Scala’s Letter (see Fabroni, p. 205) has the date of December 5, which must be a mistake, as the Signoria was first informed on the 7th.

[300]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Ferrarese ambassador Antonio Montecatino, Pisa, December 10; see Cappelli, l. c. p. 240.

[301]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 145.

[302]Fabroni, i. 103seq., has an address to the king spoken by Lorenzo, evidently a later oratorical production.

[303]Guicciardini, l. c. chap. vi. p. 58.

[304]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 201, 202. Agnolo della Stufa to Lorenzo de’ Medici, January 4, 1480;Idem.pp. 207-210.

[305]Carlo Visconti to the regency at Milan, Tours, January 30, 1480; see Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 318.

[306]Guicciardini, l. c.

[307]Bart. Scala to Lorenzo de’ Medici, January 12, 1480; see Fabroni, l. c. ii. 202-204.

[308]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Ten, Naples, January 3, 1480; Fabroni, l. c. ii. 206.

[309]Capponi MSS. xxii. p. 68seq.(Catalogo, No. 1212). The date is wanting in the copy; but the instruction must be of 1459, as this year is spoken of as the present one.

[310]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 207-210.

[311]Letter of Ippolita Maria, Castel Capuano, July 3, 1480; Fabroni, 1. c. ii. 223.

[312](Ratti)Della Famiglia Sforza, ii. 11. See above, p. x. Lascaris’ Greek grammar, dedicated to Ippolita, appeared at Milan 1476.

[313]Diarium Parmense, see Muratori,R. It. Scr.vol. xxiii. col. 335.

[314]Alamanno Rinuccini, l. c. s. cxxxi.

[315]Agnolo della Stufa, l. c.

[316]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatini, March 19, 1480; see Cappelli, l. c. p. 253.

[317]Jacobi Volaterrani,Diarium Rom., ad. a. 1479 (1480); see Muratori,R. It. Scr.vol. xxiii. col. 100.

[318]Ferrante to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, March 1, 1480; Fabroni, ii. 213-216.

[319]Jacobi Volat.Diar., 1. c.

[320]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatini, April 20, 1480; Cappelli, 1. c. p. 253.

[321]Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 146.

[322]Angelo di Costanzo mentions the suspicion in his History of Naples; but an author of the second half of the sixteenth century is no authority. That Lorenzo, in a letter to Albino, the Duke of Calabria’s secretary, who entertained the same suspicion (see Fabroni, l. c. ii. 216), rejoices over Alfonso’s success and speaks ofcani Turchi, proves as little on the other side.

[323]See Fabroni, l. c. ii. 217.

[324]Jac. Volaterr, l. c. pp. 113, 118.

[325]Regola del Governo di Cura Familiare del B. Giovanni Dominici, pubbl. da Donato Salvi, Flor., 1860.

[326]L. Mehus,Epistola di M. Lapo da Castiglionchio, Bologna, 1653. Fr. Bocchi,Elogia, in G. E. Galletti’s edit. of Philippi Villani,Liber de civitatis Florentiæ famosis civibus, et de Florentinorum Litteratura principes fere synchroni Scriptores, Flor. 1847, pp. 9, 12.

[327]In the decree of August 27 (Gaye, l. c. i. 573) we read: ‘Cogitantes magnifici viri priores artium et vexillifer virtutem supremam, vitam sinceram, mores honestos et in omnibus exemplares, religionis integritatem, doctrinam sanctam utilem et decoram, ac vere sancte et summæ eloquentiæ vas habundans venerabilis et omni tempore cum laude memorandi magistri Loysii de Marsiliis de Florentiæ’, &c.

[328]The students were then placed on an equal footing with the burghers by law, ‘tractentur ut cives populares.’ See Gaye, l. c. i. 461; Prezziner,Storia del Pubblico Studio di Firenze, Flor. 1810, i. 3; Fabroni,Historia Academiæ Pisanæ, i. 46.

[329]Extract of the decree of August 7, 1348,apudGaye, 1.c. p. 499.

[330]L. Mehus,Ambrosii Traversarii, &c.;Latinæ Epistolæ accedit eiusdem Ambrosii vita, &c., Flor. 1759, i. 356.

[331]G. Shepherd,Vita di Poggio Bracciolini, trad. da T. Tonelli, Flor. 1825. The numerous corrections and additions made by the translator of the English work which appeared in 1802 are based on careful investigation. Tonelli arranged later a complete edition of Poggio’s letters, the first volume of which appeared at Florence in 1831 (Poggii Epistolæ ed. a Th. Tonellio), the second long after the editor’s death, while the third is still wanting.

[332]Mehus,Ambr. Travers. Epist.i. 178.

[333]Savigny,History of Roman Law, &c., iii. 583 and elsewhere. A. Kirchhoff, the manuscript collector of the Middle Ages, in Naumann’sSerapeum, 1852, p. 17seq.Fr. Bonaini,I libri, gli Stazionari, i Peciari, i Copisti, &c., in theGiornale Stor. degli Archiv. Tosc. iv. 97seq.The price of theCorpus Juris, from the legacyquondam Cristofani judicis, amounted to 112 Sienese liri.

[334]Lettere della B. Chiara Gambacorta Pisana(edited by Cesare Guasti), Pisa, 1871.

[335]Commissioni, i. 86.

[336]Lettere della B. Chiara Gambacorta, p. 59.

[337]Marco Foscarini,Dei Veneziani raccoglitori di Codici, in the Appendix to hisStoria Arcana, Flor. 1843, vol. v. of theArchiv. Storico Italiano.

[338]Gayo, l. c. i. 533.

[339]Information respecting Leonardo Bruni has been collected by C. Monzani:Leonardo Bruni Aretino, in theArchivio Stor. Ital., series ii. vol. v. (reprinted inIstoria Fiorentina di Leon. Aretino, tradotta in volgare da Donato Acciaiuoli, Flor. 1861). L. Mehus’ edition of the letters appeared at Flor. 1741. The literary Academy of Arezzo planned (Flor. 1856) a reprint of the Florentine history which had first appeared in 1610, with Acciaiuoli’s version opposite, which, completed in 1473, had been published at Venice three years later, while the original remained so long inedited.

[340]With a Latin translation by B. Moneta, Flor. 1755; German by C. F. Neumann, Frankfort, 1822; and new revision of the text by L. W. Hasper, Leipsig, 1841.

[341]Gaye, 1. c. i. 545, 554, 560.

[342]Fabroni,Magni Cosmi Med. Vita, ii. 217.

[343]L. Mehus,Ambrosii Traversarii, &c.;Latinæ Epistolæ, &c.

[344]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 240.

[345]Vespasiano da Bisticci, 1. c. p. 439. Letters of Nicholas V. to Marsuppini and the Signoria, October 24, 1452, p. 441.

[346]Detailed Latin biography by Naldo Naldi, Muratori,Scr. r. Ital.vol. xx.; Vespasiano da Bisticci, 1. c. p. 444seq.For the introduction to the latter by Bernardo del Nero, with a short outline and list of Manetti’s writings, as well as an Italian extract from Naldi by one of the Ricci family, see Galletti, 1. c. p. 129seq.CompareApostolo Zeno Dissertaz., Voss, i. 170seq.

[347]The original of theStatuta Populi et Communis Florentiæis to be found, with the MSS. of numerous other statutes, in the Florentine archives; printed in three volumes, said to be at Freiburg, 1778-83. See Lami,Antichità Toscane, i. 522, and N. Salvetti,Antiquitates Florentinæ jurisprudentiam Etruriæ illustrantes, Flor. 1777.

[348]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 283.

[349]Tractatus quo concluditur: Nullam Gentilium scientiam chatolicæ fidei christianæ esse contrariam, addressed to Malatesta de’ Malatesti by Pesaro as umpire, Rinaldo is termed therein, ‘Nobilis florentinus juvenis Rainaldus domini Masii de Albicis de Florentia.’ There is a tract by the same author,De electione medici ad nobilem florentinum juvenem Cosmum Johannis Bitii de Medicis; seeCommissioni di R. d. A. iii. 601seq.; Mehus, 1. c. p. 394.

[350]On the sonnet generally ascribed to Burchiello, ‘O umil popol mio, tu non ti avvedi,’ seeCommissioni, iii. 647.

[351]Rosmini,Vita di Francesco Filelfo da Tolentino, Milan, 1808, i. 35.

[352]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 69.

[353]Phil.Sat.ii. 3; iv. 1; Shepherd, l. c. i. 238. Rosmini, p. 75, has no desire to dwell on revolting subjects.

[354]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 246.

[355]L. Mehus, l. c. p. 18; Poggio,Opera, p. 278.

[356]Epist. I.iii. 29 (in Tonelli’s edit. i. 269).

[357]Idem., iv. 16, 17 (i. 333, 339).

[358]Shepherd, l. c. i. 155, 222.

[359]Tiraboschi,Stor.lett. vi. 1 (vol. vii.), p. 263. A. Peruzzi, in Hercolani’sBiografie d’illustri Piceni, i. 27, very superficial. L. Mehus’ edition ofKyriaci Anconitani Itinerarium, Flor. 1742, is insufficient; information about him has been carefully collected in the preface and in Traversari’s life. For the opinion of Alberto degli Alberti respecting the state of Rome in Pope Eugenius IV.’s time in a letter to Giovanni de’ Medici, Cosimo’s son, see Fabroni, 1. c. ii. 165.

[360]Vespasiano da Bisticci, 1. c. p. 511; G. Cantalamessa, Hercolani, i. 117seq.

[361]G. Voigt,Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, p. 361.

[362]Mehus, 1. c. ii. 335.

[363]Apostolo Zeno, 1. c. i. 318; Fabroni, 1. c. i. 136, ii. 223.

[364]Histor. de var. Fort.p.92; Traversari,Epist.v. 10 (ii. 245).

[365]Fr. Schulze,Geschichte der Philosophie der Renaissance, i. Jena, 1874.

[366]Gio. Corsi,Marsilii Ficini Vita, with introduction and notes by A. M. Bandini, Pisa, 1771; reprinted by Galletti Philippi Villani,Liber, &c., pp. 183-214. L. Galeotti,Saggio intorno alla vita e agli scritti di M. F.in theArch. Stor. Ital., series ii., ix. 2, 25seq.(A careful collection of Ficino’s opinions, especially on religion and particularly from his letters.) Edit. of the Works, Basle, 1576, with twelve books of letters in vol. i. There is an Italian translation of the letters,Lettere di M. F., tradotte per M. Felice, Figliucci Senese, Venice, 1556. Ficino composed his commentary to Plato’s Banquet and his book on the Christian religion in Italian also. Edit. of the first, Flor. 1544; the second, Flor. 1568 (Gamba,Testi di Lingua, 1097, 1098).

[367]M. Ficino,Epistolæ, book i.; see vol. i. p. 192; vol. ii. p. 29seq.

[368]In Lord Vernon’s illustrated edition of theInfernothere is a representation of Landino’s grave and the body.

[369]A. M. Bandini,Specimen literaturæ Florentinæ sæculi XV.Flor. 1748 (History and Monuments of the Florentine Literature of the second half of the Fifteenth Century, in the form of a biography of Landino); see vol. ii. p. 40seq.

[370]Ad Jacobum Salvettum de laudibus M. Cosmi, Bandini, i. 102.

[371]Lettere di Sant’Antonino, Flor. 1859, pp. 126, 193. On the embassies to Rome entrusted to the Archbishop in the years 1455 and 1458:Due Legazioni al Sommo Pontefice per il Comune di Firenze, presedute da Sant’Antonino arcivescovo(edited by Cesare Guasti), Flor. 1857. Of the works of the Saint, for which see Brunet’sManuel bibliographique, i. 330, we need only mention here,Opera a ben vivere di S. A., messa a luce con altri suoi ammaestramenti e una giunta di antiche orazioni Toscane, da Fr. Palermo, Flor. 1858.

[372]L. c. p. 193.

[373]Fabroni, l. c.

[374]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 291.

[375]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 482.

[376]Gaye, l. c. i. 545; see above, p. 528.

[377]Shepherd, l. c. i. 255.

[378]Idem.p. 261.

[379]Vespasiano da Bisticci, pp. 210, 213, 402.

[380]‘Protonotaio apostolico inghilese,’ ‘Messer Andrea Ols,’ l. c. p. 238.

[381]See vol. ii. pp. 141, 142.

[382]Inscription:

SOCIETATI MEDICEÆAPUD DEUMFRATRES ET STUDIOSI OMNESLINGUIS ANIMISQUEFAVERE TENEMURQUOD SUA IMPENSALOCUM BIBLIOTHECÆOMNI CULTU ET ORNATUJOANNE LANFREDINO SOCIOFACIUNDUM CURAVIT.

The bitter words in the sonnet mentioned on page 451, after the recall of the decree of 1434, ‘del tuo gran tesoro—ti vota sempre, e empie a Marco il seno,’ refer to Cosimo’s munificence at Venice.

[383]Plan of San Marco in (Aurelio Gotti’s)le Gallerie de Firenze.

[384]Mehus,Ambr. Trav. Epist.i. 63.

[385]‘Ex hereditate doctissimi viri Nicolai de Nicolis de Florentia.’ These and similar words we read in the MSS. also.

[386]‘Inventarium Nicolai p. v. quod ipso composuit ad instantiam Cosmæ de Medicis ut ab ipso Cosma audivi die xii Nov. 1463. Ego frater Leonardus Ser. Uberti de Florentia ord. præd.’ &c. MSS. of the same library. See Mehus,Traversari, i. 65, where are a number of details respecting the history of the Collection partly from Fra Roberto Ubaldini’sAnnales Marciani.

[387]‘Liber Colucii Pierii de Salutatis cancellarii florentini Liber Cosmæ Johannis de Medicis de Florentia.’ Such is the inscription on such Codices.

[388]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 382.

[389]Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 252.

[390](N. Anziani)Della Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana in Firenze, Flor. 1872, pp. 4, 6, 22, 24.

[391]In a MS. of the Epistles of St. Paul (Codd. Fiesolani Laur. cod. v.) we read the following inscription: Magnifici viri Cosmae de Medicis ingens liberalitas, eximia virtus et charitas prope singularis ex omni parte sese ostendit. Sacras has ædificavit ædes, his religiosis viris canonicis regularibus quæ ad usum vitæ necessaria erant paravit, postremo illis has epistolas Pauli dono dedit ut nihil relinqueretur quod esset ab illis ulterius expetendum. Adsit igitur clementissimus Deus et benedicat ei omnibus diebus vitæ suæ. Ex hereditate Joannis filii sui.’

In a MS. of the works of the Fathers of the Church (cod. lv.) we find: ‘Has Sanctorum Patrum Collationes quas Joannes Cassianus luculentissime edidit Magnificus Cosmus Medices viginti aureis emit et huic Divi Bartholomæi fesulano monasterio quod a fundamentis erexit sua pietate dedit anno MCCCCLXII. Inter orandum eius animæ memores estote. Timotheus Veronensis.’ In the Cod. lxxii.: ‘In hoc volumine quisquis legendo profecerit Petro Mediceo Cosmi filio acceptum referri debebit qui eximiam patris pietatem atque religionem prosequutus hoc ipso multisque aliis præclarissimis libris bibliothecam istam ornavit, cui æternum munus cumulatamque mercedem reddat Deus opt. max.’ In the cod. clvii.: ‘Laurentius Medices Petri filius eiusque virtutis et gloriæ æmulator felicissimus codicem hunc illustri suo nomine ab auctore dicatum huic preciosæ librorum supellectili avita paternaque magnificentia ac liberalitate institutæ addendum merito duxit ut et eam hoc munere locupletiorem ornatioremque redderet et opus eius scriptorisque nomine insigne ipsa quoque sede illustrius fieret ac multorum ingeniis deserviret. Orato itaque lector ut gloria et divitiæ sint in domo eius justitia eius et maneat in sæculum sæculi.’

[392]Descrizione del palazzo d’Urbino in versi e prose di Bernardino Baldi, Flor. 1859.

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