[383]Rinuccini, l. c. p. cxlviii.[384]Cf.ante, p. 193.[385]Varchi, book xiii., conclusion (iii. 37et seq.).[386]Canestrini, l. c. p. 163. Cambi, l. c. p. 55.[387]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.[388]Ricordi di lettere, for the said years.[389]Commines,Mémoires, book vii. ch. ix.[390]Molini, l. c. i. 13. Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. vol. ii.[391]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. p. 70. Date, end of 1489, or beginning of 1490.[392]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 71.[393]In Desjardins,Négociations, i. 417, there is a letter of Commines to this Spinelli, dated Vienne, August 6, 1494, relating to the affairs of Piero de’ Medici. Spinelli, whom Commines (Mémoires, book vii. ch. vii.) callshomme de bien en son estat et assey nourri en France, had just then been sent out of France at the beginning of the war. Piero sent him to negotiate with Charles VIII. on his approach.[394]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 83. The Metz affair was the unsuccessful and fearfully punished treachery of Jean de Laudremont, one of the provosts of the city; see Philippe de Vigneulles, in the book ofMemorials of Metzedited by H. Michelant, p. 115et seq.[395]From theCronaca di Benedetto Dei, 1470-1492; MS. in the Magliabecchianæ, printed in Pagnini, l. c. ii. 135et seq.[396]Daru,Histoire de Venise, ii. 295et seq.[397]Scip. Ammirato, book xviii. ii. 998. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 124.[398]Pagnini, l. c. ii. 203et seq.(Molini)Documenti di Storia Italiana, i. 101et seq.[399]Wadding,Annales Minorum, vii. 323.[400]L. Cibrario,Legione sopra alcuni vocaboli usati nei registri della guardaroba Medicea, in Arch. stor. Ital., third series, vi. 152et seq.Ricordi di ariente ed altre cose prestate, Arch. Med.fol. lxii.[401]Borghini,Discorsi(Flor. 1755), ii. 164.[402]Borghini, l. c. p. 166.[403]Ricordi d’una giostra, etc., (cf. i. 267). Borghini, l. c. On the Salutati family cf. Mazzuchelli, in the notes to Filippo Villani,Vite d’uomini illustri Fiorentini(ed. Flor. 1826) p. 83et seq., and G. Palagi, inIl Convito fatto ai figliuoli del Re di Napoli da Benedetto Salutati e compagni mercanti fiorentini il 16 Febbrajo del 1476(Flor. 1873).[404]Pietro of Aragon died in 1491, aged nineteen. Giovanni was made a cardinal in 1477, and died in 1483. Arrigo, Ferrante’s eldest natural son, died in 1478.[405]The Italian account has the expressionmummeria, which corresponds with the German, English, and French words, but is not admitted by Della Crusca. Annibal Caro uses the wordmommeare.[406]Giorn. stor. degli arch. tosc., i. 96.Arch. stor. ital.third series, xx. 187.[407]Il Padre di Famiglia, ed. 1872, p. 67et seq.On the villa-life cf. i. 508.[408]Gaye, l. c. i. 417.[409]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxv.[410]Cena di famiglia, in theOpere volgari, vol. i.[411]V. da Bisticci, l. c. p. 176.[412]Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.Prolog. in Plauti comædiam Menæchmos, inProse volg.p. 281et seq.Politian indulges in a side hit at the modern authors who write in prose.[413]Vasari, iii. 232, v. 36et seq.[414]L. Cibrario, l. c. p. 153.[415]Varchi, l. c. ii. 107.[416]A. M. Biscioni, notes to Lorenzo Lippi’sMalmantile racquistato(Flor. 1831), canto iii. stanza 8.[417]I Capitoli della Compagnia del Broncone, pubblicati per cura di Giuseppe Palagi(Flor. 1872). [Cf. I. del Lungo in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 147et seq.] Lorenzo the younger was the head of the Compagnia del Broncone, and Giuliano that of the Compagnia del Diamante. There are still to be seen in Florence, in the Church of St. Ambrogio, in the Canto alia Mela, and the Canto di Monteloro, some inscribed tablets recalling the Potenze; but they are of rather late date.[418]Tutti i Trionfi, Carri, Canti carnascialeschi, etc.(Flor. 1550; alsoCosmopoli, 1750). The shows themselves were calledCantifrom these songs. Cf.ante, p. 22, 23. In 1475 the Florentines at Naples represented the triumph of Petrarch.[419]Canzona d’un Piagnone pel bruciamento delle vanità nel carnevale del 1498, aggiuntavi la descrizione del bruciamento fatta da Girolamo Benvieni(ed. by I. del Lungo, Flor. 1864). [’Canzona che fa uno Fiorentino a carnasciale, trovandolo fuggirsi con un asinello carico di sue masserizie e col fardello in spalla.’] Carnaval complains that his idols are broken, the red Cross and the Name of Christ have conquered, and he must yield to a mightier king.[420]Vasari, ix. 218. Naldo Naldi,Carmina, vi. 436.[421]From the MS. in the Miscellanea Uguccione Strozzi, vol. cvi. in the Flor. Archives; printed by P. Fanfani in the Borghini, ii. 542et seq.[422]On the Piovano Arlotto, who died in 1483, see D. M. Manni,Veglie Piacevoli(3rd ed., Flor. 1816), where are many details of the jests and buffooneries. TheNovella del Grasso Legnaiuolohas been often printed and imitated; there is an edition with introduction by D. Moreni (Flor. 1820). Gaye (l. c. i. 169) has produced some original documents which cast some doubt on the accounts of the ‘fat cabinet-maker’ collected by Manni; the claims of Antonio Manetti, known from his connection with the Dante-literature (cf.ante, p. 51), to the authorship of the story have been lately vindicated. Cf. Papanti,Catalogo dei Novellieri(Livorno, 1871), vol. ii. 11. The story of Bianco Alfani is in Manni’s edition of theCento novelle anticke(Flor. 1782), i. 211et seq.[423]B. Varchi, l. c., book ix. (ii. 122et seq.).[424]Cena di Famiglia, l. c. p. 173, 174. G. Dominici,Regola del governo, etc., p. 164. Cf.,ante, i. 483.[425]Notizie di illustre donne, in theArch. stor. Ital., iv. 439 et seq.Vite d’uomini illustri, p. 525et seq.[426]The names are copied from a Strozzi document in the Magliabecchiana, in E. Branchi’s treatiseDella croce vermiglia in campo bianco, insegna dei Cavalieri di popolo, in thePeriodico di numismatico e sfragista, iv. 75et seq.(Flor. 1872.) This treatise contains numerous quotations from chronicles and histories relating to knighthood in the commonwealth, particularly in 1378.[427]Memorie storiche di Ser Naldo da Montecatini(in theDelizie degli Eruditi toscani, xviii. 99).[428]Il viaggio degli Ambasciatori fiorentini al Re di Francia nel 1461, in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. i. p. 7et seq.Cf.ante, i. 173.[429]Mémoires, vol. vii. ch. 9. B. Rucellai, who was as much at home in that house as in his own, describes in his CommentaryDe Bello Italico(p. 52), the plundering of books and other valuables, ‘quorum pars a Gallis, pars a paucis e nostris, rem turpissimam, honesta specie praetendentibus, furacissime subrepta sunt, intimis abditisque locis ædium, ubi illi reconditi fuerant, perscrutatis.’[430]L. c. p. 168.[431]Gaye, l. c. i. 285, 286, 290.[432]Vasari,Life of Giuliano, vii. 213.[433]Gaye, l. c. p. 304.[434]Cf.ante, p. 228. The earlier appearance of the square may be seen in Richa, vii. 113.[435]Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 279.[436]Description of ‘Ambra mei Laurentis amor’ in the third Sylva, lines 594et seq.;Prose volgari, p, 365. G. Fargioni Fozzetti,Viaggi per la Toscana(Flor. 1773et seq.), v. 56et seq., where also is Verino’s letter. Cf.ante, p. 13.[437]Repetti, l. c. i. 380. Palla Strozzi paid 7,390 gold florins for Poggio a Cajano; and his beautiful villa of Petraja, which he had bought of the Brunelleschi, served as security for the purchase. In the next century, after the attempt of the Strozzi and their friends against Duke Cosimo had failed, Petraja was confiscated and became state property. Angiullesi’sNotizie storiche dei palazzi e ville appartenenti alla R. Corona di Toscana(Pisa, 1815) contain no notice of the earlier history of Poggio a Cajano.[438]Vasari,Life of Sarto, viii. 276; ofFranciabigo, ix. 101; ofPontormo, xi. 46. The compositions of the former are engraved in the work on the frescoes of the grand-ducal palaces (Flor. 1751).[439]A. Condivi, in the biography prefixed to theRime e lettere di M. A. Buonarotti(Flor. 1858), p. 26.[440]Bandini,Specimen, ii. 105et seq.The names of the two Greeks sound likenoms de guerre.[441]Borghini, l. c. ii. 167.[442]Reuchlin, dedication of theDe arte cabalistica(1517) to Leo X. Manlius,Locorum communium collectanea(Bautzen, 1565), p. 271. Stälin,Wirtemberg.Geschichte, iii. 591. Cf.ante, p. 27.[443]Ricordi di Lettere, etc.[444]From Poliziano’s account, in Valori, p. 177.[445]A. Montecatino, in Cappelli, l.c. p. 252.[446]Med. Arch., passim. Gaye,Carteggio, i. 302.[447]Cappelli, l.c. p. 303. (a.d.1490). Letter of the Anziani of Lucca, September 16, 1490; Lucch. Arch.[448]Lorenzo to Ercole, February 11, 1481, January 9, 1482, in Cappelli, p. 242, 243, with notes. Ferrante to Lorenzo, June 5, 1477, in Gaye, l. c. i. 302. The same to the Knights of St. John, Ferrante Ribadeneira, Juan Gasco, and others, December 27, 1467. In Trinchera, Cod. Aragonese, i. 373; in this work are many letters relating to thefalconiandgirifalchi.[449]Prosevolgari, p. 45. Cf.ante, p. 14.[450]Valori, l. c. p. 174. Viani, l. c. p. 24. In Fabroni, ii. 73, is a list of the Medici estates in the Pisa territory, with an estimate of their revenues.[451]April 8.Prose volgari, p. 47.[452]Piero,Parenti’s Chronicle. Cf. Poliziano, l. c. p. 49. Cf.Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 134 (June 1, 1477).[453]Pulci,Lettere, p. 28, 31.[454]L. Fanfani,Notizie inedite di Sta. Maria del Pontenovo, p. 148. Cf.ante, p. 257.[455]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[456]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliii. Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.[457]M. Amari,I Diplomi Arabi del R. Archivio fiorentino(Flor. 1863), lx, lxxxvi, and the original Arabic and Italian documents, p. 181, 184, 363, 372, 374, 382. Cf. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 205et seq.Bandini,Collectio veterum monumentorum, p. 12et seq.[458]Ser Piero Dovizj to Madonna Clarice, Fabroni, ii. 337.[459]Pecori,Storia di San Gemignano, p. 285.[460]Med. Arch.Such supplies were needed at these places.[461]From the Med. Arch. fol. 88, in Del Lungo,Un viaggio di Clarice Orsini de Medici nel 1485 descritto da Ser Matteo Franco(Bologna, 1868).[462]Gualandi,Nuova Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, ec.(Bologna, 1844), i. 14.[463]Vasari,Life of Simone Pollaiuolo, viii. 119.[464]Ficino,Epist.x. 37.[465]Valori, l. c. p. 176.[466]‘... Diu templi vox fuit ille tui.’Prose volgari, p. 155. Cf.ante, p. 140, 165.[467]Med. Arch.February 5, 1473, August 20, 1483.[468]Poliziano to Lorenzo, October 17, 1477.Prose volgari, p. 54.[469]C. Guasti,Di un maestro d’organi del sec.xv.inBelle Arti ec., p. 229et seq.Ricordi di lettere, etc.[470]Condivi, l. c., p. 30. It was this ‘Cardiere’ (fromcardatore, wool-comber) who was said to have seen an apparition of the dead Lorenzo.[471]Prose volgari, p. 78.[472]Poliziano to M. Lucrezia, Fiesole, July 18, 1479.Prose volgari, p. 72.[473]Epist. l. ii. ep. 13.[474]Carducci, Introduction to Poliziano’s poems, p. cxxxii. The remarkable political sonnets published by O. Fargioni-Tozzetti (Livorno, 1863) are by this Antonio Cammelli.[475]Poggio a Cajano, September 11, 1485, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.[476]Satire VI. ‘Quella famiglia d’allegrezza piena.’[477]Lasca,Le Cene, iii. 10.[478]Epist. l. iii. 6.[479]Valori, l. c. p. 167.[480]Fabroni, l. c. i. 22.[481]Fr. Serdonati,Vita di P. Innocenzo VIII.(Milan, 1829) p. 75.[482]Moreni,Lettere, p. 5.[483]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 389-391.[484]Desjardins, l. c. p. 189.Ibid.another letter of Louis, dated February 17; also in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.[485]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.[486]A letter to G. Lanfredini, February 16, 1489, recommending an Archdeacon, Mario of Osimo (Med. Arch.F. 57), is signedJohannes Laurentii de Medicis prothonotarius apostolicus.[487]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374;Vita Leonis X. P. M., p. 245. Fosti,Storia della Badia di Monte Cassino, iii. 199. It is but too well known how greatly the convent went to ruin through the misdoings of its commanders.[488]Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.[489]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.[490]Moreni,Lettere, p. 8. Cf.ante, p. 326.[491]Roscoe,Life and Pontificate of Leo X.Ap. II. (iii. 385.)[492]Ibid., Ap. III. p. 387.[493]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.[494]Letters, from theMed. Arch., in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., and Roscoe, l. c., App. IV. V. VI. VII.[495]Burcard, l. c. 110-112. He names the five publicly nominated Cardinals. Giacconio,Vitæ Pontif., vol. iii. col. 124-144, where all the eight are mentioned. On March 9, the Ferrarese ambassador at Florence announced the signature by the Cardinals of the bull for Giovanni, and thought its publication would follow with that of the others.[496]Letters inMed. Arch.: that of La Balue (Andegavensis—Bishop of Angers) in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. VIII.[497]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, ii. 300.[498]A. PolitianiEpist.l. viii. ep. 5. Lorenzo to Lanfredini, March 14, 1489, in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. XI.[499]Moreni,Lettere, p. 14. (Dated wrong and placed out of right order).[500]Desjardins, l. c. p. 215.[501]Burcard, l. c. p. 110. The hints given as to the cause of death are a nice specimen of the town-talk recorded by a Papal master of the ceremonies.[502]Roscoe, iv. 318 (wrongly dated).[503]January 21, 1489.Med. Arch.[504]Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.[505]Roscoe, l. c. Ap. X.[506]Burcard, l. c. p. 133. Adinolfi,Portica di S. Pietro, does not mention the house of the Acciaiuoli.[507]Fabroni, l. c. p. 375.[508]Med. Arch.F. 72. Fabroni, l. c.[509]Med. Arch.F. 59.[510]August 11, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.[511]Fabroni, l. c. ii. p. 361. The letter goes on to treat of many other things.[512]Bull in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 340.[513]Burcard, p. 126, 127. The details of these events may be completed from Infessura.[514]Fabroni, l. c. p. 365.[515]The war with Granada had begun.[516]January, 1490. Burcard, p. 135, 136. [’Portavit (heraldus) literas regi, a quo penitus nihil habuit, neque bonum verbum.’][517]January 29, 1490, in De Cherrier, i. 341.[518]M. Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307, 308.[519]Burcard, l. c. p. 143.[520]P. F. Pandolfini. Fabroni, l. c. p. 352.[521]Pierre de Beaujeu had been Duke of Bourbon since the death of his brother, Jean II., in 1488.[522]Pandolfini, Rome, June 28, 1490, l. c. p. 353.[523]Manfredi, July 3, 1491, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.[524]Nasi, Naples, July 7, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 350.[525]Letter to K. Ferrante II. (Ferrandino), February 9, 1495, in Colangelo,Vita del Sannazzaro(2nd edit. Naples, 1819).[526]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 350.[527]K. Ferrante to Pontano, October 2, 1491, and other letters relating to these disturbances, inCodice Arag.vol. ii. part i. p. 1et seq.Cf.ante, p. 311.[528]October 5, 1491. Bandini,Coll. vet. mon., p. 20.[529]P. Nasi to Lorenzo, Naples, November 18, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 363.[530]Burcard, l. c. p. 157. M. Manfredi, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 310.[531]How, in the face of this long disagreement, Giannone (Storia civile, book xxviii.) could say that after the peace of 1486, Innocent VIII. remained the king’s friend during his remaining years, is incomprehensible.[532]Codice Aragon., vol. ii. part i. p. 43-46, 49, 52-54.[533]Burcard, p. 154, 155.[534]Traité des droits du Roy Charles VIII aux royaumes de Naples, Sicile et Aragon, mis par escript en 1491 du commandement du Roy par Léonard Barounet, maistre des comptes; in Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII, preuves, p. 675.—Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan, Rome, March 6, 1486,Arch. stor. Ital., vol. iv. part ii. p. 70.[535]Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, p. 307, 308.[536]Rosmini, l. c. p. 189, ii. 190.[537]In Giovio, Corio, and also in more recent authors (Ratti,Fam. Sforza, ii. 63; Niccolini,Lodovico Sforza, Trag. Opere, i. 242) will be found Isabella’s letter to her father. The two copies, Italian and Latin, differ somewhat; but the rhetorical form of both gives them the air of imitated documents.[538]Sc. Ammirato, book xxvii. (ii. 187.)[539]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 38.[540]Farcelli,Storia del monastero degli Angioli(Lucca, 1710), p. 66et seq.Libretto MS. nel quale D. Guido priore nota i possessi ec., in the collection of G. Palagi. Florence.[541]N. L. Cittadella,La nobile Famiglia Savonarola in Padova ed in Ferrara(Ferrara, 1867);La Casa di Fra Girolamo Savonarola in Ferrara(ibid.1873). [The house in which Girolamo was born was afterwards thrown into a house of the Strozzi, now belonging to the municipality]. P. Villari,La Storia di GirolamoSavonarola (Flor. 1850-61). The Paduan branch of the family became extinct about 1816, the Ferrarese in 1844.[542]Among thePoesie di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, published by Cesare Guasti (Flor. 1862) from the autographs in the house of the Borromeo at Milan, see especially the canzonet (written about 1475)De ruina Ecclesiae(‘Vergine casta, benchè indegno figlio—Pur son di membri dell’eterno Sposo.’)[543]Moreni,Con torni di Firenze, iii. 34et seq.Cf.ante, p. 135.[544]Poliziano to Tristano Calco, Flor. April 22, 1489. (Fra Mariano was then preaching in Milan.) Poliziano had previously, as he mentions in this letter, praised the Augustinian’s learning, eloquence, and morals in the introduction to his Miscellanies. N. Valori speaks of him, l. c. p. 76. Cf. Tiraboschi, ix. (vi. 3), 1677-1685.[545]Baluz,Miscellan.ed. Mansi, i. 530. [’A sua posta (Fra Mariano) aveva le lagrime, le quali cadendogli dagli occhi per il viso, le raccoglieva tal volta e gittavale al popolo.’] Benivieni on Savonarola’s teachings and prophecies, in a letter to Clement VII. (Villari, i. 70).[546]TheStoria fiorentina, ch. xii.-xvii. contains many remarks on Savonarola, specially valuable on account of the author’s position and corresponding views.[547]Prose volgare inedite p. 283. Cf.antep. 351.[548]Lettera di un Anonimo circa alcune prediche fatte da Fra Mariano da Genazzano in Roma, in Villari, ii. clxxvi.[549]L. Passerini,Storia e Genealogia delle famiglie Passerini e Rilli(Flor. 1874), p. 24.[550]Letter of C. Borgia to Piero de’ Medici, written after the accession of Alexander VI., from Spoleto, October 5, 1492, printed fromMed. Arch.inArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 510.[551]Med. Arch.F. 51.[552]Fabroni, l. c. i. 301.[553]Cf.ante, p. 331.[554]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. viii.[555]Rome, October 5, 1490, in Roscoe’s Leo X., Ap. XIII.[556]Rome, October 19, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 302.[557]Ricordi di Lettere.[558]Matteo Bosso to the Canon Arcangelo of Vicenza, Fiesole, March 14, 1492, in theRecuperationes Fezulanae, Ep. cx., and in Roscoe’sLor. de Med., Ap. No. XXV. Pietro Delfino to Giovanni, the Superior of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, Flor. March 11, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 305. M. Manfredi, Flor., March 13, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 311.[559]Rome, April 7, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 306et seq.; also in Roscoe, Leo X., and Gennarelli’s Burcard. On the reception at Rome and the solemnities there, see Burcard, p. 166et seq.Letter from Giovanni to his father, Rome, March 25, in Roscoe, l. c. Ap. XVII.[560]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 308et seq.[561]M. Manfredi, Flor. August 31, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.[562]Cappelli, l. c. p. 316. Manfredi’s reports give the most details, but unfortunately there is a blank in the last days of Lorenzo.[563]Cod. Aragonese, l. c. p. 39.[564]M. Manfredi to the Duchess of Ferrara, Flor., April 5, 1492, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 312. Ercole arrived at Rome on April 13. Burcard, l. c. p. 177.[565]Valori, l.c. p. 181.[566]The story of Lorenzo’s last days may be read in the long letter written by Poliziano from the villa at Fiesole on May 18, 1492, to Jacopo Antiquario of Perugia,Pol. Epist.1. iv. ep. 2, in Fabroni, l. c. i. 199-212, and in Roscoe, Ap. No. LXXVII. Cf. G. B. Vermiglioli,Memoire di Jacopo Antiquario(Perugia, 1813). Politian’s letter is a rhetorical composition full of unctuous phrases, but highly valuable as containing the testimony of an eye-witness.[567]See Appendix III. p. 487.[568]See Appendix III. p. 488.[569]On the prodigies see Politian’s letter, also Rinuccini, l. c., and Cambi, p. 63, where are given details of the disastrous effects of the lightning. See also Burcard, p. 175.[570]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[571]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.[572]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 398. Cerretani reports that of the whole number in the Council 483 voted Aye and 63 No. ‘Herein was seen a token of harmony and secure hope for the future; but it all came from the popularity of Lorenzo, who was lamented not only by his fellow-citizens and the people, but by all Italy.’[573]Burcard, p. 171-178. On the appointment as legate cf. Stefano da Castrocaro’s letter to Piero, Rome, April 15, 1402; Fabroni,Vita Leonis X.p. 13, and note 10; Roscoe,Leo X.Ap. xxiv.[574]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 74, 75.[575]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 396.[576]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, i. 212. There is no better warrant for this speech than for that on the election of Pope Alexander VI.[577]Diary of Paris de’ Grassi, in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., p. 95.[578]Moreni,Descrizione istorico-critica delle tre Cappelle Medicee in S. Lorenzo(Flor. 1813), p. 103. At the revolution of 1494 the party hostile to the Medici did not entirely spare even the monuments, for the inscription on the tomb of Cosimo the elder was removed on account of the ‘Pater patriæ’; in 1497, during the Savonarola excitement, all the Medici coats of arms were taken away or covered, and replaced by the red cross of the people. The reappearance of the ball-escutcheon after the revolution of 1512 was referred to in an epigram by the father of Benvenuto Cellini, wherein he prophesies the attainment of the Papal dignity by one of the family:—‘Quest’arme, che sepolta è stata tanta,Sotta la croce mansueta,Mostra hor la faccia gloriosa e lieta,Aspettando di Pietro il sacro ammanto.’[579]This curious monody, so unlike Politian’s other Latin compositions, stands at the end of his works in the edition of 1498. [InDel Lungo, p. 274.] The poem in terza rima, on Lorenzo’s death, printed in the edition of his Italian poems published at Florence in 1814, from a Riccardi MS. (in Carducci’s ed. p. 382et seq.) is unquestionably not Politian’s.[580]The object of this table is simply to facilitate a survey of the chronological sequence of the different parts of the work.
[383]Rinuccini, l. c. p. cxlviii.[384]Cf.ante, p. 193.[385]Varchi, book xiii., conclusion (iii. 37et seq.).[386]Canestrini, l. c. p. 163. Cambi, l. c. p. 55.[387]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.[388]Ricordi di lettere, for the said years.[389]Commines,Mémoires, book vii. ch. ix.[390]Molini, l. c. i. 13. Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. vol. ii.[391]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. p. 70. Date, end of 1489, or beginning of 1490.[392]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 71.[393]In Desjardins,Négociations, i. 417, there is a letter of Commines to this Spinelli, dated Vienne, August 6, 1494, relating to the affairs of Piero de’ Medici. Spinelli, whom Commines (Mémoires, book vii. ch. vii.) callshomme de bien en son estat et assey nourri en France, had just then been sent out of France at the beginning of the war. Piero sent him to negotiate with Charles VIII. on his approach.[394]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 83. The Metz affair was the unsuccessful and fearfully punished treachery of Jean de Laudremont, one of the provosts of the city; see Philippe de Vigneulles, in the book ofMemorials of Metzedited by H. Michelant, p. 115et seq.[395]From theCronaca di Benedetto Dei, 1470-1492; MS. in the Magliabecchianæ, printed in Pagnini, l. c. ii. 135et seq.[396]Daru,Histoire de Venise, ii. 295et seq.[397]Scip. Ammirato, book xviii. ii. 998. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 124.[398]Pagnini, l. c. ii. 203et seq.(Molini)Documenti di Storia Italiana, i. 101et seq.[399]Wadding,Annales Minorum, vii. 323.[400]L. Cibrario,Legione sopra alcuni vocaboli usati nei registri della guardaroba Medicea, in Arch. stor. Ital., third series, vi. 152et seq.Ricordi di ariente ed altre cose prestate, Arch. Med.fol. lxii.[401]Borghini,Discorsi(Flor. 1755), ii. 164.[402]Borghini, l. c. p. 166.[403]Ricordi d’una giostra, etc., (cf. i. 267). Borghini, l. c. On the Salutati family cf. Mazzuchelli, in the notes to Filippo Villani,Vite d’uomini illustri Fiorentini(ed. Flor. 1826) p. 83et seq., and G. Palagi, inIl Convito fatto ai figliuoli del Re di Napoli da Benedetto Salutati e compagni mercanti fiorentini il 16 Febbrajo del 1476(Flor. 1873).[404]Pietro of Aragon died in 1491, aged nineteen. Giovanni was made a cardinal in 1477, and died in 1483. Arrigo, Ferrante’s eldest natural son, died in 1478.[405]The Italian account has the expressionmummeria, which corresponds with the German, English, and French words, but is not admitted by Della Crusca. Annibal Caro uses the wordmommeare.[406]Giorn. stor. degli arch. tosc., i. 96.Arch. stor. ital.third series, xx. 187.[407]Il Padre di Famiglia, ed. 1872, p. 67et seq.On the villa-life cf. i. 508.[408]Gaye, l. c. i. 417.[409]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxv.[410]Cena di famiglia, in theOpere volgari, vol. i.[411]V. da Bisticci, l. c. p. 176.[412]Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.Prolog. in Plauti comædiam Menæchmos, inProse volg.p. 281et seq.Politian indulges in a side hit at the modern authors who write in prose.[413]Vasari, iii. 232, v. 36et seq.[414]L. Cibrario, l. c. p. 153.[415]Varchi, l. c. ii. 107.[416]A. M. Biscioni, notes to Lorenzo Lippi’sMalmantile racquistato(Flor. 1831), canto iii. stanza 8.[417]I Capitoli della Compagnia del Broncone, pubblicati per cura di Giuseppe Palagi(Flor. 1872). [Cf. I. del Lungo in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 147et seq.] Lorenzo the younger was the head of the Compagnia del Broncone, and Giuliano that of the Compagnia del Diamante. There are still to be seen in Florence, in the Church of St. Ambrogio, in the Canto alia Mela, and the Canto di Monteloro, some inscribed tablets recalling the Potenze; but they are of rather late date.[418]Tutti i Trionfi, Carri, Canti carnascialeschi, etc.(Flor. 1550; alsoCosmopoli, 1750). The shows themselves were calledCantifrom these songs. Cf.ante, p. 22, 23. In 1475 the Florentines at Naples represented the triumph of Petrarch.[419]Canzona d’un Piagnone pel bruciamento delle vanità nel carnevale del 1498, aggiuntavi la descrizione del bruciamento fatta da Girolamo Benvieni(ed. by I. del Lungo, Flor. 1864). [’Canzona che fa uno Fiorentino a carnasciale, trovandolo fuggirsi con un asinello carico di sue masserizie e col fardello in spalla.’] Carnaval complains that his idols are broken, the red Cross and the Name of Christ have conquered, and he must yield to a mightier king.[420]Vasari, ix. 218. Naldo Naldi,Carmina, vi. 436.[421]From the MS. in the Miscellanea Uguccione Strozzi, vol. cvi. in the Flor. Archives; printed by P. Fanfani in the Borghini, ii. 542et seq.[422]On the Piovano Arlotto, who died in 1483, see D. M. Manni,Veglie Piacevoli(3rd ed., Flor. 1816), where are many details of the jests and buffooneries. TheNovella del Grasso Legnaiuolohas been often printed and imitated; there is an edition with introduction by D. Moreni (Flor. 1820). Gaye (l. c. i. 169) has produced some original documents which cast some doubt on the accounts of the ‘fat cabinet-maker’ collected by Manni; the claims of Antonio Manetti, known from his connection with the Dante-literature (cf.ante, p. 51), to the authorship of the story have been lately vindicated. Cf. Papanti,Catalogo dei Novellieri(Livorno, 1871), vol. ii. 11. The story of Bianco Alfani is in Manni’s edition of theCento novelle anticke(Flor. 1782), i. 211et seq.[423]B. Varchi, l. c., book ix. (ii. 122et seq.).[424]Cena di Famiglia, l. c. p. 173, 174. G. Dominici,Regola del governo, etc., p. 164. Cf.,ante, i. 483.[425]Notizie di illustre donne, in theArch. stor. Ital., iv. 439 et seq.Vite d’uomini illustri, p. 525et seq.[426]The names are copied from a Strozzi document in the Magliabecchiana, in E. Branchi’s treatiseDella croce vermiglia in campo bianco, insegna dei Cavalieri di popolo, in thePeriodico di numismatico e sfragista, iv. 75et seq.(Flor. 1872.) This treatise contains numerous quotations from chronicles and histories relating to knighthood in the commonwealth, particularly in 1378.[427]Memorie storiche di Ser Naldo da Montecatini(in theDelizie degli Eruditi toscani, xviii. 99).[428]Il viaggio degli Ambasciatori fiorentini al Re di Francia nel 1461, in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. i. p. 7et seq.Cf.ante, i. 173.[429]Mémoires, vol. vii. ch. 9. B. Rucellai, who was as much at home in that house as in his own, describes in his CommentaryDe Bello Italico(p. 52), the plundering of books and other valuables, ‘quorum pars a Gallis, pars a paucis e nostris, rem turpissimam, honesta specie praetendentibus, furacissime subrepta sunt, intimis abditisque locis ædium, ubi illi reconditi fuerant, perscrutatis.’[430]L. c. p. 168.[431]Gaye, l. c. i. 285, 286, 290.[432]Vasari,Life of Giuliano, vii. 213.[433]Gaye, l. c. p. 304.[434]Cf.ante, p. 228. The earlier appearance of the square may be seen in Richa, vii. 113.[435]Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 279.[436]Description of ‘Ambra mei Laurentis amor’ in the third Sylva, lines 594et seq.;Prose volgari, p, 365. G. Fargioni Fozzetti,Viaggi per la Toscana(Flor. 1773et seq.), v. 56et seq., where also is Verino’s letter. Cf.ante, p. 13.[437]Repetti, l. c. i. 380. Palla Strozzi paid 7,390 gold florins for Poggio a Cajano; and his beautiful villa of Petraja, which he had bought of the Brunelleschi, served as security for the purchase. In the next century, after the attempt of the Strozzi and their friends against Duke Cosimo had failed, Petraja was confiscated and became state property. Angiullesi’sNotizie storiche dei palazzi e ville appartenenti alla R. Corona di Toscana(Pisa, 1815) contain no notice of the earlier history of Poggio a Cajano.[438]Vasari,Life of Sarto, viii. 276; ofFranciabigo, ix. 101; ofPontormo, xi. 46. The compositions of the former are engraved in the work on the frescoes of the grand-ducal palaces (Flor. 1751).[439]A. Condivi, in the biography prefixed to theRime e lettere di M. A. Buonarotti(Flor. 1858), p. 26.[440]Bandini,Specimen, ii. 105et seq.The names of the two Greeks sound likenoms de guerre.[441]Borghini, l. c. ii. 167.[442]Reuchlin, dedication of theDe arte cabalistica(1517) to Leo X. Manlius,Locorum communium collectanea(Bautzen, 1565), p. 271. Stälin,Wirtemberg.Geschichte, iii. 591. Cf.ante, p. 27.[443]Ricordi di Lettere, etc.[444]From Poliziano’s account, in Valori, p. 177.[445]A. Montecatino, in Cappelli, l.c. p. 252.[446]Med. Arch., passim. Gaye,Carteggio, i. 302.[447]Cappelli, l.c. p. 303. (a.d.1490). Letter of the Anziani of Lucca, September 16, 1490; Lucch. Arch.[448]Lorenzo to Ercole, February 11, 1481, January 9, 1482, in Cappelli, p. 242, 243, with notes. Ferrante to Lorenzo, June 5, 1477, in Gaye, l. c. i. 302. The same to the Knights of St. John, Ferrante Ribadeneira, Juan Gasco, and others, December 27, 1467. In Trinchera, Cod. Aragonese, i. 373; in this work are many letters relating to thefalconiandgirifalchi.[449]Prosevolgari, p. 45. Cf.ante, p. 14.[450]Valori, l. c. p. 174. Viani, l. c. p. 24. In Fabroni, ii. 73, is a list of the Medici estates in the Pisa territory, with an estimate of their revenues.[451]April 8.Prose volgari, p. 47.[452]Piero,Parenti’s Chronicle. Cf. Poliziano, l. c. p. 49. Cf.Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 134 (June 1, 1477).[453]Pulci,Lettere, p. 28, 31.[454]L. Fanfani,Notizie inedite di Sta. Maria del Pontenovo, p. 148. Cf.ante, p. 257.[455]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[456]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliii. Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.[457]M. Amari,I Diplomi Arabi del R. Archivio fiorentino(Flor. 1863), lx, lxxxvi, and the original Arabic and Italian documents, p. 181, 184, 363, 372, 374, 382. Cf. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 205et seq.Bandini,Collectio veterum monumentorum, p. 12et seq.[458]Ser Piero Dovizj to Madonna Clarice, Fabroni, ii. 337.[459]Pecori,Storia di San Gemignano, p. 285.[460]Med. Arch.Such supplies were needed at these places.[461]From the Med. Arch. fol. 88, in Del Lungo,Un viaggio di Clarice Orsini de Medici nel 1485 descritto da Ser Matteo Franco(Bologna, 1868).[462]Gualandi,Nuova Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, ec.(Bologna, 1844), i. 14.[463]Vasari,Life of Simone Pollaiuolo, viii. 119.[464]Ficino,Epist.x. 37.[465]Valori, l. c. p. 176.[466]‘... Diu templi vox fuit ille tui.’Prose volgari, p. 155. Cf.ante, p. 140, 165.[467]Med. Arch.February 5, 1473, August 20, 1483.[468]Poliziano to Lorenzo, October 17, 1477.Prose volgari, p. 54.[469]C. Guasti,Di un maestro d’organi del sec.xv.inBelle Arti ec., p. 229et seq.Ricordi di lettere, etc.[470]Condivi, l. c., p. 30. It was this ‘Cardiere’ (fromcardatore, wool-comber) who was said to have seen an apparition of the dead Lorenzo.[471]Prose volgari, p. 78.[472]Poliziano to M. Lucrezia, Fiesole, July 18, 1479.Prose volgari, p. 72.[473]Epist. l. ii. ep. 13.[474]Carducci, Introduction to Poliziano’s poems, p. cxxxii. The remarkable political sonnets published by O. Fargioni-Tozzetti (Livorno, 1863) are by this Antonio Cammelli.[475]Poggio a Cajano, September 11, 1485, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.[476]Satire VI. ‘Quella famiglia d’allegrezza piena.’[477]Lasca,Le Cene, iii. 10.[478]Epist. l. iii. 6.[479]Valori, l. c. p. 167.[480]Fabroni, l. c. i. 22.[481]Fr. Serdonati,Vita di P. Innocenzo VIII.(Milan, 1829) p. 75.[482]Moreni,Lettere, p. 5.[483]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 389-391.[484]Desjardins, l. c. p. 189.Ibid.another letter of Louis, dated February 17; also in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.[485]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.[486]A letter to G. Lanfredini, February 16, 1489, recommending an Archdeacon, Mario of Osimo (Med. Arch.F. 57), is signedJohannes Laurentii de Medicis prothonotarius apostolicus.[487]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374;Vita Leonis X. P. M., p. 245. Fosti,Storia della Badia di Monte Cassino, iii. 199. It is but too well known how greatly the convent went to ruin through the misdoings of its commanders.[488]Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.[489]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.[490]Moreni,Lettere, p. 8. Cf.ante, p. 326.[491]Roscoe,Life and Pontificate of Leo X.Ap. II. (iii. 385.)[492]Ibid., Ap. III. p. 387.[493]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.[494]Letters, from theMed. Arch., in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., and Roscoe, l. c., App. IV. V. VI. VII.[495]Burcard, l. c. 110-112. He names the five publicly nominated Cardinals. Giacconio,Vitæ Pontif., vol. iii. col. 124-144, where all the eight are mentioned. On March 9, the Ferrarese ambassador at Florence announced the signature by the Cardinals of the bull for Giovanni, and thought its publication would follow with that of the others.[496]Letters inMed. Arch.: that of La Balue (Andegavensis—Bishop of Angers) in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. VIII.[497]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, ii. 300.[498]A. PolitianiEpist.l. viii. ep. 5. Lorenzo to Lanfredini, March 14, 1489, in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. XI.[499]Moreni,Lettere, p. 14. (Dated wrong and placed out of right order).[500]Desjardins, l. c. p. 215.[501]Burcard, l. c. p. 110. The hints given as to the cause of death are a nice specimen of the town-talk recorded by a Papal master of the ceremonies.[502]Roscoe, iv. 318 (wrongly dated).[503]January 21, 1489.Med. Arch.[504]Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.[505]Roscoe, l. c. Ap. X.[506]Burcard, l. c. p. 133. Adinolfi,Portica di S. Pietro, does not mention the house of the Acciaiuoli.[507]Fabroni, l. c. p. 375.[508]Med. Arch.F. 72. Fabroni, l. c.[509]Med. Arch.F. 59.[510]August 11, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.[511]Fabroni, l. c. ii. p. 361. The letter goes on to treat of many other things.[512]Bull in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 340.[513]Burcard, p. 126, 127. The details of these events may be completed from Infessura.[514]Fabroni, l. c. p. 365.[515]The war with Granada had begun.[516]January, 1490. Burcard, p. 135, 136. [’Portavit (heraldus) literas regi, a quo penitus nihil habuit, neque bonum verbum.’][517]January 29, 1490, in De Cherrier, i. 341.[518]M. Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307, 308.[519]Burcard, l. c. p. 143.[520]P. F. Pandolfini. Fabroni, l. c. p. 352.[521]Pierre de Beaujeu had been Duke of Bourbon since the death of his brother, Jean II., in 1488.[522]Pandolfini, Rome, June 28, 1490, l. c. p. 353.[523]Manfredi, July 3, 1491, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.[524]Nasi, Naples, July 7, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 350.[525]Letter to K. Ferrante II. (Ferrandino), February 9, 1495, in Colangelo,Vita del Sannazzaro(2nd edit. Naples, 1819).[526]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 350.[527]K. Ferrante to Pontano, October 2, 1491, and other letters relating to these disturbances, inCodice Arag.vol. ii. part i. p. 1et seq.Cf.ante, p. 311.[528]October 5, 1491. Bandini,Coll. vet. mon., p. 20.[529]P. Nasi to Lorenzo, Naples, November 18, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 363.[530]Burcard, l. c. p. 157. M. Manfredi, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 310.[531]How, in the face of this long disagreement, Giannone (Storia civile, book xxviii.) could say that after the peace of 1486, Innocent VIII. remained the king’s friend during his remaining years, is incomprehensible.[532]Codice Aragon., vol. ii. part i. p. 43-46, 49, 52-54.[533]Burcard, p. 154, 155.[534]Traité des droits du Roy Charles VIII aux royaumes de Naples, Sicile et Aragon, mis par escript en 1491 du commandement du Roy par Léonard Barounet, maistre des comptes; in Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII, preuves, p. 675.—Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan, Rome, March 6, 1486,Arch. stor. Ital., vol. iv. part ii. p. 70.[535]Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, p. 307, 308.[536]Rosmini, l. c. p. 189, ii. 190.[537]In Giovio, Corio, and also in more recent authors (Ratti,Fam. Sforza, ii. 63; Niccolini,Lodovico Sforza, Trag. Opere, i. 242) will be found Isabella’s letter to her father. The two copies, Italian and Latin, differ somewhat; but the rhetorical form of both gives them the air of imitated documents.[538]Sc. Ammirato, book xxvii. (ii. 187.)[539]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 38.[540]Farcelli,Storia del monastero degli Angioli(Lucca, 1710), p. 66et seq.Libretto MS. nel quale D. Guido priore nota i possessi ec., in the collection of G. Palagi. Florence.[541]N. L. Cittadella,La nobile Famiglia Savonarola in Padova ed in Ferrara(Ferrara, 1867);La Casa di Fra Girolamo Savonarola in Ferrara(ibid.1873). [The house in which Girolamo was born was afterwards thrown into a house of the Strozzi, now belonging to the municipality]. P. Villari,La Storia di GirolamoSavonarola (Flor. 1850-61). The Paduan branch of the family became extinct about 1816, the Ferrarese in 1844.[542]Among thePoesie di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, published by Cesare Guasti (Flor. 1862) from the autographs in the house of the Borromeo at Milan, see especially the canzonet (written about 1475)De ruina Ecclesiae(‘Vergine casta, benchè indegno figlio—Pur son di membri dell’eterno Sposo.’)[543]Moreni,Con torni di Firenze, iii. 34et seq.Cf.ante, p. 135.[544]Poliziano to Tristano Calco, Flor. April 22, 1489. (Fra Mariano was then preaching in Milan.) Poliziano had previously, as he mentions in this letter, praised the Augustinian’s learning, eloquence, and morals in the introduction to his Miscellanies. N. Valori speaks of him, l. c. p. 76. Cf. Tiraboschi, ix. (vi. 3), 1677-1685.[545]Baluz,Miscellan.ed. Mansi, i. 530. [’A sua posta (Fra Mariano) aveva le lagrime, le quali cadendogli dagli occhi per il viso, le raccoglieva tal volta e gittavale al popolo.’] Benivieni on Savonarola’s teachings and prophecies, in a letter to Clement VII. (Villari, i. 70).[546]TheStoria fiorentina, ch. xii.-xvii. contains many remarks on Savonarola, specially valuable on account of the author’s position and corresponding views.[547]Prose volgare inedite p. 283. Cf.antep. 351.[548]Lettera di un Anonimo circa alcune prediche fatte da Fra Mariano da Genazzano in Roma, in Villari, ii. clxxvi.[549]L. Passerini,Storia e Genealogia delle famiglie Passerini e Rilli(Flor. 1874), p. 24.[550]Letter of C. Borgia to Piero de’ Medici, written after the accession of Alexander VI., from Spoleto, October 5, 1492, printed fromMed. Arch.inArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 510.[551]Med. Arch.F. 51.[552]Fabroni, l. c. i. 301.[553]Cf.ante, p. 331.[554]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. viii.[555]Rome, October 5, 1490, in Roscoe’s Leo X., Ap. XIII.[556]Rome, October 19, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 302.[557]Ricordi di Lettere.[558]Matteo Bosso to the Canon Arcangelo of Vicenza, Fiesole, March 14, 1492, in theRecuperationes Fezulanae, Ep. cx., and in Roscoe’sLor. de Med., Ap. No. XXV. Pietro Delfino to Giovanni, the Superior of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, Flor. March 11, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 305. M. Manfredi, Flor., March 13, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 311.[559]Rome, April 7, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 306et seq.; also in Roscoe, Leo X., and Gennarelli’s Burcard. On the reception at Rome and the solemnities there, see Burcard, p. 166et seq.Letter from Giovanni to his father, Rome, March 25, in Roscoe, l. c. Ap. XVII.[560]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 308et seq.[561]M. Manfredi, Flor. August 31, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.[562]Cappelli, l. c. p. 316. Manfredi’s reports give the most details, but unfortunately there is a blank in the last days of Lorenzo.[563]Cod. Aragonese, l. c. p. 39.[564]M. Manfredi to the Duchess of Ferrara, Flor., April 5, 1492, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 312. Ercole arrived at Rome on April 13. Burcard, l. c. p. 177.[565]Valori, l.c. p. 181.[566]The story of Lorenzo’s last days may be read in the long letter written by Poliziano from the villa at Fiesole on May 18, 1492, to Jacopo Antiquario of Perugia,Pol. Epist.1. iv. ep. 2, in Fabroni, l. c. i. 199-212, and in Roscoe, Ap. No. LXXVII. Cf. G. B. Vermiglioli,Memoire di Jacopo Antiquario(Perugia, 1813). Politian’s letter is a rhetorical composition full of unctuous phrases, but highly valuable as containing the testimony of an eye-witness.[567]See Appendix III. p. 487.[568]See Appendix III. p. 488.[569]On the prodigies see Politian’s letter, also Rinuccini, l. c., and Cambi, p. 63, where are given details of the disastrous effects of the lightning. See also Burcard, p. 175.[570]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[571]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.[572]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 398. Cerretani reports that of the whole number in the Council 483 voted Aye and 63 No. ‘Herein was seen a token of harmony and secure hope for the future; but it all came from the popularity of Lorenzo, who was lamented not only by his fellow-citizens and the people, but by all Italy.’[573]Burcard, p. 171-178. On the appointment as legate cf. Stefano da Castrocaro’s letter to Piero, Rome, April 15, 1402; Fabroni,Vita Leonis X.p. 13, and note 10; Roscoe,Leo X.Ap. xxiv.[574]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 74, 75.[575]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 396.[576]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, i. 212. There is no better warrant for this speech than for that on the election of Pope Alexander VI.[577]Diary of Paris de’ Grassi, in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., p. 95.[578]Moreni,Descrizione istorico-critica delle tre Cappelle Medicee in S. Lorenzo(Flor. 1813), p. 103. At the revolution of 1494 the party hostile to the Medici did not entirely spare even the monuments, for the inscription on the tomb of Cosimo the elder was removed on account of the ‘Pater patriæ’; in 1497, during the Savonarola excitement, all the Medici coats of arms were taken away or covered, and replaced by the red cross of the people. The reappearance of the ball-escutcheon after the revolution of 1512 was referred to in an epigram by the father of Benvenuto Cellini, wherein he prophesies the attainment of the Papal dignity by one of the family:—‘Quest’arme, che sepolta è stata tanta,Sotta la croce mansueta,Mostra hor la faccia gloriosa e lieta,Aspettando di Pietro il sacro ammanto.’[579]This curious monody, so unlike Politian’s other Latin compositions, stands at the end of his works in the edition of 1498. [InDel Lungo, p. 274.] The poem in terza rima, on Lorenzo’s death, printed in the edition of his Italian poems published at Florence in 1814, from a Riccardi MS. (in Carducci’s ed. p. 382et seq.) is unquestionably not Politian’s.[580]The object of this table is simply to facilitate a survey of the chronological sequence of the different parts of the work.
[383]Rinuccini, l. c. p. cxlviii.[384]Cf.ante, p. 193.[385]Varchi, book xiii., conclusion (iii. 37et seq.).[386]Canestrini, l. c. p. 163. Cambi, l. c. p. 55.[387]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.[388]Ricordi di lettere, for the said years.[389]Commines,Mémoires, book vii. ch. ix.[390]Molini, l. c. i. 13. Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. vol. ii.[391]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. p. 70. Date, end of 1489, or beginning of 1490.[392]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 71.[393]In Desjardins,Négociations, i. 417, there is a letter of Commines to this Spinelli, dated Vienne, August 6, 1494, relating to the affairs of Piero de’ Medici. Spinelli, whom Commines (Mémoires, book vii. ch. vii.) callshomme de bien en son estat et assey nourri en France, had just then been sent out of France at the beginning of the war. Piero sent him to negotiate with Charles VIII. on his approach.[394]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 83. The Metz affair was the unsuccessful and fearfully punished treachery of Jean de Laudremont, one of the provosts of the city; see Philippe de Vigneulles, in the book ofMemorials of Metzedited by H. Michelant, p. 115et seq.[395]From theCronaca di Benedetto Dei, 1470-1492; MS. in the Magliabecchianæ, printed in Pagnini, l. c. ii. 135et seq.[396]Daru,Histoire de Venise, ii. 295et seq.[397]Scip. Ammirato, book xviii. ii. 998. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 124.[398]Pagnini, l. c. ii. 203et seq.(Molini)Documenti di Storia Italiana, i. 101et seq.[399]Wadding,Annales Minorum, vii. 323.[400]L. Cibrario,Legione sopra alcuni vocaboli usati nei registri della guardaroba Medicea, in Arch. stor. Ital., third series, vi. 152et seq.Ricordi di ariente ed altre cose prestate, Arch. Med.fol. lxii.[401]Borghini,Discorsi(Flor. 1755), ii. 164.[402]Borghini, l. c. p. 166.[403]Ricordi d’una giostra, etc., (cf. i. 267). Borghini, l. c. On the Salutati family cf. Mazzuchelli, in the notes to Filippo Villani,Vite d’uomini illustri Fiorentini(ed. Flor. 1826) p. 83et seq., and G. Palagi, inIl Convito fatto ai figliuoli del Re di Napoli da Benedetto Salutati e compagni mercanti fiorentini il 16 Febbrajo del 1476(Flor. 1873).[404]Pietro of Aragon died in 1491, aged nineteen. Giovanni was made a cardinal in 1477, and died in 1483. Arrigo, Ferrante’s eldest natural son, died in 1478.[405]The Italian account has the expressionmummeria, which corresponds with the German, English, and French words, but is not admitted by Della Crusca. Annibal Caro uses the wordmommeare.[406]Giorn. stor. degli arch. tosc., i. 96.Arch. stor. ital.third series, xx. 187.[407]Il Padre di Famiglia, ed. 1872, p. 67et seq.On the villa-life cf. i. 508.[408]Gaye, l. c. i. 417.[409]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxv.[410]Cena di famiglia, in theOpere volgari, vol. i.[411]V. da Bisticci, l. c. p. 176.[412]Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.Prolog. in Plauti comædiam Menæchmos, inProse volg.p. 281et seq.Politian indulges in a side hit at the modern authors who write in prose.[413]Vasari, iii. 232, v. 36et seq.[414]L. Cibrario, l. c. p. 153.[415]Varchi, l. c. ii. 107.[416]A. M. Biscioni, notes to Lorenzo Lippi’sMalmantile racquistato(Flor. 1831), canto iii. stanza 8.[417]I Capitoli della Compagnia del Broncone, pubblicati per cura di Giuseppe Palagi(Flor. 1872). [Cf. I. del Lungo in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 147et seq.] Lorenzo the younger was the head of the Compagnia del Broncone, and Giuliano that of the Compagnia del Diamante. There are still to be seen in Florence, in the Church of St. Ambrogio, in the Canto alia Mela, and the Canto di Monteloro, some inscribed tablets recalling the Potenze; but they are of rather late date.[418]Tutti i Trionfi, Carri, Canti carnascialeschi, etc.(Flor. 1550; alsoCosmopoli, 1750). The shows themselves were calledCantifrom these songs. Cf.ante, p. 22, 23. In 1475 the Florentines at Naples represented the triumph of Petrarch.[419]Canzona d’un Piagnone pel bruciamento delle vanità nel carnevale del 1498, aggiuntavi la descrizione del bruciamento fatta da Girolamo Benvieni(ed. by I. del Lungo, Flor. 1864). [’Canzona che fa uno Fiorentino a carnasciale, trovandolo fuggirsi con un asinello carico di sue masserizie e col fardello in spalla.’] Carnaval complains that his idols are broken, the red Cross and the Name of Christ have conquered, and he must yield to a mightier king.[420]Vasari, ix. 218. Naldo Naldi,Carmina, vi. 436.[421]From the MS. in the Miscellanea Uguccione Strozzi, vol. cvi. in the Flor. Archives; printed by P. Fanfani in the Borghini, ii. 542et seq.[422]On the Piovano Arlotto, who died in 1483, see D. M. Manni,Veglie Piacevoli(3rd ed., Flor. 1816), where are many details of the jests and buffooneries. TheNovella del Grasso Legnaiuolohas been often printed and imitated; there is an edition with introduction by D. Moreni (Flor. 1820). Gaye (l. c. i. 169) has produced some original documents which cast some doubt on the accounts of the ‘fat cabinet-maker’ collected by Manni; the claims of Antonio Manetti, known from his connection with the Dante-literature (cf.ante, p. 51), to the authorship of the story have been lately vindicated. Cf. Papanti,Catalogo dei Novellieri(Livorno, 1871), vol. ii. 11. The story of Bianco Alfani is in Manni’s edition of theCento novelle anticke(Flor. 1782), i. 211et seq.[423]B. Varchi, l. c., book ix. (ii. 122et seq.).[424]Cena di Famiglia, l. c. p. 173, 174. G. Dominici,Regola del governo, etc., p. 164. Cf.,ante, i. 483.[425]Notizie di illustre donne, in theArch. stor. Ital., iv. 439 et seq.Vite d’uomini illustri, p. 525et seq.[426]The names are copied from a Strozzi document in the Magliabecchiana, in E. Branchi’s treatiseDella croce vermiglia in campo bianco, insegna dei Cavalieri di popolo, in thePeriodico di numismatico e sfragista, iv. 75et seq.(Flor. 1872.) This treatise contains numerous quotations from chronicles and histories relating to knighthood in the commonwealth, particularly in 1378.[427]Memorie storiche di Ser Naldo da Montecatini(in theDelizie degli Eruditi toscani, xviii. 99).[428]Il viaggio degli Ambasciatori fiorentini al Re di Francia nel 1461, in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. i. p. 7et seq.Cf.ante, i. 173.[429]Mémoires, vol. vii. ch. 9. B. Rucellai, who was as much at home in that house as in his own, describes in his CommentaryDe Bello Italico(p. 52), the plundering of books and other valuables, ‘quorum pars a Gallis, pars a paucis e nostris, rem turpissimam, honesta specie praetendentibus, furacissime subrepta sunt, intimis abditisque locis ædium, ubi illi reconditi fuerant, perscrutatis.’[430]L. c. p. 168.[431]Gaye, l. c. i. 285, 286, 290.[432]Vasari,Life of Giuliano, vii. 213.[433]Gaye, l. c. p. 304.[434]Cf.ante, p. 228. The earlier appearance of the square may be seen in Richa, vii. 113.[435]Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 279.[436]Description of ‘Ambra mei Laurentis amor’ in the third Sylva, lines 594et seq.;Prose volgari, p, 365. G. Fargioni Fozzetti,Viaggi per la Toscana(Flor. 1773et seq.), v. 56et seq., where also is Verino’s letter. Cf.ante, p. 13.[437]Repetti, l. c. i. 380. Palla Strozzi paid 7,390 gold florins for Poggio a Cajano; and his beautiful villa of Petraja, which he had bought of the Brunelleschi, served as security for the purchase. In the next century, after the attempt of the Strozzi and their friends against Duke Cosimo had failed, Petraja was confiscated and became state property. Angiullesi’sNotizie storiche dei palazzi e ville appartenenti alla R. Corona di Toscana(Pisa, 1815) contain no notice of the earlier history of Poggio a Cajano.[438]Vasari,Life of Sarto, viii. 276; ofFranciabigo, ix. 101; ofPontormo, xi. 46. The compositions of the former are engraved in the work on the frescoes of the grand-ducal palaces (Flor. 1751).[439]A. Condivi, in the biography prefixed to theRime e lettere di M. A. Buonarotti(Flor. 1858), p. 26.[440]Bandini,Specimen, ii. 105et seq.The names of the two Greeks sound likenoms de guerre.[441]Borghini, l. c. ii. 167.[442]Reuchlin, dedication of theDe arte cabalistica(1517) to Leo X. Manlius,Locorum communium collectanea(Bautzen, 1565), p. 271. Stälin,Wirtemberg.Geschichte, iii. 591. Cf.ante, p. 27.[443]Ricordi di Lettere, etc.[444]From Poliziano’s account, in Valori, p. 177.[445]A. Montecatino, in Cappelli, l.c. p. 252.[446]Med. Arch., passim. Gaye,Carteggio, i. 302.[447]Cappelli, l.c. p. 303. (a.d.1490). Letter of the Anziani of Lucca, September 16, 1490; Lucch. Arch.[448]Lorenzo to Ercole, February 11, 1481, January 9, 1482, in Cappelli, p. 242, 243, with notes. Ferrante to Lorenzo, June 5, 1477, in Gaye, l. c. i. 302. The same to the Knights of St. John, Ferrante Ribadeneira, Juan Gasco, and others, December 27, 1467. In Trinchera, Cod. Aragonese, i. 373; in this work are many letters relating to thefalconiandgirifalchi.[449]Prosevolgari, p. 45. Cf.ante, p. 14.[450]Valori, l. c. p. 174. Viani, l. c. p. 24. In Fabroni, ii. 73, is a list of the Medici estates in the Pisa territory, with an estimate of their revenues.[451]April 8.Prose volgari, p. 47.[452]Piero,Parenti’s Chronicle. Cf. Poliziano, l. c. p. 49. Cf.Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 134 (June 1, 1477).[453]Pulci,Lettere, p. 28, 31.[454]L. Fanfani,Notizie inedite di Sta. Maria del Pontenovo, p. 148. Cf.ante, p. 257.[455]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[456]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliii. Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.[457]M. Amari,I Diplomi Arabi del R. Archivio fiorentino(Flor. 1863), lx, lxxxvi, and the original Arabic and Italian documents, p. 181, 184, 363, 372, 374, 382. Cf. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 205et seq.Bandini,Collectio veterum monumentorum, p. 12et seq.[458]Ser Piero Dovizj to Madonna Clarice, Fabroni, ii. 337.[459]Pecori,Storia di San Gemignano, p. 285.[460]Med. Arch.Such supplies were needed at these places.[461]From the Med. Arch. fol. 88, in Del Lungo,Un viaggio di Clarice Orsini de Medici nel 1485 descritto da Ser Matteo Franco(Bologna, 1868).[462]Gualandi,Nuova Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, ec.(Bologna, 1844), i. 14.[463]Vasari,Life of Simone Pollaiuolo, viii. 119.[464]Ficino,Epist.x. 37.[465]Valori, l. c. p. 176.[466]‘... Diu templi vox fuit ille tui.’Prose volgari, p. 155. Cf.ante, p. 140, 165.[467]Med. Arch.February 5, 1473, August 20, 1483.[468]Poliziano to Lorenzo, October 17, 1477.Prose volgari, p. 54.[469]C. Guasti,Di un maestro d’organi del sec.xv.inBelle Arti ec., p. 229et seq.Ricordi di lettere, etc.[470]Condivi, l. c., p. 30. It was this ‘Cardiere’ (fromcardatore, wool-comber) who was said to have seen an apparition of the dead Lorenzo.[471]Prose volgari, p. 78.[472]Poliziano to M. Lucrezia, Fiesole, July 18, 1479.Prose volgari, p. 72.[473]Epist. l. ii. ep. 13.[474]Carducci, Introduction to Poliziano’s poems, p. cxxxii. The remarkable political sonnets published by O. Fargioni-Tozzetti (Livorno, 1863) are by this Antonio Cammelli.[475]Poggio a Cajano, September 11, 1485, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.[476]Satire VI. ‘Quella famiglia d’allegrezza piena.’[477]Lasca,Le Cene, iii. 10.[478]Epist. l. iii. 6.[479]Valori, l. c. p. 167.[480]Fabroni, l. c. i. 22.[481]Fr. Serdonati,Vita di P. Innocenzo VIII.(Milan, 1829) p. 75.[482]Moreni,Lettere, p. 5.[483]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 389-391.[484]Desjardins, l. c. p. 189.Ibid.another letter of Louis, dated February 17; also in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.[485]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.[486]A letter to G. Lanfredini, February 16, 1489, recommending an Archdeacon, Mario of Osimo (Med. Arch.F. 57), is signedJohannes Laurentii de Medicis prothonotarius apostolicus.[487]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374;Vita Leonis X. P. M., p. 245. Fosti,Storia della Badia di Monte Cassino, iii. 199. It is but too well known how greatly the convent went to ruin through the misdoings of its commanders.[488]Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.[489]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.[490]Moreni,Lettere, p. 8. Cf.ante, p. 326.[491]Roscoe,Life and Pontificate of Leo X.Ap. II. (iii. 385.)[492]Ibid., Ap. III. p. 387.[493]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.[494]Letters, from theMed. Arch., in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., and Roscoe, l. c., App. IV. V. VI. VII.[495]Burcard, l. c. 110-112. He names the five publicly nominated Cardinals. Giacconio,Vitæ Pontif., vol. iii. col. 124-144, where all the eight are mentioned. On March 9, the Ferrarese ambassador at Florence announced the signature by the Cardinals of the bull for Giovanni, and thought its publication would follow with that of the others.[496]Letters inMed. Arch.: that of La Balue (Andegavensis—Bishop of Angers) in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. VIII.[497]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, ii. 300.[498]A. PolitianiEpist.l. viii. ep. 5. Lorenzo to Lanfredini, March 14, 1489, in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. XI.[499]Moreni,Lettere, p. 14. (Dated wrong and placed out of right order).[500]Desjardins, l. c. p. 215.[501]Burcard, l. c. p. 110. The hints given as to the cause of death are a nice specimen of the town-talk recorded by a Papal master of the ceremonies.[502]Roscoe, iv. 318 (wrongly dated).[503]January 21, 1489.Med. Arch.[504]Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.[505]Roscoe, l. c. Ap. X.[506]Burcard, l. c. p. 133. Adinolfi,Portica di S. Pietro, does not mention the house of the Acciaiuoli.[507]Fabroni, l. c. p. 375.[508]Med. Arch.F. 72. Fabroni, l. c.[509]Med. Arch.F. 59.[510]August 11, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.[511]Fabroni, l. c. ii. p. 361. The letter goes on to treat of many other things.[512]Bull in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 340.[513]Burcard, p. 126, 127. The details of these events may be completed from Infessura.[514]Fabroni, l. c. p. 365.[515]The war with Granada had begun.[516]January, 1490. Burcard, p. 135, 136. [’Portavit (heraldus) literas regi, a quo penitus nihil habuit, neque bonum verbum.’][517]January 29, 1490, in De Cherrier, i. 341.[518]M. Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307, 308.[519]Burcard, l. c. p. 143.[520]P. F. Pandolfini. Fabroni, l. c. p. 352.[521]Pierre de Beaujeu had been Duke of Bourbon since the death of his brother, Jean II., in 1488.[522]Pandolfini, Rome, June 28, 1490, l. c. p. 353.[523]Manfredi, July 3, 1491, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.[524]Nasi, Naples, July 7, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 350.[525]Letter to K. Ferrante II. (Ferrandino), February 9, 1495, in Colangelo,Vita del Sannazzaro(2nd edit. Naples, 1819).[526]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 350.[527]K. Ferrante to Pontano, October 2, 1491, and other letters relating to these disturbances, inCodice Arag.vol. ii. part i. p. 1et seq.Cf.ante, p. 311.[528]October 5, 1491. Bandini,Coll. vet. mon., p. 20.[529]P. Nasi to Lorenzo, Naples, November 18, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 363.[530]Burcard, l. c. p. 157. M. Manfredi, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 310.[531]How, in the face of this long disagreement, Giannone (Storia civile, book xxviii.) could say that after the peace of 1486, Innocent VIII. remained the king’s friend during his remaining years, is incomprehensible.[532]Codice Aragon., vol. ii. part i. p. 43-46, 49, 52-54.[533]Burcard, p. 154, 155.[534]Traité des droits du Roy Charles VIII aux royaumes de Naples, Sicile et Aragon, mis par escript en 1491 du commandement du Roy par Léonard Barounet, maistre des comptes; in Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII, preuves, p. 675.—Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan, Rome, March 6, 1486,Arch. stor. Ital., vol. iv. part ii. p. 70.[535]Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, p. 307, 308.[536]Rosmini, l. c. p. 189, ii. 190.[537]In Giovio, Corio, and also in more recent authors (Ratti,Fam. Sforza, ii. 63; Niccolini,Lodovico Sforza, Trag. Opere, i. 242) will be found Isabella’s letter to her father. The two copies, Italian and Latin, differ somewhat; but the rhetorical form of both gives them the air of imitated documents.[538]Sc. Ammirato, book xxvii. (ii. 187.)[539]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 38.[540]Farcelli,Storia del monastero degli Angioli(Lucca, 1710), p. 66et seq.Libretto MS. nel quale D. Guido priore nota i possessi ec., in the collection of G. Palagi. Florence.[541]N. L. Cittadella,La nobile Famiglia Savonarola in Padova ed in Ferrara(Ferrara, 1867);La Casa di Fra Girolamo Savonarola in Ferrara(ibid.1873). [The house in which Girolamo was born was afterwards thrown into a house of the Strozzi, now belonging to the municipality]. P. Villari,La Storia di GirolamoSavonarola (Flor. 1850-61). The Paduan branch of the family became extinct about 1816, the Ferrarese in 1844.[542]Among thePoesie di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, published by Cesare Guasti (Flor. 1862) from the autographs in the house of the Borromeo at Milan, see especially the canzonet (written about 1475)De ruina Ecclesiae(‘Vergine casta, benchè indegno figlio—Pur son di membri dell’eterno Sposo.’)[543]Moreni,Con torni di Firenze, iii. 34et seq.Cf.ante, p. 135.[544]Poliziano to Tristano Calco, Flor. April 22, 1489. (Fra Mariano was then preaching in Milan.) Poliziano had previously, as he mentions in this letter, praised the Augustinian’s learning, eloquence, and morals in the introduction to his Miscellanies. N. Valori speaks of him, l. c. p. 76. Cf. Tiraboschi, ix. (vi. 3), 1677-1685.[545]Baluz,Miscellan.ed. Mansi, i. 530. [’A sua posta (Fra Mariano) aveva le lagrime, le quali cadendogli dagli occhi per il viso, le raccoglieva tal volta e gittavale al popolo.’] Benivieni on Savonarola’s teachings and prophecies, in a letter to Clement VII. (Villari, i. 70).[546]TheStoria fiorentina, ch. xii.-xvii. contains many remarks on Savonarola, specially valuable on account of the author’s position and corresponding views.[547]Prose volgare inedite p. 283. Cf.antep. 351.[548]Lettera di un Anonimo circa alcune prediche fatte da Fra Mariano da Genazzano in Roma, in Villari, ii. clxxvi.[549]L. Passerini,Storia e Genealogia delle famiglie Passerini e Rilli(Flor. 1874), p. 24.[550]Letter of C. Borgia to Piero de’ Medici, written after the accession of Alexander VI., from Spoleto, October 5, 1492, printed fromMed. Arch.inArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 510.[551]Med. Arch.F. 51.[552]Fabroni, l. c. i. 301.[553]Cf.ante, p. 331.[554]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. viii.[555]Rome, October 5, 1490, in Roscoe’s Leo X., Ap. XIII.[556]Rome, October 19, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 302.[557]Ricordi di Lettere.[558]Matteo Bosso to the Canon Arcangelo of Vicenza, Fiesole, March 14, 1492, in theRecuperationes Fezulanae, Ep. cx., and in Roscoe’sLor. de Med., Ap. No. XXV. Pietro Delfino to Giovanni, the Superior of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, Flor. March 11, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 305. M. Manfredi, Flor., March 13, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 311.[559]Rome, April 7, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 306et seq.; also in Roscoe, Leo X., and Gennarelli’s Burcard. On the reception at Rome and the solemnities there, see Burcard, p. 166et seq.Letter from Giovanni to his father, Rome, March 25, in Roscoe, l. c. Ap. XVII.[560]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 308et seq.[561]M. Manfredi, Flor. August 31, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.[562]Cappelli, l. c. p. 316. Manfredi’s reports give the most details, but unfortunately there is a blank in the last days of Lorenzo.[563]Cod. Aragonese, l. c. p. 39.[564]M. Manfredi to the Duchess of Ferrara, Flor., April 5, 1492, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 312. Ercole arrived at Rome on April 13. Burcard, l. c. p. 177.[565]Valori, l.c. p. 181.[566]The story of Lorenzo’s last days may be read in the long letter written by Poliziano from the villa at Fiesole on May 18, 1492, to Jacopo Antiquario of Perugia,Pol. Epist.1. iv. ep. 2, in Fabroni, l. c. i. 199-212, and in Roscoe, Ap. No. LXXVII. Cf. G. B. Vermiglioli,Memoire di Jacopo Antiquario(Perugia, 1813). Politian’s letter is a rhetorical composition full of unctuous phrases, but highly valuable as containing the testimony of an eye-witness.[567]See Appendix III. p. 487.[568]See Appendix III. p. 488.[569]On the prodigies see Politian’s letter, also Rinuccini, l. c., and Cambi, p. 63, where are given details of the disastrous effects of the lightning. See also Burcard, p. 175.[570]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[571]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.[572]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 398. Cerretani reports that of the whole number in the Council 483 voted Aye and 63 No. ‘Herein was seen a token of harmony and secure hope for the future; but it all came from the popularity of Lorenzo, who was lamented not only by his fellow-citizens and the people, but by all Italy.’[573]Burcard, p. 171-178. On the appointment as legate cf. Stefano da Castrocaro’s letter to Piero, Rome, April 15, 1402; Fabroni,Vita Leonis X.p. 13, and note 10; Roscoe,Leo X.Ap. xxiv.[574]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 74, 75.[575]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 396.[576]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, i. 212. There is no better warrant for this speech than for that on the election of Pope Alexander VI.[577]Diary of Paris de’ Grassi, in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., p. 95.[578]Moreni,Descrizione istorico-critica delle tre Cappelle Medicee in S. Lorenzo(Flor. 1813), p. 103. At the revolution of 1494 the party hostile to the Medici did not entirely spare even the monuments, for the inscription on the tomb of Cosimo the elder was removed on account of the ‘Pater patriæ’; in 1497, during the Savonarola excitement, all the Medici coats of arms were taken away or covered, and replaced by the red cross of the people. The reappearance of the ball-escutcheon after the revolution of 1512 was referred to in an epigram by the father of Benvenuto Cellini, wherein he prophesies the attainment of the Papal dignity by one of the family:—‘Quest’arme, che sepolta è stata tanta,Sotta la croce mansueta,Mostra hor la faccia gloriosa e lieta,Aspettando di Pietro il sacro ammanto.’[579]This curious monody, so unlike Politian’s other Latin compositions, stands at the end of his works in the edition of 1498. [InDel Lungo, p. 274.] The poem in terza rima, on Lorenzo’s death, printed in the edition of his Italian poems published at Florence in 1814, from a Riccardi MS. (in Carducci’s ed. p. 382et seq.) is unquestionably not Politian’s.[580]The object of this table is simply to facilitate a survey of the chronological sequence of the different parts of the work.
[383]Rinuccini, l. c. p. cxlviii.
[384]Cf.ante, p. 193.
[385]Varchi, book xiii., conclusion (iii. 37et seq.).
[386]Canestrini, l. c. p. 163. Cambi, l. c. p. 55.
[387]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.
[388]Ricordi di lettere, for the said years.
[389]Commines,Mémoires, book vii. ch. ix.
[390]Molini, l. c. i. 13. Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. vol. ii.
[391]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. p. 70. Date, end of 1489, or beginning of 1490.
[392]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 71.
[393]In Desjardins,Négociations, i. 417, there is a letter of Commines to this Spinelli, dated Vienne, August 6, 1494, relating to the affairs of Piero de’ Medici. Spinelli, whom Commines (Mémoires, book vii. ch. vii.) callshomme de bien en son estat et assey nourri en France, had just then been sent out of France at the beginning of the war. Piero sent him to negotiate with Charles VIII. on his approach.
[394]Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 83. The Metz affair was the unsuccessful and fearfully punished treachery of Jean de Laudremont, one of the provosts of the city; see Philippe de Vigneulles, in the book ofMemorials of Metzedited by H. Michelant, p. 115et seq.
[395]From theCronaca di Benedetto Dei, 1470-1492; MS. in the Magliabecchianæ, printed in Pagnini, l. c. ii. 135et seq.
[396]Daru,Histoire de Venise, ii. 295et seq.
[397]Scip. Ammirato, book xviii. ii. 998. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 124.
[398]Pagnini, l. c. ii. 203et seq.(Molini)Documenti di Storia Italiana, i. 101et seq.
[399]Wadding,Annales Minorum, vii. 323.
[400]L. Cibrario,Legione sopra alcuni vocaboli usati nei registri della guardaroba Medicea, in Arch. stor. Ital., third series, vi. 152et seq.Ricordi di ariente ed altre cose prestate, Arch. Med.fol. lxii.
[401]Borghini,Discorsi(Flor. 1755), ii. 164.
[402]Borghini, l. c. p. 166.
[403]Ricordi d’una giostra, etc., (cf. i. 267). Borghini, l. c. On the Salutati family cf. Mazzuchelli, in the notes to Filippo Villani,Vite d’uomini illustri Fiorentini(ed. Flor. 1826) p. 83et seq., and G. Palagi, inIl Convito fatto ai figliuoli del Re di Napoli da Benedetto Salutati e compagni mercanti fiorentini il 16 Febbrajo del 1476(Flor. 1873).
[404]Pietro of Aragon died in 1491, aged nineteen. Giovanni was made a cardinal in 1477, and died in 1483. Arrigo, Ferrante’s eldest natural son, died in 1478.
[405]The Italian account has the expressionmummeria, which corresponds with the German, English, and French words, but is not admitted by Della Crusca. Annibal Caro uses the wordmommeare.
[406]Giorn. stor. degli arch. tosc., i. 96.Arch. stor. ital.third series, xx. 187.
[407]Il Padre di Famiglia, ed. 1872, p. 67et seq.On the villa-life cf. i. 508.
[408]Gaye, l. c. i. 417.
[409]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxv.
[410]Cena di famiglia, in theOpere volgari, vol. i.
[411]V. da Bisticci, l. c. p. 176.
[412]Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.Prolog. in Plauti comædiam Menæchmos, inProse volg.p. 281et seq.Politian indulges in a side hit at the modern authors who write in prose.
[413]Vasari, iii. 232, v. 36et seq.
[414]L. Cibrario, l. c. p. 153.
[415]Varchi, l. c. ii. 107.
[416]A. M. Biscioni, notes to Lorenzo Lippi’sMalmantile racquistato(Flor. 1831), canto iii. stanza 8.
[417]I Capitoli della Compagnia del Broncone, pubblicati per cura di Giuseppe Palagi(Flor. 1872). [Cf. I. del Lungo in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 147et seq.] Lorenzo the younger was the head of the Compagnia del Broncone, and Giuliano that of the Compagnia del Diamante. There are still to be seen in Florence, in the Church of St. Ambrogio, in the Canto alia Mela, and the Canto di Monteloro, some inscribed tablets recalling the Potenze; but they are of rather late date.
[418]Tutti i Trionfi, Carri, Canti carnascialeschi, etc.(Flor. 1550; alsoCosmopoli, 1750). The shows themselves were calledCantifrom these songs. Cf.ante, p. 22, 23. In 1475 the Florentines at Naples represented the triumph of Petrarch.
[419]Canzona d’un Piagnone pel bruciamento delle vanità nel carnevale del 1498, aggiuntavi la descrizione del bruciamento fatta da Girolamo Benvieni(ed. by I. del Lungo, Flor. 1864). [’Canzona che fa uno Fiorentino a carnasciale, trovandolo fuggirsi con un asinello carico di sue masserizie e col fardello in spalla.’] Carnaval complains that his idols are broken, the red Cross and the Name of Christ have conquered, and he must yield to a mightier king.
[420]Vasari, ix. 218. Naldo Naldi,Carmina, vi. 436.
[421]From the MS. in the Miscellanea Uguccione Strozzi, vol. cvi. in the Flor. Archives; printed by P. Fanfani in the Borghini, ii. 542et seq.
[422]On the Piovano Arlotto, who died in 1483, see D. M. Manni,Veglie Piacevoli(3rd ed., Flor. 1816), where are many details of the jests and buffooneries. TheNovella del Grasso Legnaiuolohas been often printed and imitated; there is an edition with introduction by D. Moreni (Flor. 1820). Gaye (l. c. i. 169) has produced some original documents which cast some doubt on the accounts of the ‘fat cabinet-maker’ collected by Manni; the claims of Antonio Manetti, known from his connection with the Dante-literature (cf.ante, p. 51), to the authorship of the story have been lately vindicated. Cf. Papanti,Catalogo dei Novellieri(Livorno, 1871), vol. ii. 11. The story of Bianco Alfani is in Manni’s edition of theCento novelle anticke(Flor. 1782), i. 211et seq.
[423]B. Varchi, l. c., book ix. (ii. 122et seq.).
[424]Cena di Famiglia, l. c. p. 173, 174. G. Dominici,Regola del governo, etc., p. 164. Cf.,ante, i. 483.
[425]Notizie di illustre donne, in theArch. stor. Ital., iv. 439 et seq.Vite d’uomini illustri, p. 525et seq.
[426]The names are copied from a Strozzi document in the Magliabecchiana, in E. Branchi’s treatiseDella croce vermiglia in campo bianco, insegna dei Cavalieri di popolo, in thePeriodico di numismatico e sfragista, iv. 75et seq.(Flor. 1872.) This treatise contains numerous quotations from chronicles and histories relating to knighthood in the commonwealth, particularly in 1378.
[427]Memorie storiche di Ser Naldo da Montecatini(in theDelizie degli Eruditi toscani, xviii. 99).
[428]Il viaggio degli Ambasciatori fiorentini al Re di Francia nel 1461, in theArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. i. p. 7et seq.Cf.ante, i. 173.
[429]Mémoires, vol. vii. ch. 9. B. Rucellai, who was as much at home in that house as in his own, describes in his CommentaryDe Bello Italico(p. 52), the plundering of books and other valuables, ‘quorum pars a Gallis, pars a paucis e nostris, rem turpissimam, honesta specie praetendentibus, furacissime subrepta sunt, intimis abditisque locis ædium, ubi illi reconditi fuerant, perscrutatis.’
[430]L. c. p. 168.
[431]Gaye, l. c. i. 285, 286, 290.
[432]Vasari,Life of Giuliano, vii. 213.
[433]Gaye, l. c. p. 304.
[434]Cf.ante, p. 228. The earlier appearance of the square may be seen in Richa, vii. 113.
[435]Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 279.
[436]Description of ‘Ambra mei Laurentis amor’ in the third Sylva, lines 594et seq.;Prose volgari, p, 365. G. Fargioni Fozzetti,Viaggi per la Toscana(Flor. 1773et seq.), v. 56et seq., where also is Verino’s letter. Cf.ante, p. 13.
[437]Repetti, l. c. i. 380. Palla Strozzi paid 7,390 gold florins for Poggio a Cajano; and his beautiful villa of Petraja, which he had bought of the Brunelleschi, served as security for the purchase. In the next century, after the attempt of the Strozzi and their friends against Duke Cosimo had failed, Petraja was confiscated and became state property. Angiullesi’sNotizie storiche dei palazzi e ville appartenenti alla R. Corona di Toscana(Pisa, 1815) contain no notice of the earlier history of Poggio a Cajano.
[438]Vasari,Life of Sarto, viii. 276; ofFranciabigo, ix. 101; ofPontormo, xi. 46. The compositions of the former are engraved in the work on the frescoes of the grand-ducal palaces (Flor. 1751).
[439]A. Condivi, in the biography prefixed to theRime e lettere di M. A. Buonarotti(Flor. 1858), p. 26.
[440]Bandini,Specimen, ii. 105et seq.The names of the two Greeks sound likenoms de guerre.
[441]Borghini, l. c. ii. 167.
[442]Reuchlin, dedication of theDe arte cabalistica(1517) to Leo X. Manlius,Locorum communium collectanea(Bautzen, 1565), p. 271. Stälin,Wirtemberg.Geschichte, iii. 591. Cf.ante, p. 27.
[443]Ricordi di Lettere, etc.
[444]From Poliziano’s account, in Valori, p. 177.
[445]A. Montecatino, in Cappelli, l.c. p. 252.
[446]Med. Arch., passim. Gaye,Carteggio, i. 302.
[447]Cappelli, l.c. p. 303. (a.d.1490). Letter of the Anziani of Lucca, September 16, 1490; Lucch. Arch.
[448]Lorenzo to Ercole, February 11, 1481, January 9, 1482, in Cappelli, p. 242, 243, with notes. Ferrante to Lorenzo, June 5, 1477, in Gaye, l. c. i. 302. The same to the Knights of St. John, Ferrante Ribadeneira, Juan Gasco, and others, December 27, 1467. In Trinchera, Cod. Aragonese, i. 373; in this work are many letters relating to thefalconiandgirifalchi.
[449]Prosevolgari, p. 45. Cf.ante, p. 14.
[450]Valori, l. c. p. 174. Viani, l. c. p. 24. In Fabroni, ii. 73, is a list of the Medici estates in the Pisa territory, with an estimate of their revenues.
[451]April 8.Prose volgari, p. 47.
[452]Piero,Parenti’s Chronicle. Cf. Poliziano, l. c. p. 49. Cf.Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo, p. 134 (June 1, 1477).
[453]Pulci,Lettere, p. 28, 31.
[454]L. Fanfani,Notizie inedite di Sta. Maria del Pontenovo, p. 148. Cf.ante, p. 257.
[455]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.
[456]Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliii. Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.
[457]M. Amari,I Diplomi Arabi del R. Archivio fiorentino(Flor. 1863), lx, lxxxvi, and the original Arabic and Italian documents, p. 181, 184, 363, 372, 374, 382. Cf. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 205et seq.Bandini,Collectio veterum monumentorum, p. 12et seq.
[458]Ser Piero Dovizj to Madonna Clarice, Fabroni, ii. 337.
[459]Pecori,Storia di San Gemignano, p. 285.
[460]Med. Arch.Such supplies were needed at these places.
[461]From the Med. Arch. fol. 88, in Del Lungo,Un viaggio di Clarice Orsini de Medici nel 1485 descritto da Ser Matteo Franco(Bologna, 1868).
[462]Gualandi,Nuova Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, ec.(Bologna, 1844), i. 14.
[463]Vasari,Life of Simone Pollaiuolo, viii. 119.
[464]Ficino,Epist.x. 37.
[465]Valori, l. c. p. 176.
[466]‘... Diu templi vox fuit ille tui.’Prose volgari, p. 155. Cf.ante, p. 140, 165.
[467]Med. Arch.February 5, 1473, August 20, 1483.
[468]Poliziano to Lorenzo, October 17, 1477.Prose volgari, p. 54.
[469]C. Guasti,Di un maestro d’organi del sec.xv.inBelle Arti ec., p. 229et seq.Ricordi di lettere, etc.
[470]Condivi, l. c., p. 30. It was this ‘Cardiere’ (fromcardatore, wool-comber) who was said to have seen an apparition of the dead Lorenzo.
[471]Prose volgari, p. 78.
[472]Poliziano to M. Lucrezia, Fiesole, July 18, 1479.Prose volgari, p. 72.
[473]Epist. l. ii. ep. 13.
[474]Carducci, Introduction to Poliziano’s poems, p. cxxxii. The remarkable political sonnets published by O. Fargioni-Tozzetti (Livorno, 1863) are by this Antonio Cammelli.
[475]Poggio a Cajano, September 11, 1485, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.
[476]Satire VI. ‘Quella famiglia d’allegrezza piena.’
[477]Lasca,Le Cene, iii. 10.
[478]Epist. l. iii. 6.
[479]Valori, l. c. p. 167.
[480]Fabroni, l. c. i. 22.
[481]Fr. Serdonati,Vita di P. Innocenzo VIII.(Milan, 1829) p. 75.
[482]Moreni,Lettere, p. 5.
[483]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 389-391.
[484]Desjardins, l. c. p. 189.Ibid.another letter of Louis, dated February 17; also in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.
[485]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.
[486]A letter to G. Lanfredini, February 16, 1489, recommending an Archdeacon, Mario of Osimo (Med. Arch.F. 57), is signedJohannes Laurentii de Medicis prothonotarius apostolicus.
[487]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374;Vita Leonis X. P. M., p. 245. Fosti,Storia della Badia di Monte Cassino, iii. 199. It is but too well known how greatly the convent went to ruin through the misdoings of its commanders.
[488]Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.
[489]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.
[490]Moreni,Lettere, p. 8. Cf.ante, p. 326.
[491]Roscoe,Life and Pontificate of Leo X.Ap. II. (iii. 385.)
[492]Ibid., Ap. III. p. 387.
[493]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.
[494]Letters, from theMed. Arch., in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., and Roscoe, l. c., App. IV. V. VI. VII.
[495]Burcard, l. c. 110-112. He names the five publicly nominated Cardinals. Giacconio,Vitæ Pontif., vol. iii. col. 124-144, where all the eight are mentioned. On March 9, the Ferrarese ambassador at Florence announced the signature by the Cardinals of the bull for Giovanni, and thought its publication would follow with that of the others.
[496]Letters inMed. Arch.: that of La Balue (Andegavensis—Bishop of Angers) in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. VIII.
[497]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, ii. 300.
[498]A. PolitianiEpist.l. viii. ep. 5. Lorenzo to Lanfredini, March 14, 1489, in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. XI.
[499]Moreni,Lettere, p. 14. (Dated wrong and placed out of right order).
[500]Desjardins, l. c. p. 215.
[501]Burcard, l. c. p. 110. The hints given as to the cause of death are a nice specimen of the town-talk recorded by a Papal master of the ceremonies.
[502]Roscoe, iv. 318 (wrongly dated).
[503]January 21, 1489.Med. Arch.
[504]Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.
[505]Roscoe, l. c. Ap. X.
[506]Burcard, l. c. p. 133. Adinolfi,Portica di S. Pietro, does not mention the house of the Acciaiuoli.
[507]Fabroni, l. c. p. 375.
[508]Med. Arch.F. 72. Fabroni, l. c.
[509]Med. Arch.F. 59.
[510]August 11, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.
[511]Fabroni, l. c. ii. p. 361. The letter goes on to treat of many other things.
[512]Bull in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 340.
[513]Burcard, p. 126, 127. The details of these events may be completed from Infessura.
[514]Fabroni, l. c. p. 365.
[515]The war with Granada had begun.
[516]January, 1490. Burcard, p. 135, 136. [’Portavit (heraldus) literas regi, a quo penitus nihil habuit, neque bonum verbum.’]
[517]January 29, 1490, in De Cherrier, i. 341.
[518]M. Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307, 308.
[519]Burcard, l. c. p. 143.
[520]P. F. Pandolfini. Fabroni, l. c. p. 352.
[521]Pierre de Beaujeu had been Duke of Bourbon since the death of his brother, Jean II., in 1488.
[522]Pandolfini, Rome, June 28, 1490, l. c. p. 353.
[523]Manfredi, July 3, 1491, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.
[524]Nasi, Naples, July 7, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 350.
[525]Letter to K. Ferrante II. (Ferrandino), February 9, 1495, in Colangelo,Vita del Sannazzaro(2nd edit. Naples, 1819).
[526]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 350.
[527]K. Ferrante to Pontano, October 2, 1491, and other letters relating to these disturbances, inCodice Arag.vol. ii. part i. p. 1et seq.Cf.ante, p. 311.
[528]October 5, 1491. Bandini,Coll. vet. mon., p. 20.
[529]P. Nasi to Lorenzo, Naples, November 18, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 363.
[530]Burcard, l. c. p. 157. M. Manfredi, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 310.
[531]How, in the face of this long disagreement, Giannone (Storia civile, book xxviii.) could say that after the peace of 1486, Innocent VIII. remained the king’s friend during his remaining years, is incomprehensible.
[532]Codice Aragon., vol. ii. part i. p. 43-46, 49, 52-54.
[533]Burcard, p. 154, 155.
[534]Traité des droits du Roy Charles VIII aux royaumes de Naples, Sicile et Aragon, mis par escript en 1491 du commandement du Roy par Léonard Barounet, maistre des comptes; in Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII, preuves, p. 675.—Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan, Rome, March 6, 1486,Arch. stor. Ital., vol. iv. part ii. p. 70.
[535]Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, p. 307, 308.
[536]Rosmini, l. c. p. 189, ii. 190.
[537]In Giovio, Corio, and also in more recent authors (Ratti,Fam. Sforza, ii. 63; Niccolini,Lodovico Sforza, Trag. Opere, i. 242) will be found Isabella’s letter to her father. The two copies, Italian and Latin, differ somewhat; but the rhetorical form of both gives them the air of imitated documents.
[538]Sc. Ammirato, book xxvii. (ii. 187.)
[539]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 38.
[540]Farcelli,Storia del monastero degli Angioli(Lucca, 1710), p. 66et seq.Libretto MS. nel quale D. Guido priore nota i possessi ec., in the collection of G. Palagi. Florence.
[541]N. L. Cittadella,La nobile Famiglia Savonarola in Padova ed in Ferrara(Ferrara, 1867);La Casa di Fra Girolamo Savonarola in Ferrara(ibid.1873). [The house in which Girolamo was born was afterwards thrown into a house of the Strozzi, now belonging to the municipality]. P. Villari,La Storia di GirolamoSavonarola (Flor. 1850-61). The Paduan branch of the family became extinct about 1816, the Ferrarese in 1844.
[542]Among thePoesie di Fra Girolamo Savonarola, published by Cesare Guasti (Flor. 1862) from the autographs in the house of the Borromeo at Milan, see especially the canzonet (written about 1475)De ruina Ecclesiae(‘Vergine casta, benchè indegno figlio—Pur son di membri dell’eterno Sposo.’)
[543]Moreni,Con torni di Firenze, iii. 34et seq.Cf.ante, p. 135.
[544]Poliziano to Tristano Calco, Flor. April 22, 1489. (Fra Mariano was then preaching in Milan.) Poliziano had previously, as he mentions in this letter, praised the Augustinian’s learning, eloquence, and morals in the introduction to his Miscellanies. N. Valori speaks of him, l. c. p. 76. Cf. Tiraboschi, ix. (vi. 3), 1677-1685.
[545]Baluz,Miscellan.ed. Mansi, i. 530. [’A sua posta (Fra Mariano) aveva le lagrime, le quali cadendogli dagli occhi per il viso, le raccoglieva tal volta e gittavale al popolo.’] Benivieni on Savonarola’s teachings and prophecies, in a letter to Clement VII. (Villari, i. 70).
[546]TheStoria fiorentina, ch. xii.-xvii. contains many remarks on Savonarola, specially valuable on account of the author’s position and corresponding views.
[547]Prose volgare inedite p. 283. Cf.antep. 351.
[548]Lettera di un Anonimo circa alcune prediche fatte da Fra Mariano da Genazzano in Roma, in Villari, ii. clxxvi.
[549]L. Passerini,Storia e Genealogia delle famiglie Passerini e Rilli(Flor. 1874), p. 24.
[550]Letter of C. Borgia to Piero de’ Medici, written after the accession of Alexander VI., from Spoleto, October 5, 1492, printed fromMed. Arch.inArch. stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 510.
[551]Med. Arch.F. 51.
[552]Fabroni, l. c. i. 301.
[553]Cf.ante, p. 331.
[554]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. viii.
[555]Rome, October 5, 1490, in Roscoe’s Leo X., Ap. XIII.
[556]Rome, October 19, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 302.
[557]Ricordi di Lettere.
[558]Matteo Bosso to the Canon Arcangelo of Vicenza, Fiesole, March 14, 1492, in theRecuperationes Fezulanae, Ep. cx., and in Roscoe’sLor. de Med., Ap. No. XXV. Pietro Delfino to Giovanni, the Superior of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, Flor. March 11, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 305. M. Manfredi, Flor., March 13, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 311.
[559]Rome, April 7, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 306et seq.; also in Roscoe, Leo X., and Gennarelli’s Burcard. On the reception at Rome and the solemnities there, see Burcard, p. 166et seq.Letter from Giovanni to his father, Rome, March 25, in Roscoe, l. c. Ap. XVII.
[560]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 308et seq.
[561]M. Manfredi, Flor. August 31, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.
[562]Cappelli, l. c. p. 316. Manfredi’s reports give the most details, but unfortunately there is a blank in the last days of Lorenzo.
[563]Cod. Aragonese, l. c. p. 39.
[564]M. Manfredi to the Duchess of Ferrara, Flor., April 5, 1492, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 312. Ercole arrived at Rome on April 13. Burcard, l. c. p. 177.
[565]Valori, l.c. p. 181.
[566]The story of Lorenzo’s last days may be read in the long letter written by Poliziano from the villa at Fiesole on May 18, 1492, to Jacopo Antiquario of Perugia,Pol. Epist.1. iv. ep. 2, in Fabroni, l. c. i. 199-212, and in Roscoe, Ap. No. LXXVII. Cf. G. B. Vermiglioli,Memoire di Jacopo Antiquario(Perugia, 1813). Politian’s letter is a rhetorical composition full of unctuous phrases, but highly valuable as containing the testimony of an eye-witness.
[567]See Appendix III. p. 487.
[568]See Appendix III. p. 488.
[569]On the prodigies see Politian’s letter, also Rinuccini, l. c., and Cambi, p. 63, where are given details of the disastrous effects of the lightning. See also Burcard, p. 175.
[570]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.
[571]Ricordi, p. cxlvi.
[572]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 398. Cerretani reports that of the whole number in the Council 483 voted Aye and 63 No. ‘Herein was seen a token of harmony and secure hope for the future; but it all came from the popularity of Lorenzo, who was lamented not only by his fellow-citizens and the people, but by all Italy.’
[573]Burcard, p. 171-178. On the appointment as legate cf. Stefano da Castrocaro’s letter to Piero, Rome, April 15, 1402; Fabroni,Vita Leonis X.p. 13, and note 10; Roscoe,Leo X.Ap. xxiv.
[574]Cod. Aragon., l. c. p. 74, 75.
[575]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 396.
[576]Fabroni,Laur. Med. Vita, i. 212. There is no better warrant for this speech than for that on the election of Pope Alexander VI.
[577]Diary of Paris de’ Grassi, in Fabroni,Vita Leonis X., p. 95.
[578]Moreni,Descrizione istorico-critica delle tre Cappelle Medicee in S. Lorenzo(Flor. 1813), p. 103. At the revolution of 1494 the party hostile to the Medici did not entirely spare even the monuments, for the inscription on the tomb of Cosimo the elder was removed on account of the ‘Pater patriæ’; in 1497, during the Savonarola excitement, all the Medici coats of arms were taken away or covered, and replaced by the red cross of the people. The reappearance of the ball-escutcheon after the revolution of 1512 was referred to in an epigram by the father of Benvenuto Cellini, wherein he prophesies the attainment of the Papal dignity by one of the family:—
‘Quest’arme, che sepolta è stata tanta,Sotta la croce mansueta,Mostra hor la faccia gloriosa e lieta,Aspettando di Pietro il sacro ammanto.’
[579]This curious monody, so unlike Politian’s other Latin compositions, stands at the end of his works in the edition of 1498. [InDel Lungo, p. 274.] The poem in terza rima, on Lorenzo’s death, printed in the edition of his Italian poems published at Florence in 1814, from a Riccardi MS. (in Carducci’s ed. p. 382et seq.) is unquestionably not Politian’s.
[580]The object of this table is simply to facilitate a survey of the chronological sequence of the different parts of the work.