[238]Ib.[239]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 18², p. 337.[240]On July 14, 1528, “Briefwechsel,” ed. Enders, 6, p. 300 f.[241]Cp. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 1, p. 354; “Opp. lat. var.,” 1, p. 388. Cp. vol. i., p. 319.[242]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 7, p. 290 f.; Erl. ed., 24², p. 209. For fuller quotations see vol. ii., p. 58 f.[243]Ib., Weim. ed., 4, p. 658.[244]Ib., Erl. ed., 21, p. 324.[245]Ib., 28, p. 224.[246]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 237; Erl. ed., 29, p. 25.[247]Ib., Erl. ed., 29, p. 23; cp. above, vol. iii., p. 262 ff.[248]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 18, p. 653; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, p. 176sq.[249]Ib., Erl. ed., 58, pp. 394-398.[250]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 17, 1, p. 232; Erl. ed., 39, p. 111. Should a preacher be unable thus to “boast,” he is to “hold his tongue,” so we read there.[251]See, e.g., vol. iii., pp. 110 ff.-158 f.[252]“Vita Lutheri,” Coloniæ, 1622, p. 141.[253]Above, vol. iii., p. 111.[254]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 23, p. 69 f.; Erl. ed., 30, p. 19.[255]Ib., p. 70=20.[256]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 22.[257]On July 24, 1540, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 274. Above, vol. iv., p. 13 ff.[258]To Chancellor Brück, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 282: “Oportere ipsum maritum sua propria conscientia esse firmum ac certum per verbum Dei, sibi hæc licere.” Cp. above, vol. iii., p. 259 f.[259]Letter to Jonas, May 4, 1543, “Briefe,” 5, p. 556.[260]Text in G. Berbig (“Quellen und Darstellungen aus der Gesch. des Reformationszeitalters,” Leipzig, 1908), p. 277 (cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 76 f.). This statement completes what was said in vol. iii., p. 55.[261]Karl Stange, “Die ältesten ethischen Disputationen Luthers,” 1904, p. vii.[262]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 23; Erl. ed., 28, p. 298.—“He ventured, relying on Christ,” says Adolf Harnack (“DG.,” 34, p. 824), “to lay hold on God Himself, and, by this exercise of his faith, in which he saw God’s work, his whole being gained in independence and firmness, and he acquired such confidence and joy as no man in the Middle Ages had ever known.” Of Luther’s struggles of conscience, to be examined more closely in ch. xxxii., Harnack says nothing. On the other hand, however, he quotes, on p. 825, n. 1, the following words of Luther’s: “Such a faith alone makes a Christian which risks all on God whether in life or death.”[263]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 7², p. 253 f.[264]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 11², p. 248 f.[265]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch”: “in quotidiana versor lucta.” On Feb. 26.[266]“Luthers ungedruckte Predigten,” ed. G. Buchwald, Leipzig, 1885, 3, p. 245. Sermon of March 16, 1538.[267]“Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 1, p. 56.[268]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 411.[269]To Amsdorf, Oct. 18(?), 1529, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 173.[270]Cp. A. Zahn, “Calvins Urteile über Luther” (“Theol. Stud. aus Württemberg,” 4, 1883), p. 187. Pighius had written against Luther in 1543 on the servitude of the will. Cp.,ib., p. 193, Calvin’s remark against Gabriel de Saconay.[271]The words can be better understood when we bear in mind that they occur in the dedication to Duke Johann of Saxony, of his “Sermon von den guten Wercken” (March 29, 1520). “Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122 f.[272]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 273 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 83). Here also we must remember that he is speaking to preachers, some of whom differed from him.[273]Ib., 53, p. 276.[274]Ib., p. 272.[275]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichtes,” 1², 1896, p. 174, n.[276]F. Sawicki, “Kath. Kirche und sittliche Persönlichkeit,” Cologne, 1907, pp. 86, 88, and “Das Problem der Persönlichkeit und des Übermenschen,” Paderborn, 1909; J. Mausbach, “Die kath. Moral und ihre Gegner,³”, Cologne, 1911. Part 2, particularly pp. 125 ff., 223 ff.[277]See vol. iv., p. 118 ff.[278]“A study of the earliest Letters of C. Schwenckfeld,” Leipzig, 1907 (vol. i. of the “Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum”), p. 268. Karl Ecke, “Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation,” Berlin, 1911, p. 58.[279]Cp. Ecke,ib., p. 59. Ecke (p. viii.) speaks of this writing as a “first-rate source.”[280]“Epistolar Schwenckfelds,” 2, 2, 1570, p. 94 ff. For full title see Ecke,ib., p. 11. Cp. Th. Kolde, “Zeitschr. für KG.,” 13, p. 552 ff. Cp. below, p. 138 f.[281]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 383 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 337).[282]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 19, p. 123; Erl. ed., 53, p. 362 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 302).[283]“Epistolar,”ib., p. 645. Ecke, p. 87.[284]Ecke takes these words as his motto on the title-page.[285]“Epistolar,” 1, 1566, p. 200. Cp. on the “experience,” Ecke, p. 48 ff.[286]Ecke, p. 118 f.[287]See above, p. 79, n. 1.[288]P. 222.[289]Thus G. Kawerau in his sketch of Schwenckfeld in Möller’s “KG.,” 3³, p. 475.[290]Ib., p. 478.[291]Ecke, p. 217.[292]“Corp. ref.,” 9, p. 579: “Heri Stenckfeldianum librum contra me scriptum accepi.... Talis sophistica principum severitate compescenda est.” To G. Buchholzer, Aug. 5, 1558.[293]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 337.[294]Cp. below, and above, p. 82, n. 5; also Ecke, p. 218.[295]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 61, p. 54.[296]Ib., 57, p. 51.[297]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” ed. Kroker, p. 167.[298]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 613. “Werke,” Erl. ed., 58, p. 29. Cp. Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 335.[299]Mathesius, “Tischreden,”ib.[300]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 32, p. 397.[301]“Werke,”ib., 32, p. 411.[302]1520 or beginning of 1521. “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 37. Cp., however, Ender’s remark on the authorship.[303]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 204; Erl. ed., 16² p. 123.[304]On March 25, 1520, “Briefwechsel,” 2, p. 366.[305]Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 291.[306]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 209; Erl. ed., 16², p. 131.[307]Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 288.[308]“Werke,”ib., p. 214=138.[309]Much the same in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), “Werke,” Weim. ed., 16, p. 485; Erl. ed., 36, p. 100.[310]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122.[311]Ib., pp. 243-245=177-179.[312]Ib., p. 247 f.=182 f. Cp. the similar statements in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), pp. 480 f., 484 f.=93 f., 96 f.[313]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 245 f.; Erl. ed., 16², p. 180.[314]Cp.ib., p. 246=181.[315]P. 247=182.[316]Elsewhere, however, he treats of the other forms of prayer.[317]Cp. p. 237=168 f., 238 f.=170 f., 247 f.=182 f.[318]See vol. iv., p. 501 f.[319]P. 232=162.[320]P. 262=202.[321]P. 258=197.[322]P. 246=180.[323]P. 207=127.[324]Ib.[325]P. 236.[326]P. 271.[327]Kaftan speaks of a theological want which he had attempted to supply in his own “Dogmatik.” In reality, however, he has practice equally in view, and, from his statements we may infer that the want which had been apparent from Luther’s day was more than a mere defect in the theory.[328]P. 281.[329]P. 276.[330]P. 278.[331]Cp. the letter to Hier. Weller, July (?), 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 159; Schlaginhaufen, “Aufzeichnungen,” pp. 11, 89, etc.; Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 450; “Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 2, p. 299. See our vol. iii., p. 175 ff.[332]See vol. ii., p. 339; iii., p. 180 ff.; above, p. 9 ff.[333]Above, vol. iii., p. 185 f.[334]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 155 ff.[335]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 176 f.[336]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.[337]Cp. on Luther’s prayer, vol. iii., p. 206 f.; iv., p. 274 ff.[338]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.[339]Vol. iii., p. 207 f.; iv., p. 311.[340]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 20², 2, p. 553. Cp. pp. 554, 558.[341]Ib., p. 552.[342]W. Walther, “Die Sittlichkeit nach Luther,” p. 63.[343]The Explanation of the Our Father in 1518, “Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 74 ff; 9, p. 122 ff; Erl. ed., 21, p. 156 ff; 45, p. 203 ff. Noteworthy additions to it were made by Luther in 1519,ib., 6, pp. 8 ff., 20 ff.=45, p. 208 ff. Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, pp. 116 f., 291 f.[344]Above, vol. iii., pp. 169 f., 211 f.[345]Vol. iii., p. 200 ff.[346]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, pp. 416-477; Erl. ed., 18², pp. 304-361.[347]Ib., pp. 420=308 f.[348]P. 448 f.=335 f.[349]P. 444=331.[350]P. 452=339.[351]P. 449 ff.=336 ff.[352]P. 447=334.[353]To Melanchthon from the Coburg, July 31, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 157: “ex arce dæmonibus plena.”[354]To the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 308: “Hæc satis pro ioco, sed serio et necessario ioco, qui mihi irruentes cogitationes repelleret, si tamen repellet.”[355]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., 7, p. 333: “Eo die, quo literæ tuæ e Norimberga venerunt, habuit satan legationem suam apud me,” etc. See vol. ii., p. 390. Cp. to the same, June, 1530 (“Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 43), where he calls the devil his torturer, and to the same, June 30, 1530,ib., p. 51, where he speaks of his “private struggles with the devil.”[356]To the same, July 31, 1530,ib., 8, p. 157.[357]Cp. to the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 303.[358]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., p. 333.[359]To the same, May 15, 1530,ib., p. 335.[360]To the same, Aug. 15, 1530,ib., 8, p. 190: “Christus vivit et regnat. Fiant sane dæmones, si ita volunt, monachi vel nonnæ quoque. Nec forma melior eos decet, quam qua sese mundo hactenus vendiderunt adorandos.” The “monks or nuns” is an allusion to the appearance of the “spectre-monks” at Spires just before the Diet of Augsburg; see vol. ii., p. 389 f.[361]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, p. 424; Erl. ed., 18², p. 313 f.[362]Ib., p. 423=312.—The so-called “Sermon on Love” (above, p. 96 f.) seeks to demonstrate in the above words the value of love of our neighbour, and, that this necessarily resulted from true faith. It abounds in beautiful sayings concerning the advantage of this virtue. Cruciger had his reasons for publishing it, one being, as he says in the dedication, to stop the mouths of those who never cease to cry out against our people as though we neither taught nor practised anything concerning love and good works. (Erl. ed., 18², p. 305.) Köstlin-Kawerau remarks (2, p. 273): “The fundamental evil was that the new Church included amongst its members so many who were indifferent to such preaching; they had joined it not merely without any real interior conversion, but without any spiritual awakening or sympathy, purely by reason of outward circumstances.” It must be added that the Sermon, though intended as a remedy, suffers from the defect of being permeated through and through with a spirit of bitter hate against the Church Catholic; in the very first pages we find the speaker complaining, that the devil, “who cannot bear the Word,” “attacks us ... in order to murder us by means of his tyrants”; “we are, however, forced to have the devil for our guest,” who molests us “with his crew.” Weim. ed., 36, p. 417 f.; Erl. ed., 18², p. 306 f.[363]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 356 ff.[364]To Melanchthon, May 12, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 332.[365]To the same, April 29, 1530,ib., p. 313: “Oratio mea ad clerum procedit; crescit inter manus et materia et impetus, ut plurimos Landsknechtos prorsus vi repellere cogar, qui insalutati non cessant obstrepere.” Cp. Kolde, “Luther,” 2, p. 330.[366]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199.[367]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 391 ff.[368]Ib., p. 395 f.[369]Ib., p. 406.[370]Ib., p. 396 f.[371]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 435.[372]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 107; Erl. ed., 28, p. 144.[373]To Eobanus Hessus, April 23, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 301. Cp. n. 2 in Enders, who suggests the above translation of “tu habes malam vocem.” We read in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199: “We must admit, that, judging by the tone of this tract [the ‘Vermanũg’] Luther’s ‘voice’ would have been out of place at Augsburg, as he admits in his letter to Eobanus Hessus.”[374]On June 5, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 367.[375]See vol. iv., p. 338 f.[376]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.[377]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 363 f.[378]“Werke,”ib., p. 361; cp. p. 396.[379]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 24, p. 313; Erl. ed., 33, p. 331. Sermons on Genesis, 1527.[380]Ib., p. 312 f.=330 f.[381]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 108. From the year 1540.[382]To Jacob Probst, June 1, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 353 f.[383]To Bucer, July 12, 1532, in “Anal. Lutherana,” ed. Kolde, p. 203.[384]“Anal.,”loc. cit.[385]Leo Judae, 1. c., 203.[386]Ib., p. 204.[387]See our vol. iv., p. 87.[388]H. Barge, “Carlstadt,” see our vol. ii., p. 154.[389]F. Hülsse, “Card. Albrecht und Hans Schenitz,” “Magdeburger Geschichtsblätter,” 1889, p. 82; cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel Luthers,” 10, p. 182, who remarks of F. W. E. Roth’s review in the “Hist.-pol. Bl.,” 118, 1896, p. 160 f.: “The author does not seem to be acquainted with Hülsse’s work and therefore condemns Albert.”[390]Enders,ib., p. 181.[391]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 419.[392]Enders,ib.[393]On July 31, 1535, and Jan.-Feb., 1536, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, pp. 98 and 125 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, pp. 180 and 296).[394]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 420.[395]Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 297; Hülsse, p. 61.[396]On March 10, 1542, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 442.[397]To Johann Göritz, judge at Leipzig, Jan. 29, 1544,ib., p. 625. Cp. for the account of Rosina, vol. iii., pp. 217 f., 280 f.[398]Vol. i., p. 59. “Stupidæ litteræ” here perhaps means “indignant” rather than “amazed” letters.[399]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 483.[400]Mathesius, “Aufzeichn.” (Loesche), p. 200. Cp. above vol. iii., p. 437 f.[401]To Catherine, end of July, 1545, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 753.[402]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 127. Cp. above vol. iv., p. 276.[403]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 470; Erl. ed., 25², p. 127. “Widder den Meuchler zu Dresen,” 1531.[404]Ib., 26², p. 242, “Das Bapstum vom Teuffel gestifft,” 1545.[405]Ib., Weim. ed., 33, p. 605; Erl. ed., 48, p. 342. Expos. of John vi.-viii., 1530-1532.[406]Ib., p. 341.[407]Feb. 7, 1521, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 83 f.[408]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, pp. 427, 428 f.; Erl. ed., 21, pp. 305 and 307. “An den christl. Adel,” 1520. Cp. above p. 88 f.[409]“Utinam haberent plures reges Angliæ, qui illos occiderent.” Cp. Paulus, “Protestantismus und Toleranz in 16. Jahrh.,” 1911, p. 17 ff.[410]Dec., 1535, “Briefwechsel” 10, p. 275.[411]Feb. 3, 1519, “Briefwechsel,” 1, p. 410; cp. to Spalatin, Feb. 7, 1519,ib., p. 412.[412]4-9 Dec., 1521,ib., 3´, p. 253: “Exacerbabitur mihi spiritus, ut multo vehementiora deinceps in eam rem nihilominus moliar.”[413]Vol. iv., p. 329 ff.[414]Oswald Myconius to Simon Grynæus, Nov. 8, 1534, in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 665, from a MS. source: “Doctiorem se esse, quam qui ab eiusmodi hominibus doceri velit”; this showed his “tyrannica superbia.”[415]To Amsdorf, April 14, 1545, “Briefe” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 728.[416]To Caspar Güttel, March 30, 1522, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 326.[417]Vol. iv., p. 13 ff.[418]Ib., p. 3 ff.[419]Cp. our vol. ii., p. 386: “For when once we have evaded the peril and are at peace, then we can easily atone for our tricks and lapses (‘dolos ac lapsus nostros’), because His [God’s] mercy is over us,” etc., for the wordmendaciaafterdolossee vol. iv., p. 96.[420]See vol. iv., p. 95: “In cuius [Antichristi] deceptionem et nequitiam ob salutem animarum nobis omnia licere arbitramur.”[421]Ib., p. 81 f.[422]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 388 f. Cp. our vol. iv., p. 166 ff.[423]Ib., p. 391. “Even should the Pope, the bishops, the canons and the people wish to remain in the state of celibacy, or the state of whores and knaves—and even the heathen poet admits that fornicators and whoremongers are loath to take wives—still I hope you will take pity on the poor pastors and those who have the cure of souls and allow them to marry.”[424]Cordatus, “Tageb.,” p. 364.[425]Cp. vol. iv., p. 102 f.[426]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 27, p. 286.[427]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 287.[428]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.[429]Ib., p. 365.[430]Ib., p. 364.[431]Ib., p. 361.[432]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 291; Erl. ed., 25², p. 23.[433]Ib., p. 285-14 f.[434]“Wahrhaffte Bekanntnuss,” Bl. 9´.[435]Ib.[436]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 290; Erl. ed., 25², p. 22.[437]“Opp.” 10, col. 1558. “Adv. ep. Lutheri.”[438]Ib., 1555.[439]Ib., 1334. “Hyperaspistes.”[440]Vol. iv., p. 228 ff.[441]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 442.[442]Dec. 8, 1534, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, p. 71 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 88 f.); “Briefe,” 4, p. 567 ff.: “To set ourselves up as judges and ourselves to judge is assuredly wrong, and the wrath of God will not leave it unpunished.” “If you desire my advice, as you write, I counsel you to accept peace, however you reach it, and rather to suffer in your goods and your honour than to involve yourself further in such an undertaking where you will have to take upon yourself all the crimes and wickedness that are committed.... You must consider for how much your conscience will have to answer if you knowingly bring about the destruction of so many people.”[443]Cp. Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 159. “Briefwechsel,” 12, pp. 84-102; 13, p. 13.[444]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 444.[445]Cp. C. A. Burkhardt, “Der historische Hans Kohlhase,” 1864.[446]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 140 ff.; Erl. ed., 28, p. 178 ff. In “Wyder den falsch genantten geystlichen Standt,” 1522.[447]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 44, p. 84. In the sermons on Mt. xviii.-xxiii.[448]See xxix., 8.[449]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 651 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 2, p. 511. In the “Defensio contra Eccii iudicium.”[450]Ib., Weim. ed., 15, p. 183; Erl. ed., 24², p. 251. “Widder den newen Abgott und allten Teuffel der zu Meyssen sol erhaben werden.”[451]Ib., p. 194 f.=264.[452]Ib., p. 175=249.[453]Cp. vol. iii., p. 191 f.; 211 f. and Joh. Wieser in “Luther und Ignatius von Loyola” [“Zeitschr. f. kath. Theol.,” 7 (1883) and 8 (1884), particularly 8, p. 365 ff.].[454]Janssen, “Hist. of the German People” (Engl. Trans.), vi., p. 54.[455]“Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 231.[456]Cp. Janssen,ib.[457]July, 1539, “Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 188.[458]Cp. my “Hist. of Rome and the Popes in the Middle Ages” (Engl. Trans., i., pp. 9-26).[459]In what follows we have drawn largely on J. Wieser (see above, p. 124, n. 1).[460]Wieser rightly points out that Luther claimed above all to be a “National Prophet”; he was fond of saying that he had brought the Gospel “to the Saxons,” or “to the Germans.”Ib., 8, pp. 143 f., 356.[461]Ib., 8, p. 352.[462]Above, pp. 3 ff. and 66 ff.[463]Cp. Wieser,ib., 8, p. 353.[464]Wieser,ib., 8, p. 387.[465]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts,” 1², 1896, p. 174.[466]See above, vol. iii., p. 25 ff.[467]Vol. ii., p. 111. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 169 ff.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 6, p. 494sqq.[468]“Werke,”ib., p. 192=p. 528.[469]Ib., p. 194=532.[470]“Entsprach das Staatskirchentum dem Ideale Luthers?” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1908, Suppl., p. 38.) The striking new works of Hermelink, K. Müller, etc., have already been referred to elsewhere. In addition we must mention K. Holl, “Luther und das landesherrliche Kirchenregiment” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1911, Suppl.), where the writer takes a view of the much-discussed question different from that of K. Müller.[471]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 484 f.; Erl. ed., 11², p. 205 f. Cp.ib., p. 481=201 f., and Erl. ed., 11², p. 82 f.[472]Ib., Weim. ed., 12, p. 215 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, 13. On the “Formula missæ,” see below, xxix., 9.[473]Ib., Weim. ed., 11, p. 210. The Latin version reads: “Si Dominus dederit in cor vestrum, ut simul probetis,” etc.[474]Ib., 12, p. 693; cp. 697. On the Wittenberg Poor Box see below, vol. vi. xxxv., 4.[475]P. Drews, p. 55.[476]Vol. ii., p. 113; cp. vol. iii., p. 27.
[238]Ib.[239]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 18², p. 337.[240]On July 14, 1528, “Briefwechsel,” ed. Enders, 6, p. 300 f.[241]Cp. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 1, p. 354; “Opp. lat. var.,” 1, p. 388. Cp. vol. i., p. 319.[242]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 7, p. 290 f.; Erl. ed., 24², p. 209. For fuller quotations see vol. ii., p. 58 f.[243]Ib., Weim. ed., 4, p. 658.[244]Ib., Erl. ed., 21, p. 324.[245]Ib., 28, p. 224.[246]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 237; Erl. ed., 29, p. 25.[247]Ib., Erl. ed., 29, p. 23; cp. above, vol. iii., p. 262 ff.[248]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 18, p. 653; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, p. 176sq.[249]Ib., Erl. ed., 58, pp. 394-398.[250]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 17, 1, p. 232; Erl. ed., 39, p. 111. Should a preacher be unable thus to “boast,” he is to “hold his tongue,” so we read there.[251]See, e.g., vol. iii., pp. 110 ff.-158 f.[252]“Vita Lutheri,” Coloniæ, 1622, p. 141.[253]Above, vol. iii., p. 111.[254]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 23, p. 69 f.; Erl. ed., 30, p. 19.[255]Ib., p. 70=20.[256]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 22.[257]On July 24, 1540, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 274. Above, vol. iv., p. 13 ff.[258]To Chancellor Brück, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 282: “Oportere ipsum maritum sua propria conscientia esse firmum ac certum per verbum Dei, sibi hæc licere.” Cp. above, vol. iii., p. 259 f.[259]Letter to Jonas, May 4, 1543, “Briefe,” 5, p. 556.[260]Text in G. Berbig (“Quellen und Darstellungen aus der Gesch. des Reformationszeitalters,” Leipzig, 1908), p. 277 (cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 76 f.). This statement completes what was said in vol. iii., p. 55.[261]Karl Stange, “Die ältesten ethischen Disputationen Luthers,” 1904, p. vii.[262]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 23; Erl. ed., 28, p. 298.—“He ventured, relying on Christ,” says Adolf Harnack (“DG.,” 34, p. 824), “to lay hold on God Himself, and, by this exercise of his faith, in which he saw God’s work, his whole being gained in independence and firmness, and he acquired such confidence and joy as no man in the Middle Ages had ever known.” Of Luther’s struggles of conscience, to be examined more closely in ch. xxxii., Harnack says nothing. On the other hand, however, he quotes, on p. 825, n. 1, the following words of Luther’s: “Such a faith alone makes a Christian which risks all on God whether in life or death.”[263]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 7², p. 253 f.[264]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 11², p. 248 f.[265]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch”: “in quotidiana versor lucta.” On Feb. 26.[266]“Luthers ungedruckte Predigten,” ed. G. Buchwald, Leipzig, 1885, 3, p. 245. Sermon of March 16, 1538.[267]“Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 1, p. 56.[268]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 411.[269]To Amsdorf, Oct. 18(?), 1529, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 173.[270]Cp. A. Zahn, “Calvins Urteile über Luther” (“Theol. Stud. aus Württemberg,” 4, 1883), p. 187. Pighius had written against Luther in 1543 on the servitude of the will. Cp.,ib., p. 193, Calvin’s remark against Gabriel de Saconay.[271]The words can be better understood when we bear in mind that they occur in the dedication to Duke Johann of Saxony, of his “Sermon von den guten Wercken” (March 29, 1520). “Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122 f.[272]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 273 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 83). Here also we must remember that he is speaking to preachers, some of whom differed from him.[273]Ib., 53, p. 276.[274]Ib., p. 272.[275]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichtes,” 1², 1896, p. 174, n.[276]F. Sawicki, “Kath. Kirche und sittliche Persönlichkeit,” Cologne, 1907, pp. 86, 88, and “Das Problem der Persönlichkeit und des Übermenschen,” Paderborn, 1909; J. Mausbach, “Die kath. Moral und ihre Gegner,³”, Cologne, 1911. Part 2, particularly pp. 125 ff., 223 ff.[277]See vol. iv., p. 118 ff.[278]“A study of the earliest Letters of C. Schwenckfeld,” Leipzig, 1907 (vol. i. of the “Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum”), p. 268. Karl Ecke, “Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation,” Berlin, 1911, p. 58.[279]Cp. Ecke,ib., p. 59. Ecke (p. viii.) speaks of this writing as a “first-rate source.”[280]“Epistolar Schwenckfelds,” 2, 2, 1570, p. 94 ff. For full title see Ecke,ib., p. 11. Cp. Th. Kolde, “Zeitschr. für KG.,” 13, p. 552 ff. Cp. below, p. 138 f.[281]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 383 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 337).[282]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 19, p. 123; Erl. ed., 53, p. 362 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 302).[283]“Epistolar,”ib., p. 645. Ecke, p. 87.[284]Ecke takes these words as his motto on the title-page.[285]“Epistolar,” 1, 1566, p. 200. Cp. on the “experience,” Ecke, p. 48 ff.[286]Ecke, p. 118 f.[287]See above, p. 79, n. 1.[288]P. 222.[289]Thus G. Kawerau in his sketch of Schwenckfeld in Möller’s “KG.,” 3³, p. 475.[290]Ib., p. 478.[291]Ecke, p. 217.[292]“Corp. ref.,” 9, p. 579: “Heri Stenckfeldianum librum contra me scriptum accepi.... Talis sophistica principum severitate compescenda est.” To G. Buchholzer, Aug. 5, 1558.[293]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 337.[294]Cp. below, and above, p. 82, n. 5; also Ecke, p. 218.[295]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 61, p. 54.[296]Ib., 57, p. 51.[297]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” ed. Kroker, p. 167.[298]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 613. “Werke,” Erl. ed., 58, p. 29. Cp. Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 335.[299]Mathesius, “Tischreden,”ib.[300]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 32, p. 397.[301]“Werke,”ib., 32, p. 411.[302]1520 or beginning of 1521. “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 37. Cp., however, Ender’s remark on the authorship.[303]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 204; Erl. ed., 16² p. 123.[304]On March 25, 1520, “Briefwechsel,” 2, p. 366.[305]Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 291.[306]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 209; Erl. ed., 16², p. 131.[307]Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 288.[308]“Werke,”ib., p. 214=138.[309]Much the same in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), “Werke,” Weim. ed., 16, p. 485; Erl. ed., 36, p. 100.[310]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122.[311]Ib., pp. 243-245=177-179.[312]Ib., p. 247 f.=182 f. Cp. the similar statements in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), pp. 480 f., 484 f.=93 f., 96 f.[313]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 245 f.; Erl. ed., 16², p. 180.[314]Cp.ib., p. 246=181.[315]P. 247=182.[316]Elsewhere, however, he treats of the other forms of prayer.[317]Cp. p. 237=168 f., 238 f.=170 f., 247 f.=182 f.[318]See vol. iv., p. 501 f.[319]P. 232=162.[320]P. 262=202.[321]P. 258=197.[322]P. 246=180.[323]P. 207=127.[324]Ib.[325]P. 236.[326]P. 271.[327]Kaftan speaks of a theological want which he had attempted to supply in his own “Dogmatik.” In reality, however, he has practice equally in view, and, from his statements we may infer that the want which had been apparent from Luther’s day was more than a mere defect in the theory.[328]P. 281.[329]P. 276.[330]P. 278.[331]Cp. the letter to Hier. Weller, July (?), 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 159; Schlaginhaufen, “Aufzeichnungen,” pp. 11, 89, etc.; Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 450; “Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 2, p. 299. See our vol. iii., p. 175 ff.[332]See vol. ii., p. 339; iii., p. 180 ff.; above, p. 9 ff.[333]Above, vol. iii., p. 185 f.[334]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 155 ff.[335]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 176 f.[336]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.[337]Cp. on Luther’s prayer, vol. iii., p. 206 f.; iv., p. 274 ff.[338]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.[339]Vol. iii., p. 207 f.; iv., p. 311.[340]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 20², 2, p. 553. Cp. pp. 554, 558.[341]Ib., p. 552.[342]W. Walther, “Die Sittlichkeit nach Luther,” p. 63.[343]The Explanation of the Our Father in 1518, “Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 74 ff; 9, p. 122 ff; Erl. ed., 21, p. 156 ff; 45, p. 203 ff. Noteworthy additions to it were made by Luther in 1519,ib., 6, pp. 8 ff., 20 ff.=45, p. 208 ff. Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, pp. 116 f., 291 f.[344]Above, vol. iii., pp. 169 f., 211 f.[345]Vol. iii., p. 200 ff.[346]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, pp. 416-477; Erl. ed., 18², pp. 304-361.[347]Ib., pp. 420=308 f.[348]P. 448 f.=335 f.[349]P. 444=331.[350]P. 452=339.[351]P. 449 ff.=336 ff.[352]P. 447=334.[353]To Melanchthon from the Coburg, July 31, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 157: “ex arce dæmonibus plena.”[354]To the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 308: “Hæc satis pro ioco, sed serio et necessario ioco, qui mihi irruentes cogitationes repelleret, si tamen repellet.”[355]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., 7, p. 333: “Eo die, quo literæ tuæ e Norimberga venerunt, habuit satan legationem suam apud me,” etc. See vol. ii., p. 390. Cp. to the same, June, 1530 (“Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 43), where he calls the devil his torturer, and to the same, June 30, 1530,ib., p. 51, where he speaks of his “private struggles with the devil.”[356]To the same, July 31, 1530,ib., 8, p. 157.[357]Cp. to the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 303.[358]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., p. 333.[359]To the same, May 15, 1530,ib., p. 335.[360]To the same, Aug. 15, 1530,ib., 8, p. 190: “Christus vivit et regnat. Fiant sane dæmones, si ita volunt, monachi vel nonnæ quoque. Nec forma melior eos decet, quam qua sese mundo hactenus vendiderunt adorandos.” The “monks or nuns” is an allusion to the appearance of the “spectre-monks” at Spires just before the Diet of Augsburg; see vol. ii., p. 389 f.[361]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, p. 424; Erl. ed., 18², p. 313 f.[362]Ib., p. 423=312.—The so-called “Sermon on Love” (above, p. 96 f.) seeks to demonstrate in the above words the value of love of our neighbour, and, that this necessarily resulted from true faith. It abounds in beautiful sayings concerning the advantage of this virtue. Cruciger had his reasons for publishing it, one being, as he says in the dedication, to stop the mouths of those who never cease to cry out against our people as though we neither taught nor practised anything concerning love and good works. (Erl. ed., 18², p. 305.) Köstlin-Kawerau remarks (2, p. 273): “The fundamental evil was that the new Church included amongst its members so many who were indifferent to such preaching; they had joined it not merely without any real interior conversion, but without any spiritual awakening or sympathy, purely by reason of outward circumstances.” It must be added that the Sermon, though intended as a remedy, suffers from the defect of being permeated through and through with a spirit of bitter hate against the Church Catholic; in the very first pages we find the speaker complaining, that the devil, “who cannot bear the Word,” “attacks us ... in order to murder us by means of his tyrants”; “we are, however, forced to have the devil for our guest,” who molests us “with his crew.” Weim. ed., 36, p. 417 f.; Erl. ed., 18², p. 306 f.[363]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 356 ff.[364]To Melanchthon, May 12, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 332.[365]To the same, April 29, 1530,ib., p. 313: “Oratio mea ad clerum procedit; crescit inter manus et materia et impetus, ut plurimos Landsknechtos prorsus vi repellere cogar, qui insalutati non cessant obstrepere.” Cp. Kolde, “Luther,” 2, p. 330.[366]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199.[367]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 391 ff.[368]Ib., p. 395 f.[369]Ib., p. 406.[370]Ib., p. 396 f.[371]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 435.[372]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 107; Erl. ed., 28, p. 144.[373]To Eobanus Hessus, April 23, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 301. Cp. n. 2 in Enders, who suggests the above translation of “tu habes malam vocem.” We read in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199: “We must admit, that, judging by the tone of this tract [the ‘Vermanũg’] Luther’s ‘voice’ would have been out of place at Augsburg, as he admits in his letter to Eobanus Hessus.”[374]On June 5, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 367.[375]See vol. iv., p. 338 f.[376]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.[377]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 363 f.[378]“Werke,”ib., p. 361; cp. p. 396.[379]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 24, p. 313; Erl. ed., 33, p. 331. Sermons on Genesis, 1527.[380]Ib., p. 312 f.=330 f.[381]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 108. From the year 1540.[382]To Jacob Probst, June 1, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 353 f.[383]To Bucer, July 12, 1532, in “Anal. Lutherana,” ed. Kolde, p. 203.[384]“Anal.,”loc. cit.[385]Leo Judae, 1. c., 203.[386]Ib., p. 204.[387]See our vol. iv., p. 87.[388]H. Barge, “Carlstadt,” see our vol. ii., p. 154.[389]F. Hülsse, “Card. Albrecht und Hans Schenitz,” “Magdeburger Geschichtsblätter,” 1889, p. 82; cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel Luthers,” 10, p. 182, who remarks of F. W. E. Roth’s review in the “Hist.-pol. Bl.,” 118, 1896, p. 160 f.: “The author does not seem to be acquainted with Hülsse’s work and therefore condemns Albert.”[390]Enders,ib., p. 181.[391]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 419.[392]Enders,ib.[393]On July 31, 1535, and Jan.-Feb., 1536, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, pp. 98 and 125 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, pp. 180 and 296).[394]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 420.[395]Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 297; Hülsse, p. 61.[396]On March 10, 1542, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 442.[397]To Johann Göritz, judge at Leipzig, Jan. 29, 1544,ib., p. 625. Cp. for the account of Rosina, vol. iii., pp. 217 f., 280 f.[398]Vol. i., p. 59. “Stupidæ litteræ” here perhaps means “indignant” rather than “amazed” letters.[399]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 483.[400]Mathesius, “Aufzeichn.” (Loesche), p. 200. Cp. above vol. iii., p. 437 f.[401]To Catherine, end of July, 1545, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 753.[402]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 127. Cp. above vol. iv., p. 276.[403]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 470; Erl. ed., 25², p. 127. “Widder den Meuchler zu Dresen,” 1531.[404]Ib., 26², p. 242, “Das Bapstum vom Teuffel gestifft,” 1545.[405]Ib., Weim. ed., 33, p. 605; Erl. ed., 48, p. 342. Expos. of John vi.-viii., 1530-1532.[406]Ib., p. 341.[407]Feb. 7, 1521, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 83 f.[408]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, pp. 427, 428 f.; Erl. ed., 21, pp. 305 and 307. “An den christl. Adel,” 1520. Cp. above p. 88 f.[409]“Utinam haberent plures reges Angliæ, qui illos occiderent.” Cp. Paulus, “Protestantismus und Toleranz in 16. Jahrh.,” 1911, p. 17 ff.[410]Dec., 1535, “Briefwechsel” 10, p. 275.[411]Feb. 3, 1519, “Briefwechsel,” 1, p. 410; cp. to Spalatin, Feb. 7, 1519,ib., p. 412.[412]4-9 Dec., 1521,ib., 3´, p. 253: “Exacerbabitur mihi spiritus, ut multo vehementiora deinceps in eam rem nihilominus moliar.”[413]Vol. iv., p. 329 ff.[414]Oswald Myconius to Simon Grynæus, Nov. 8, 1534, in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 665, from a MS. source: “Doctiorem se esse, quam qui ab eiusmodi hominibus doceri velit”; this showed his “tyrannica superbia.”[415]To Amsdorf, April 14, 1545, “Briefe” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 728.[416]To Caspar Güttel, March 30, 1522, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 326.[417]Vol. iv., p. 13 ff.[418]Ib., p. 3 ff.[419]Cp. our vol. ii., p. 386: “For when once we have evaded the peril and are at peace, then we can easily atone for our tricks and lapses (‘dolos ac lapsus nostros’), because His [God’s] mercy is over us,” etc., for the wordmendaciaafterdolossee vol. iv., p. 96.[420]See vol. iv., p. 95: “In cuius [Antichristi] deceptionem et nequitiam ob salutem animarum nobis omnia licere arbitramur.”[421]Ib., p. 81 f.[422]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 388 f. Cp. our vol. iv., p. 166 ff.[423]Ib., p. 391. “Even should the Pope, the bishops, the canons and the people wish to remain in the state of celibacy, or the state of whores and knaves—and even the heathen poet admits that fornicators and whoremongers are loath to take wives—still I hope you will take pity on the poor pastors and those who have the cure of souls and allow them to marry.”[424]Cordatus, “Tageb.,” p. 364.[425]Cp. vol. iv., p. 102 f.[426]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 27, p. 286.[427]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 287.[428]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.[429]Ib., p. 365.[430]Ib., p. 364.[431]Ib., p. 361.[432]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 291; Erl. ed., 25², p. 23.[433]Ib., p. 285-14 f.[434]“Wahrhaffte Bekanntnuss,” Bl. 9´.[435]Ib.[436]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 290; Erl. ed., 25², p. 22.[437]“Opp.” 10, col. 1558. “Adv. ep. Lutheri.”[438]Ib., 1555.[439]Ib., 1334. “Hyperaspistes.”[440]Vol. iv., p. 228 ff.[441]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 442.[442]Dec. 8, 1534, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, p. 71 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 88 f.); “Briefe,” 4, p. 567 ff.: “To set ourselves up as judges and ourselves to judge is assuredly wrong, and the wrath of God will not leave it unpunished.” “If you desire my advice, as you write, I counsel you to accept peace, however you reach it, and rather to suffer in your goods and your honour than to involve yourself further in such an undertaking where you will have to take upon yourself all the crimes and wickedness that are committed.... You must consider for how much your conscience will have to answer if you knowingly bring about the destruction of so many people.”[443]Cp. Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 159. “Briefwechsel,” 12, pp. 84-102; 13, p. 13.[444]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 444.[445]Cp. C. A. Burkhardt, “Der historische Hans Kohlhase,” 1864.[446]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 140 ff.; Erl. ed., 28, p. 178 ff. In “Wyder den falsch genantten geystlichen Standt,” 1522.[447]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 44, p. 84. In the sermons on Mt. xviii.-xxiii.[448]See xxix., 8.[449]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 651 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 2, p. 511. In the “Defensio contra Eccii iudicium.”[450]Ib., Weim. ed., 15, p. 183; Erl. ed., 24², p. 251. “Widder den newen Abgott und allten Teuffel der zu Meyssen sol erhaben werden.”[451]Ib., p. 194 f.=264.[452]Ib., p. 175=249.[453]Cp. vol. iii., p. 191 f.; 211 f. and Joh. Wieser in “Luther und Ignatius von Loyola” [“Zeitschr. f. kath. Theol.,” 7 (1883) and 8 (1884), particularly 8, p. 365 ff.].[454]Janssen, “Hist. of the German People” (Engl. Trans.), vi., p. 54.[455]“Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 231.[456]Cp. Janssen,ib.[457]July, 1539, “Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 188.[458]Cp. my “Hist. of Rome and the Popes in the Middle Ages” (Engl. Trans., i., pp. 9-26).[459]In what follows we have drawn largely on J. Wieser (see above, p. 124, n. 1).[460]Wieser rightly points out that Luther claimed above all to be a “National Prophet”; he was fond of saying that he had brought the Gospel “to the Saxons,” or “to the Germans.”Ib., 8, pp. 143 f., 356.[461]Ib., 8, p. 352.[462]Above, pp. 3 ff. and 66 ff.[463]Cp. Wieser,ib., 8, p. 353.[464]Wieser,ib., 8, p. 387.[465]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts,” 1², 1896, p. 174.[466]See above, vol. iii., p. 25 ff.[467]Vol. ii., p. 111. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 169 ff.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 6, p. 494sqq.[468]“Werke,”ib., p. 192=p. 528.[469]Ib., p. 194=532.[470]“Entsprach das Staatskirchentum dem Ideale Luthers?” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1908, Suppl., p. 38.) The striking new works of Hermelink, K. Müller, etc., have already been referred to elsewhere. In addition we must mention K. Holl, “Luther und das landesherrliche Kirchenregiment” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1911, Suppl.), where the writer takes a view of the much-discussed question different from that of K. Müller.[471]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 484 f.; Erl. ed., 11², p. 205 f. Cp.ib., p. 481=201 f., and Erl. ed., 11², p. 82 f.[472]Ib., Weim. ed., 12, p. 215 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, 13. On the “Formula missæ,” see below, xxix., 9.[473]Ib., Weim. ed., 11, p. 210. The Latin version reads: “Si Dominus dederit in cor vestrum, ut simul probetis,” etc.[474]Ib., 12, p. 693; cp. 697. On the Wittenberg Poor Box see below, vol. vi. xxxv., 4.[475]P. Drews, p. 55.[476]Vol. ii., p. 113; cp. vol. iii., p. 27.
[238]Ib.[239]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 18², p. 337.[240]On July 14, 1528, “Briefwechsel,” ed. Enders, 6, p. 300 f.[241]Cp. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 1, p. 354; “Opp. lat. var.,” 1, p. 388. Cp. vol. i., p. 319.[242]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 7, p. 290 f.; Erl. ed., 24², p. 209. For fuller quotations see vol. ii., p. 58 f.[243]Ib., Weim. ed., 4, p. 658.[244]Ib., Erl. ed., 21, p. 324.[245]Ib., 28, p. 224.[246]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 237; Erl. ed., 29, p. 25.[247]Ib., Erl. ed., 29, p. 23; cp. above, vol. iii., p. 262 ff.[248]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 18, p. 653; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, p. 176sq.[249]Ib., Erl. ed., 58, pp. 394-398.[250]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 17, 1, p. 232; Erl. ed., 39, p. 111. Should a preacher be unable thus to “boast,” he is to “hold his tongue,” so we read there.[251]See, e.g., vol. iii., pp. 110 ff.-158 f.[252]“Vita Lutheri,” Coloniæ, 1622, p. 141.[253]Above, vol. iii., p. 111.[254]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 23, p. 69 f.; Erl. ed., 30, p. 19.[255]Ib., p. 70=20.[256]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 22.[257]On July 24, 1540, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 274. Above, vol. iv., p. 13 ff.[258]To Chancellor Brück, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 282: “Oportere ipsum maritum sua propria conscientia esse firmum ac certum per verbum Dei, sibi hæc licere.” Cp. above, vol. iii., p. 259 f.[259]Letter to Jonas, May 4, 1543, “Briefe,” 5, p. 556.[260]Text in G. Berbig (“Quellen und Darstellungen aus der Gesch. des Reformationszeitalters,” Leipzig, 1908), p. 277 (cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 76 f.). This statement completes what was said in vol. iii., p. 55.[261]Karl Stange, “Die ältesten ethischen Disputationen Luthers,” 1904, p. vii.[262]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 23; Erl. ed., 28, p. 298.—“He ventured, relying on Christ,” says Adolf Harnack (“DG.,” 34, p. 824), “to lay hold on God Himself, and, by this exercise of his faith, in which he saw God’s work, his whole being gained in independence and firmness, and he acquired such confidence and joy as no man in the Middle Ages had ever known.” Of Luther’s struggles of conscience, to be examined more closely in ch. xxxii., Harnack says nothing. On the other hand, however, he quotes, on p. 825, n. 1, the following words of Luther’s: “Such a faith alone makes a Christian which risks all on God whether in life or death.”[263]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 7², p. 253 f.[264]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 11², p. 248 f.[265]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch”: “in quotidiana versor lucta.” On Feb. 26.[266]“Luthers ungedruckte Predigten,” ed. G. Buchwald, Leipzig, 1885, 3, p. 245. Sermon of March 16, 1538.[267]“Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 1, p. 56.[268]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 411.[269]To Amsdorf, Oct. 18(?), 1529, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 173.[270]Cp. A. Zahn, “Calvins Urteile über Luther” (“Theol. Stud. aus Württemberg,” 4, 1883), p. 187. Pighius had written against Luther in 1543 on the servitude of the will. Cp.,ib., p. 193, Calvin’s remark against Gabriel de Saconay.[271]The words can be better understood when we bear in mind that they occur in the dedication to Duke Johann of Saxony, of his “Sermon von den guten Wercken” (March 29, 1520). “Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122 f.[272]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 273 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 83). Here also we must remember that he is speaking to preachers, some of whom differed from him.[273]Ib., 53, p. 276.[274]Ib., p. 272.[275]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichtes,” 1², 1896, p. 174, n.[276]F. Sawicki, “Kath. Kirche und sittliche Persönlichkeit,” Cologne, 1907, pp. 86, 88, and “Das Problem der Persönlichkeit und des Übermenschen,” Paderborn, 1909; J. Mausbach, “Die kath. Moral und ihre Gegner,³”, Cologne, 1911. Part 2, particularly pp. 125 ff., 223 ff.[277]See vol. iv., p. 118 ff.[278]“A study of the earliest Letters of C. Schwenckfeld,” Leipzig, 1907 (vol. i. of the “Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum”), p. 268. Karl Ecke, “Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation,” Berlin, 1911, p. 58.[279]Cp. Ecke,ib., p. 59. Ecke (p. viii.) speaks of this writing as a “first-rate source.”[280]“Epistolar Schwenckfelds,” 2, 2, 1570, p. 94 ff. For full title see Ecke,ib., p. 11. Cp. Th. Kolde, “Zeitschr. für KG.,” 13, p. 552 ff. Cp. below, p. 138 f.[281]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 383 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 337).[282]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 19, p. 123; Erl. ed., 53, p. 362 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 302).[283]“Epistolar,”ib., p. 645. Ecke, p. 87.[284]Ecke takes these words as his motto on the title-page.[285]“Epistolar,” 1, 1566, p. 200. Cp. on the “experience,” Ecke, p. 48 ff.[286]Ecke, p. 118 f.[287]See above, p. 79, n. 1.[288]P. 222.[289]Thus G. Kawerau in his sketch of Schwenckfeld in Möller’s “KG.,” 3³, p. 475.[290]Ib., p. 478.[291]Ecke, p. 217.[292]“Corp. ref.,” 9, p. 579: “Heri Stenckfeldianum librum contra me scriptum accepi.... Talis sophistica principum severitate compescenda est.” To G. Buchholzer, Aug. 5, 1558.[293]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 337.[294]Cp. below, and above, p. 82, n. 5; also Ecke, p. 218.[295]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 61, p. 54.[296]Ib., 57, p. 51.[297]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” ed. Kroker, p. 167.[298]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 613. “Werke,” Erl. ed., 58, p. 29. Cp. Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 335.[299]Mathesius, “Tischreden,”ib.[300]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 32, p. 397.[301]“Werke,”ib., 32, p. 411.[302]1520 or beginning of 1521. “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 37. Cp., however, Ender’s remark on the authorship.[303]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 204; Erl. ed., 16² p. 123.[304]On March 25, 1520, “Briefwechsel,” 2, p. 366.[305]Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 291.[306]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 209; Erl. ed., 16², p. 131.[307]Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 288.[308]“Werke,”ib., p. 214=138.[309]Much the same in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), “Werke,” Weim. ed., 16, p. 485; Erl. ed., 36, p. 100.[310]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122.[311]Ib., pp. 243-245=177-179.[312]Ib., p. 247 f.=182 f. Cp. the similar statements in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), pp. 480 f., 484 f.=93 f., 96 f.[313]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 245 f.; Erl. ed., 16², p. 180.[314]Cp.ib., p. 246=181.[315]P. 247=182.[316]Elsewhere, however, he treats of the other forms of prayer.[317]Cp. p. 237=168 f., 238 f.=170 f., 247 f.=182 f.[318]See vol. iv., p. 501 f.[319]P. 232=162.[320]P. 262=202.[321]P. 258=197.[322]P. 246=180.[323]P. 207=127.[324]Ib.[325]P. 236.[326]P. 271.[327]Kaftan speaks of a theological want which he had attempted to supply in his own “Dogmatik.” In reality, however, he has practice equally in view, and, from his statements we may infer that the want which had been apparent from Luther’s day was more than a mere defect in the theory.[328]P. 281.[329]P. 276.[330]P. 278.[331]Cp. the letter to Hier. Weller, July (?), 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 159; Schlaginhaufen, “Aufzeichnungen,” pp. 11, 89, etc.; Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 450; “Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 2, p. 299. See our vol. iii., p. 175 ff.[332]See vol. ii., p. 339; iii., p. 180 ff.; above, p. 9 ff.[333]Above, vol. iii., p. 185 f.[334]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 155 ff.[335]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 176 f.[336]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.[337]Cp. on Luther’s prayer, vol. iii., p. 206 f.; iv., p. 274 ff.[338]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.[339]Vol. iii., p. 207 f.; iv., p. 311.[340]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 20², 2, p. 553. Cp. pp. 554, 558.[341]Ib., p. 552.[342]W. Walther, “Die Sittlichkeit nach Luther,” p. 63.[343]The Explanation of the Our Father in 1518, “Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 74 ff; 9, p. 122 ff; Erl. ed., 21, p. 156 ff; 45, p. 203 ff. Noteworthy additions to it were made by Luther in 1519,ib., 6, pp. 8 ff., 20 ff.=45, p. 208 ff. Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, pp. 116 f., 291 f.[344]Above, vol. iii., pp. 169 f., 211 f.[345]Vol. iii., p. 200 ff.[346]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, pp. 416-477; Erl. ed., 18², pp. 304-361.[347]Ib., pp. 420=308 f.[348]P. 448 f.=335 f.[349]P. 444=331.[350]P. 452=339.[351]P. 449 ff.=336 ff.[352]P. 447=334.[353]To Melanchthon from the Coburg, July 31, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 157: “ex arce dæmonibus plena.”[354]To the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 308: “Hæc satis pro ioco, sed serio et necessario ioco, qui mihi irruentes cogitationes repelleret, si tamen repellet.”[355]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., 7, p. 333: “Eo die, quo literæ tuæ e Norimberga venerunt, habuit satan legationem suam apud me,” etc. See vol. ii., p. 390. Cp. to the same, June, 1530 (“Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 43), where he calls the devil his torturer, and to the same, June 30, 1530,ib., p. 51, where he speaks of his “private struggles with the devil.”[356]To the same, July 31, 1530,ib., 8, p. 157.[357]Cp. to the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 303.[358]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., p. 333.[359]To the same, May 15, 1530,ib., p. 335.[360]To the same, Aug. 15, 1530,ib., 8, p. 190: “Christus vivit et regnat. Fiant sane dæmones, si ita volunt, monachi vel nonnæ quoque. Nec forma melior eos decet, quam qua sese mundo hactenus vendiderunt adorandos.” The “monks or nuns” is an allusion to the appearance of the “spectre-monks” at Spires just before the Diet of Augsburg; see vol. ii., p. 389 f.[361]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, p. 424; Erl. ed., 18², p. 313 f.[362]Ib., p. 423=312.—The so-called “Sermon on Love” (above, p. 96 f.) seeks to demonstrate in the above words the value of love of our neighbour, and, that this necessarily resulted from true faith. It abounds in beautiful sayings concerning the advantage of this virtue. Cruciger had his reasons for publishing it, one being, as he says in the dedication, to stop the mouths of those who never cease to cry out against our people as though we neither taught nor practised anything concerning love and good works. (Erl. ed., 18², p. 305.) Köstlin-Kawerau remarks (2, p. 273): “The fundamental evil was that the new Church included amongst its members so many who were indifferent to such preaching; they had joined it not merely without any real interior conversion, but without any spiritual awakening or sympathy, purely by reason of outward circumstances.” It must be added that the Sermon, though intended as a remedy, suffers from the defect of being permeated through and through with a spirit of bitter hate against the Church Catholic; in the very first pages we find the speaker complaining, that the devil, “who cannot bear the Word,” “attacks us ... in order to murder us by means of his tyrants”; “we are, however, forced to have the devil for our guest,” who molests us “with his crew.” Weim. ed., 36, p. 417 f.; Erl. ed., 18², p. 306 f.[363]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 356 ff.[364]To Melanchthon, May 12, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 332.[365]To the same, April 29, 1530,ib., p. 313: “Oratio mea ad clerum procedit; crescit inter manus et materia et impetus, ut plurimos Landsknechtos prorsus vi repellere cogar, qui insalutati non cessant obstrepere.” Cp. Kolde, “Luther,” 2, p. 330.[366]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199.[367]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 391 ff.[368]Ib., p. 395 f.[369]Ib., p. 406.[370]Ib., p. 396 f.[371]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 435.[372]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 107; Erl. ed., 28, p. 144.[373]To Eobanus Hessus, April 23, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 301. Cp. n. 2 in Enders, who suggests the above translation of “tu habes malam vocem.” We read in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199: “We must admit, that, judging by the tone of this tract [the ‘Vermanũg’] Luther’s ‘voice’ would have been out of place at Augsburg, as he admits in his letter to Eobanus Hessus.”[374]On June 5, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 367.[375]See vol. iv., p. 338 f.[376]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.[377]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 363 f.[378]“Werke,”ib., p. 361; cp. p. 396.[379]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 24, p. 313; Erl. ed., 33, p. 331. Sermons on Genesis, 1527.[380]Ib., p. 312 f.=330 f.[381]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 108. From the year 1540.[382]To Jacob Probst, June 1, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 353 f.[383]To Bucer, July 12, 1532, in “Anal. Lutherana,” ed. Kolde, p. 203.[384]“Anal.,”loc. cit.[385]Leo Judae, 1. c., 203.[386]Ib., p. 204.[387]See our vol. iv., p. 87.[388]H. Barge, “Carlstadt,” see our vol. ii., p. 154.[389]F. Hülsse, “Card. Albrecht und Hans Schenitz,” “Magdeburger Geschichtsblätter,” 1889, p. 82; cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel Luthers,” 10, p. 182, who remarks of F. W. E. Roth’s review in the “Hist.-pol. Bl.,” 118, 1896, p. 160 f.: “The author does not seem to be acquainted with Hülsse’s work and therefore condemns Albert.”[390]Enders,ib., p. 181.[391]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 419.[392]Enders,ib.[393]On July 31, 1535, and Jan.-Feb., 1536, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, pp. 98 and 125 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, pp. 180 and 296).[394]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 420.[395]Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 297; Hülsse, p. 61.[396]On March 10, 1542, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 442.[397]To Johann Göritz, judge at Leipzig, Jan. 29, 1544,ib., p. 625. Cp. for the account of Rosina, vol. iii., pp. 217 f., 280 f.[398]Vol. i., p. 59. “Stupidæ litteræ” here perhaps means “indignant” rather than “amazed” letters.[399]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 483.[400]Mathesius, “Aufzeichn.” (Loesche), p. 200. Cp. above vol. iii., p. 437 f.[401]To Catherine, end of July, 1545, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 753.[402]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 127. Cp. above vol. iv., p. 276.[403]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 470; Erl. ed., 25², p. 127. “Widder den Meuchler zu Dresen,” 1531.[404]Ib., 26², p. 242, “Das Bapstum vom Teuffel gestifft,” 1545.[405]Ib., Weim. ed., 33, p. 605; Erl. ed., 48, p. 342. Expos. of John vi.-viii., 1530-1532.[406]Ib., p. 341.[407]Feb. 7, 1521, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 83 f.[408]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, pp. 427, 428 f.; Erl. ed., 21, pp. 305 and 307. “An den christl. Adel,” 1520. Cp. above p. 88 f.[409]“Utinam haberent plures reges Angliæ, qui illos occiderent.” Cp. Paulus, “Protestantismus und Toleranz in 16. Jahrh.,” 1911, p. 17 ff.[410]Dec., 1535, “Briefwechsel” 10, p. 275.[411]Feb. 3, 1519, “Briefwechsel,” 1, p. 410; cp. to Spalatin, Feb. 7, 1519,ib., p. 412.[412]4-9 Dec., 1521,ib., 3´, p. 253: “Exacerbabitur mihi spiritus, ut multo vehementiora deinceps in eam rem nihilominus moliar.”[413]Vol. iv., p. 329 ff.[414]Oswald Myconius to Simon Grynæus, Nov. 8, 1534, in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 665, from a MS. source: “Doctiorem se esse, quam qui ab eiusmodi hominibus doceri velit”; this showed his “tyrannica superbia.”[415]To Amsdorf, April 14, 1545, “Briefe” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 728.[416]To Caspar Güttel, March 30, 1522, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 326.[417]Vol. iv., p. 13 ff.[418]Ib., p. 3 ff.[419]Cp. our vol. ii., p. 386: “For when once we have evaded the peril and are at peace, then we can easily atone for our tricks and lapses (‘dolos ac lapsus nostros’), because His [God’s] mercy is over us,” etc., for the wordmendaciaafterdolossee vol. iv., p. 96.[420]See vol. iv., p. 95: “In cuius [Antichristi] deceptionem et nequitiam ob salutem animarum nobis omnia licere arbitramur.”[421]Ib., p. 81 f.[422]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 388 f. Cp. our vol. iv., p. 166 ff.[423]Ib., p. 391. “Even should the Pope, the bishops, the canons and the people wish to remain in the state of celibacy, or the state of whores and knaves—and even the heathen poet admits that fornicators and whoremongers are loath to take wives—still I hope you will take pity on the poor pastors and those who have the cure of souls and allow them to marry.”[424]Cordatus, “Tageb.,” p. 364.[425]Cp. vol. iv., p. 102 f.[426]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 27, p. 286.[427]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 287.[428]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.[429]Ib., p. 365.[430]Ib., p. 364.[431]Ib., p. 361.[432]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 291; Erl. ed., 25², p. 23.[433]Ib., p. 285-14 f.[434]“Wahrhaffte Bekanntnuss,” Bl. 9´.[435]Ib.[436]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 290; Erl. ed., 25², p. 22.[437]“Opp.” 10, col. 1558. “Adv. ep. Lutheri.”[438]Ib., 1555.[439]Ib., 1334. “Hyperaspistes.”[440]Vol. iv., p. 228 ff.[441]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 442.[442]Dec. 8, 1534, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, p. 71 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 88 f.); “Briefe,” 4, p. 567 ff.: “To set ourselves up as judges and ourselves to judge is assuredly wrong, and the wrath of God will not leave it unpunished.” “If you desire my advice, as you write, I counsel you to accept peace, however you reach it, and rather to suffer in your goods and your honour than to involve yourself further in such an undertaking where you will have to take upon yourself all the crimes and wickedness that are committed.... You must consider for how much your conscience will have to answer if you knowingly bring about the destruction of so many people.”[443]Cp. Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 159. “Briefwechsel,” 12, pp. 84-102; 13, p. 13.[444]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 444.[445]Cp. C. A. Burkhardt, “Der historische Hans Kohlhase,” 1864.[446]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 140 ff.; Erl. ed., 28, p. 178 ff. In “Wyder den falsch genantten geystlichen Standt,” 1522.[447]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 44, p. 84. In the sermons on Mt. xviii.-xxiii.[448]See xxix., 8.[449]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 651 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 2, p. 511. In the “Defensio contra Eccii iudicium.”[450]Ib., Weim. ed., 15, p. 183; Erl. ed., 24², p. 251. “Widder den newen Abgott und allten Teuffel der zu Meyssen sol erhaben werden.”[451]Ib., p. 194 f.=264.[452]Ib., p. 175=249.[453]Cp. vol. iii., p. 191 f.; 211 f. and Joh. Wieser in “Luther und Ignatius von Loyola” [“Zeitschr. f. kath. Theol.,” 7 (1883) and 8 (1884), particularly 8, p. 365 ff.].[454]Janssen, “Hist. of the German People” (Engl. Trans.), vi., p. 54.[455]“Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 231.[456]Cp. Janssen,ib.[457]July, 1539, “Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 188.[458]Cp. my “Hist. of Rome and the Popes in the Middle Ages” (Engl. Trans., i., pp. 9-26).[459]In what follows we have drawn largely on J. Wieser (see above, p. 124, n. 1).[460]Wieser rightly points out that Luther claimed above all to be a “National Prophet”; he was fond of saying that he had brought the Gospel “to the Saxons,” or “to the Germans.”Ib., 8, pp. 143 f., 356.[461]Ib., 8, p. 352.[462]Above, pp. 3 ff. and 66 ff.[463]Cp. Wieser,ib., 8, p. 353.[464]Wieser,ib., 8, p. 387.[465]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts,” 1², 1896, p. 174.[466]See above, vol. iii., p. 25 ff.[467]Vol. ii., p. 111. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 169 ff.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 6, p. 494sqq.[468]“Werke,”ib., p. 192=p. 528.[469]Ib., p. 194=532.[470]“Entsprach das Staatskirchentum dem Ideale Luthers?” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1908, Suppl., p. 38.) The striking new works of Hermelink, K. Müller, etc., have already been referred to elsewhere. In addition we must mention K. Holl, “Luther und das landesherrliche Kirchenregiment” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1911, Suppl.), where the writer takes a view of the much-discussed question different from that of K. Müller.[471]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 484 f.; Erl. ed., 11², p. 205 f. Cp.ib., p. 481=201 f., and Erl. ed., 11², p. 82 f.[472]Ib., Weim. ed., 12, p. 215 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, 13. On the “Formula missæ,” see below, xxix., 9.[473]Ib., Weim. ed., 11, p. 210. The Latin version reads: “Si Dominus dederit in cor vestrum, ut simul probetis,” etc.[474]Ib., 12, p. 693; cp. 697. On the Wittenberg Poor Box see below, vol. vi. xxxv., 4.[475]P. Drews, p. 55.[476]Vol. ii., p. 113; cp. vol. iii., p. 27.
[238]Ib.
[239]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 18², p. 337.
[240]On July 14, 1528, “Briefwechsel,” ed. Enders, 6, p. 300 f.
[241]Cp. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 1, p. 354; “Opp. lat. var.,” 1, p. 388. Cp. vol. i., p. 319.
[242]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 7, p. 290 f.; Erl. ed., 24², p. 209. For fuller quotations see vol. ii., p. 58 f.
[243]Ib., Weim. ed., 4, p. 658.
[244]Ib., Erl. ed., 21, p. 324.
[245]Ib., 28, p. 224.
[246]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 237; Erl. ed., 29, p. 25.
[247]Ib., Erl. ed., 29, p. 23; cp. above, vol. iii., p. 262 ff.
[248]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 18, p. 653; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, p. 176sq.
[249]Ib., Erl. ed., 58, pp. 394-398.
[250]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 17, 1, p. 232; Erl. ed., 39, p. 111. Should a preacher be unable thus to “boast,” he is to “hold his tongue,” so we read there.
[251]See, e.g., vol. iii., pp. 110 ff.-158 f.
[252]“Vita Lutheri,” Coloniæ, 1622, p. 141.
[253]Above, vol. iii., p. 111.
[254]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 23, p. 69 f.; Erl. ed., 30, p. 19.
[255]Ib., p. 70=20.
[256]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 22.
[257]On July 24, 1540, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 274. Above, vol. iv., p. 13 ff.
[258]To Chancellor Brück, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 282: “Oportere ipsum maritum sua propria conscientia esse firmum ac certum per verbum Dei, sibi hæc licere.” Cp. above, vol. iii., p. 259 f.
[259]Letter to Jonas, May 4, 1543, “Briefe,” 5, p. 556.
[260]Text in G. Berbig (“Quellen und Darstellungen aus der Gesch. des Reformationszeitalters,” Leipzig, 1908), p. 277 (cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 4, p. 76 f.). This statement completes what was said in vol. iii., p. 55.
[261]Karl Stange, “Die ältesten ethischen Disputationen Luthers,” 1904, p. vii.
[262]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 23; Erl. ed., 28, p. 298.—“He ventured, relying on Christ,” says Adolf Harnack (“DG.,” 34, p. 824), “to lay hold on God Himself, and, by this exercise of his faith, in which he saw God’s work, his whole being gained in independence and firmness, and he acquired such confidence and joy as no man in the Middle Ages had ever known.” Of Luther’s struggles of conscience, to be examined more closely in ch. xxxii., Harnack says nothing. On the other hand, however, he quotes, on p. 825, n. 1, the following words of Luther’s: “Such a faith alone makes a Christian which risks all on God whether in life or death.”
[263]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 7², p. 253 f.
[264]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 11², p. 248 f.
[265]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch”: “in quotidiana versor lucta.” On Feb. 26.
[266]“Luthers ungedruckte Predigten,” ed. G. Buchwald, Leipzig, 1885, 3, p. 245. Sermon of March 16, 1538.
[267]“Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 1, p. 56.
[268]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 411.
[269]To Amsdorf, Oct. 18(?), 1529, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 173.
[270]Cp. A. Zahn, “Calvins Urteile über Luther” (“Theol. Stud. aus Württemberg,” 4, 1883), p. 187. Pighius had written against Luther in 1543 on the servitude of the will. Cp.,ib., p. 193, Calvin’s remark against Gabriel de Saconay.
[271]The words can be better understood when we bear in mind that they occur in the dedication to Duke Johann of Saxony, of his “Sermon von den guten Wercken” (March 29, 1520). “Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122 f.
[272]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 273 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 83). Here also we must remember that he is speaking to preachers, some of whom differed from him.
[273]Ib., 53, p. 276.
[274]Ib., p. 272.
[275]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichtes,” 1², 1896, p. 174, n.
[276]F. Sawicki, “Kath. Kirche und sittliche Persönlichkeit,” Cologne, 1907, pp. 86, 88, and “Das Problem der Persönlichkeit und des Übermenschen,” Paderborn, 1909; J. Mausbach, “Die kath. Moral und ihre Gegner,³”, Cologne, 1911. Part 2, particularly pp. 125 ff., 223 ff.
[277]See vol. iv., p. 118 ff.
[278]“A study of the earliest Letters of C. Schwenckfeld,” Leipzig, 1907 (vol. i. of the “Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum”), p. 268. Karl Ecke, “Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation,” Berlin, 1911, p. 58.
[279]Cp. Ecke,ib., p. 59. Ecke (p. viii.) speaks of this writing as a “first-rate source.”
[280]“Epistolar Schwenckfelds,” 2, 2, 1570, p. 94 ff. For full title see Ecke,ib., p. 11. Cp. Th. Kolde, “Zeitschr. für KG.,” 13, p. 552 ff. Cp. below, p. 138 f.
[281]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 53, p. 383 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 337).
[282]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 19, p. 123; Erl. ed., 53, p. 362 (“Briefwechsel,” 5, p. 302).
[283]“Epistolar,”ib., p. 645. Ecke, p. 87.
[284]Ecke takes these words as his motto on the title-page.
[285]“Epistolar,” 1, 1566, p. 200. Cp. on the “experience,” Ecke, p. 48 ff.
[286]Ecke, p. 118 f.
[287]See above, p. 79, n. 1.
[288]P. 222.
[289]Thus G. Kawerau in his sketch of Schwenckfeld in Möller’s “KG.,” 3³, p. 475.
[290]Ib., p. 478.
[291]Ecke, p. 217.
[292]“Corp. ref.,” 9, p. 579: “Heri Stenckfeldianum librum contra me scriptum accepi.... Talis sophistica principum severitate compescenda est.” To G. Buchholzer, Aug. 5, 1558.
[293]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 337.
[294]Cp. below, and above, p. 82, n. 5; also Ecke, p. 218.
[295]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 61, p. 54.
[296]Ib., 57, p. 51.
[297]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” ed. Kroker, p. 167.
[298]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 613. “Werke,” Erl. ed., 58, p. 29. Cp. Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 335.
[299]Mathesius, “Tischreden,”ib.
[300]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 32, p. 397.
[301]“Werke,”ib., 32, p. 411.
[302]1520 or beginning of 1521. “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 37. Cp., however, Ender’s remark on the authorship.
[303]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 204; Erl. ed., 16² p. 123.
[304]On March 25, 1520, “Briefwechsel,” 2, p. 366.
[305]Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 291.
[306]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 209; Erl. ed., 16², p. 131.
[307]Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, p. 288.
[308]“Werke,”ib., p. 214=138.
[309]Much the same in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), “Werke,” Weim. ed., 16, p. 485; Erl. ed., 36, p. 100.
[310]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 203; Erl. ed., 16², p. 122.
[311]Ib., pp. 243-245=177-179.
[312]Ib., p. 247 f.=182 f. Cp. the similar statements in the Exposition of the Ten Commandments (1528), pp. 480 f., 484 f.=93 f., 96 f.
[313]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, p. 245 f.; Erl. ed., 16², p. 180.
[314]Cp.ib., p. 246=181.
[315]P. 247=182.
[316]Elsewhere, however, he treats of the other forms of prayer.
[317]Cp. p. 237=168 f., 238 f.=170 f., 247 f.=182 f.
[318]See vol. iv., p. 501 f.
[319]P. 232=162.
[320]P. 262=202.
[321]P. 258=197.
[322]P. 246=180.
[323]P. 207=127.
[324]Ib.
[325]P. 236.
[326]P. 271.
[327]Kaftan speaks of a theological want which he had attempted to supply in his own “Dogmatik.” In reality, however, he has practice equally in view, and, from his statements we may infer that the want which had been apparent from Luther’s day was more than a mere defect in the theory.
[328]P. 281.
[329]P. 276.
[330]P. 278.
[331]Cp. the letter to Hier. Weller, July (?), 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 159; Schlaginhaufen, “Aufzeichnungen,” pp. 11, 89, etc.; Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 450; “Colloq.,” ed. Bindseil, 2, p. 299. See our vol. iii., p. 175 ff.
[332]See vol. ii., p. 339; iii., p. 180 ff.; above, p. 9 ff.
[333]Above, vol. iii., p. 185 f.
[334]“Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 6, p. 155 ff.
[335]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 176 f.
[336]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.
[337]Cp. on Luther’s prayer, vol. iii., p. 206 f.; iv., p. 274 ff.
[338]Vol. iii., p. 213 f.
[339]Vol. iii., p. 207 f.; iv., p. 311.
[340]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 20², 2, p. 553. Cp. pp. 554, 558.
[341]Ib., p. 552.
[342]W. Walther, “Die Sittlichkeit nach Luther,” p. 63.
[343]The Explanation of the Our Father in 1518, “Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 74 ff; 9, p. 122 ff; Erl. ed., 21, p. 156 ff; 45, p. 203 ff. Noteworthy additions to it were made by Luther in 1519,ib., 6, pp. 8 ff., 20 ff.=45, p. 208 ff. Cp. Köstlin-Kawerau, 1, pp. 116 f., 291 f.
[344]Above, vol. iii., pp. 169 f., 211 f.
[345]Vol. iii., p. 200 ff.
[346]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, pp. 416-477; Erl. ed., 18², pp. 304-361.
[347]Ib., pp. 420=308 f.
[348]P. 448 f.=335 f.
[349]P. 444=331.
[350]P. 452=339.
[351]P. 449 ff.=336 ff.
[352]P. 447=334.
[353]To Melanchthon from the Coburg, July 31, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 157: “ex arce dæmonibus plena.”
[354]To the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 308: “Hæc satis pro ioco, sed serio et necessario ioco, qui mihi irruentes cogitationes repelleret, si tamen repellet.”
[355]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., 7, p. 333: “Eo die, quo literæ tuæ e Norimberga venerunt, habuit satan legationem suam apud me,” etc. See vol. ii., p. 390. Cp. to the same, June, 1530 (“Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 43), where he calls the devil his torturer, and to the same, June 30, 1530,ib., p. 51, where he speaks of his “private struggles with the devil.”
[356]To the same, July 31, 1530,ib., 8, p. 157.
[357]Cp. to the same, April 23, 1530,ib., 7, p. 303.
[358]To the same, May 12, 1530,ib., p. 333.
[359]To the same, May 15, 1530,ib., p. 335.
[360]To the same, Aug. 15, 1530,ib., 8, p. 190: “Christus vivit et regnat. Fiant sane dæmones, si ita volunt, monachi vel nonnæ quoque. Nec forma melior eos decet, quam qua sese mundo hactenus vendiderunt adorandos.” The “monks or nuns” is an allusion to the appearance of the “spectre-monks” at Spires just before the Diet of Augsburg; see vol. ii., p. 389 f.
[361]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 36, p. 424; Erl. ed., 18², p. 313 f.
[362]Ib., p. 423=312.—The so-called “Sermon on Love” (above, p. 96 f.) seeks to demonstrate in the above words the value of love of our neighbour, and, that this necessarily resulted from true faith. It abounds in beautiful sayings concerning the advantage of this virtue. Cruciger had his reasons for publishing it, one being, as he says in the dedication, to stop the mouths of those who never cease to cry out against our people as though we neither taught nor practised anything concerning love and good works. (Erl. ed., 18², p. 305.) Köstlin-Kawerau remarks (2, p. 273): “The fundamental evil was that the new Church included amongst its members so many who were indifferent to such preaching; they had joined it not merely without any real interior conversion, but without any spiritual awakening or sympathy, purely by reason of outward circumstances.” It must be added that the Sermon, though intended as a remedy, suffers from the defect of being permeated through and through with a spirit of bitter hate against the Church Catholic; in the very first pages we find the speaker complaining, that the devil, “who cannot bear the Word,” “attacks us ... in order to murder us by means of his tyrants”; “we are, however, forced to have the devil for our guest,” who molests us “with his crew.” Weim. ed., 36, p. 417 f.; Erl. ed., 18², p. 306 f.
[363]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 356 ff.
[364]To Melanchthon, May 12, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 332.
[365]To the same, April 29, 1530,ib., p. 313: “Oratio mea ad clerum procedit; crescit inter manus et materia et impetus, ut plurimos Landsknechtos prorsus vi repellere cogar, qui insalutati non cessant obstrepere.” Cp. Kolde, “Luther,” 2, p. 330.
[366]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199.
[367]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 391 ff.
[368]Ib., p. 395 f.
[369]Ib., p. 406.
[370]Ib., p. 396 f.
[371]Cp. our vol. iii., p. 435.
[372]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 107; Erl. ed., 28, p. 144.
[373]To Eobanus Hessus, April 23, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 301. Cp. n. 2 in Enders, who suggests the above translation of “tu habes malam vocem.” We read in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 199: “We must admit, that, judging by the tone of this tract [the ‘Vermanũg’] Luther’s ‘voice’ would have been out of place at Augsburg, as he admits in his letter to Eobanus Hessus.”
[374]On June 5, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 8, p. 367.
[375]See vol. iv., p. 338 f.
[376]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.
[377]Cordatus, “Tagebuch,” p. 363 f.
[378]“Werke,”ib., p. 361; cp. p. 396.
[379]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 24, p. 313; Erl. ed., 33, p. 331. Sermons on Genesis, 1527.
[380]Ib., p. 312 f.=330 f.
[381]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 108. From the year 1540.
[382]To Jacob Probst, June 1, 1530, “Briefwechsel,” 7, p. 353 f.
[383]To Bucer, July 12, 1532, in “Anal. Lutherana,” ed. Kolde, p. 203.
[384]“Anal.,”loc. cit.
[385]Leo Judae, 1. c., 203.
[386]Ib., p. 204.
[387]See our vol. iv., p. 87.
[388]H. Barge, “Carlstadt,” see our vol. ii., p. 154.
[389]F. Hülsse, “Card. Albrecht und Hans Schenitz,” “Magdeburger Geschichtsblätter,” 1889, p. 82; cp. Enders, “Briefwechsel Luthers,” 10, p. 182, who remarks of F. W. E. Roth’s review in the “Hist.-pol. Bl.,” 118, 1896, p. 160 f.: “The author does not seem to be acquainted with Hülsse’s work and therefore condemns Albert.”
[390]Enders,ib., p. 181.
[391]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 419.
[392]Enders,ib.
[393]On July 31, 1535, and Jan.-Feb., 1536, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, pp. 98 and 125 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, pp. 180 and 296).
[394]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 420.
[395]Enders, “Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 297; Hülsse, p. 61.
[396]On March 10, 1542, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 442.
[397]To Johann Göritz, judge at Leipzig, Jan. 29, 1544,ib., p. 625. Cp. for the account of Rosina, vol. iii., pp. 217 f., 280 f.
[398]Vol. i., p. 59. “Stupidæ litteræ” here perhaps means “indignant” rather than “amazed” letters.
[399]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 483.
[400]Mathesius, “Aufzeichn.” (Loesche), p. 200. Cp. above vol. iii., p. 437 f.
[401]To Catherine, end of July, 1545, “Briefe,” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 753.
[402]Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 127. Cp. above vol. iv., p. 276.
[403]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 470; Erl. ed., 25², p. 127. “Widder den Meuchler zu Dresen,” 1531.
[404]Ib., 26², p. 242, “Das Bapstum vom Teuffel gestifft,” 1545.
[405]Ib., Weim. ed., 33, p. 605; Erl. ed., 48, p. 342. Expos. of John vi.-viii., 1530-1532.
[406]Ib., p. 341.
[407]Feb. 7, 1521, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 83 f.
[408]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 6, pp. 427, 428 f.; Erl. ed., 21, pp. 305 and 307. “An den christl. Adel,” 1520. Cp. above p. 88 f.
[409]“Utinam haberent plures reges Angliæ, qui illos occiderent.” Cp. Paulus, “Protestantismus und Toleranz in 16. Jahrh.,” 1911, p. 17 ff.
[410]Dec., 1535, “Briefwechsel” 10, p. 275.
[411]Feb. 3, 1519, “Briefwechsel,” 1, p. 410; cp. to Spalatin, Feb. 7, 1519,ib., p. 412.
[412]4-9 Dec., 1521,ib., 3´, p. 253: “Exacerbabitur mihi spiritus, ut multo vehementiora deinceps in eam rem nihilominus moliar.”
[413]Vol. iv., p. 329 ff.
[414]Oswald Myconius to Simon Grynæus, Nov. 8, 1534, in Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 665, from a MS. source: “Doctiorem se esse, quam qui ab eiusmodi hominibus doceri velit”; this showed his “tyrannica superbia.”
[415]To Amsdorf, April 14, 1545, “Briefe” ed. De Wette, 5, p. 728.
[416]To Caspar Güttel, March 30, 1522, “Briefwechsel,” 3, p. 326.
[417]Vol. iv., p. 13 ff.
[418]Ib., p. 3 ff.
[419]Cp. our vol. ii., p. 386: “For when once we have evaded the peril and are at peace, then we can easily atone for our tricks and lapses (‘dolos ac lapsus nostros’), because His [God’s] mercy is over us,” etc., for the wordmendaciaafterdolossee vol. iv., p. 96.
[420]See vol. iv., p. 95: “In cuius [Antichristi] deceptionem et nequitiam ob salutem animarum nobis omnia licere arbitramur.”
[421]Ib., p. 81 f.
[422]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 388 f. Cp. our vol. iv., p. 166 ff.
[423]Ib., p. 391. “Even should the Pope, the bishops, the canons and the people wish to remain in the state of celibacy, or the state of whores and knaves—and even the heathen poet admits that fornicators and whoremongers are loath to take wives—still I hope you will take pity on the poor pastors and those who have the cure of souls and allow them to marry.”
[424]Cordatus, “Tageb.,” p. 364.
[425]Cp. vol. iv., p. 102 f.
[426]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 27, p. 286.
[427]Mathesius, “Tischreden,” p. 287.
[428]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 24², p. 364.
[429]Ib., p. 365.
[430]Ib., p. 364.
[431]Ib., p. 361.
[432]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 291; Erl. ed., 25², p. 23.
[433]Ib., p. 285-14 f.
[434]“Wahrhaffte Bekanntnuss,” Bl. 9´.
[435]Ib.
[436]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 30, 3, p. 290; Erl. ed., 25², p. 22.
[437]“Opp.” 10, col. 1558. “Adv. ep. Lutheri.”
[438]Ib., 1555.
[439]Ib., 1334. “Hyperaspistes.”
[440]Vol. iv., p. 228 ff.
[441]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 442.
[442]Dec. 8, 1534, “Werke,” Erl. ed., 55, p. 71 (“Briefwechsel,” 10, p. 88 f.); “Briefe,” 4, p. 567 ff.: “To set ourselves up as judges and ourselves to judge is assuredly wrong, and the wrath of God will not leave it unpunished.” “If you desire my advice, as you write, I counsel you to accept peace, however you reach it, and rather to suffer in your goods and your honour than to involve yourself further in such an undertaking where you will have to take upon yourself all the crimes and wickedness that are committed.... You must consider for how much your conscience will have to answer if you knowingly bring about the destruction of so many people.”
[443]Cp. Lauterbach, “Tagebuch,” p. 159. “Briefwechsel,” 12, pp. 84-102; 13, p. 13.
[444]Köstlin-Kawerau, 2, p. 444.
[445]Cp. C. A. Burkhardt, “Der historische Hans Kohlhase,” 1864.
[446]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 10, 2, p. 140 ff.; Erl. ed., 28, p. 178 ff. In “Wyder den falsch genantten geystlichen Standt,” 1522.
[447]“Werke,” Erl. ed., 44, p. 84. In the sermons on Mt. xviii.-xxiii.
[448]See xxix., 8.
[449]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 2, p. 651 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 2, p. 511. In the “Defensio contra Eccii iudicium.”
[450]Ib., Weim. ed., 15, p. 183; Erl. ed., 24², p. 251. “Widder den newen Abgott und allten Teuffel der zu Meyssen sol erhaben werden.”
[451]Ib., p. 194 f.=264.
[452]Ib., p. 175=249.
[453]Cp. vol. iii., p. 191 f.; 211 f. and Joh. Wieser in “Luther und Ignatius von Loyola” [“Zeitschr. f. kath. Theol.,” 7 (1883) and 8 (1884), particularly 8, p. 365 ff.].
[454]Janssen, “Hist. of the German People” (Engl. Trans.), vi., p. 54.
[455]“Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 231.
[456]Cp. Janssen,ib.
[457]July, 1539, “Briefwechsel,” 12, p. 188.
[458]Cp. my “Hist. of Rome and the Popes in the Middle Ages” (Engl. Trans., i., pp. 9-26).
[459]In what follows we have drawn largely on J. Wieser (see above, p. 124, n. 1).
[460]Wieser rightly points out that Luther claimed above all to be a “National Prophet”; he was fond of saying that he had brought the Gospel “to the Saxons,” or “to the Germans.”Ib., 8, pp. 143 f., 356.
[461]Ib., 8, p. 352.
[462]Above, pp. 3 ff. and 66 ff.
[463]Cp. Wieser,ib., 8, p. 353.
[464]Wieser,ib., 8, p. 387.
[465]“Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts,” 1², 1896, p. 174.
[466]See above, vol. iii., p. 25 ff.
[467]Vol. ii., p. 111. “Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 169 ff.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 6, p. 494sqq.
[468]“Werke,”ib., p. 192=p. 528.
[469]Ib., p. 194=532.
[470]“Entsprach das Staatskirchentum dem Ideale Luthers?” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1908, Suppl., p. 38.) The striking new works of Hermelink, K. Müller, etc., have already been referred to elsewhere. In addition we must mention K. Holl, “Luther und das landesherrliche Kirchenregiment” (“Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche,” 1911, Suppl.), where the writer takes a view of the much-discussed question different from that of K. Müller.
[471]“Werke,” Weim. ed., 12, p. 484 f.; Erl. ed., 11², p. 205 f. Cp.ib., p. 481=201 f., and Erl. ed., 11², p. 82 f.
[472]Ib., Weim. ed., 12, p. 215 f.; “Opp. lat. var.,” 7, 13. On the “Formula missæ,” see below, xxix., 9.
[473]Ib., Weim. ed., 11, p. 210. The Latin version reads: “Si Dominus dederit in cor vestrum, ut simul probetis,” etc.
[474]Ib., 12, p. 693; cp. 697. On the Wittenberg Poor Box see below, vol. vi. xxxv., 4.
[475]P. Drews, p. 55.
[476]Vol. ii., p. 113; cp. vol. iii., p. 27.