§ 74.Theopompus, of Chios, born about 378B.C.What Quint. says of him is not found in Dion. though the latter gives him high praise in the Epist. ad Cn. Pomp. p. 782 R sq. Cp.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 428 sq. He wrote two histories, neither of which has come down to us:—(1)Ἡλληνικά, containing in twelve books the sequel to the Peloponnesian War, down to the battle of Knidos (B.C.394); and (2)Φιλιππικά, a history of affairs under Philip, in fifty-eight books. Dionysius says that he was the most distinguished of all the pupils of Isocrates, whom he resembled in style (l.c. p. 786). His master said that he needed the bit, as Ephorus (see below) the spur: ii. 8, 11, cp. Brut. §204. Quint. says elsewhere (ix. 4, 35) that, like the followers of Isocrates in general, he was unduly solicitous about avoiding the coalition of vowels: Orat. §151. In the Brutus (§66) Cicero, comparing him with Philistus and Thucydides, says officit Theopompus elatione atque altitudine orationis suae. His fragments are collected in Müller’s Fragm. Histor. Graec. i. pp. 278-333.praedictis= antea, supra dictis. This is the usual meaning of the word in Quint.: cp. tria quae praediximus iii. 6, 89: vicina praedictae sed amplior virtus viii. 3, 83: ii. 4, 24: ix. 3, 66: Vell. Pat. i. 4, 1: Suet. Aug. 90: Plin. N. H. lxxii. 16, 35. The Ciceronian use appears only in ‘praedicta pernicies’ iii. 7, 19 (cp. iv. 2, 98): vii. 1, 30.opus:§§31,67,69,70,96,123:2 §21. Cp. Introd.p. xliv.sollicitatusby his master Isocrates. Cicero tells us this: postea vero ex clarissima quasi rhetorum officina duo praestantes ingenio, Theopompus et Ephorus, ab Isocrate magistro impulsi se ad historiam contulerunt (de Orat. ii. §57).Philistus, of Syracuse, born aboutB.C.430. He was a contemporary of both the Dionysii, by the elder of whom he was exiled and by the younger recalled. He wrote a history of Sicily in two parts,—περὶ Σικελίας μὲν τὴν προτέραν ἐπιγραφων, περὶ Διονυσίου δὲ τὴν ὑστέραν, Dion. ad Pomp. p 780 R (Us. p. 61). Cicero says he liked the latter: me magis de Dionysio delectat, ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4.—Müller, Fragm. Hist. Gr. i. 185-192.meretur qui: see on§72.quamvis bonorum. For this brachyology cp.§94, and note: Livy ii. 54 §7 nec auctor quamvis audaci facinori deerat: ibid. 51 §7. Cp. quamlibet properato3 §19. Introd.p. liv.eximatur: withexordein classical Latin, as in the phrase ex reis eximi, aliquem de reis eximere (Cic.) For the dat. cp. i. 4, 3 ut auctores alios omnino exemerint numero (opp. to in ordinem redigere): Hor. Car. ii. 2, 19 Phraaten numero beatorum eximit virtus. The same meaning appears in xii. 2, 28 quid ... eximat nos opinionibus vulgi. In Tac. the dat. is common in the sense of to ‘free from’: infamiae, morti, ignominiae.What follows might be a condensation of Dion.’s criticism of Philistus:Φίλιστος δὲ μιμητής ἐστι Θουκυδίδου, ἔξω τοῦ ἤθους‧ ᾧ μὲν γὰρ ἐλεύθερον καὶ φρονήματος μεστόν‧ τούτῳ δὲ θεραπευτικὸν τῶν τυράννων καὶ δοῦλον πλεονεξίας,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 426 R, Us. p. 24: cp. ad Pomp. v. (p. 779 R)Φίλιστος δὲ Θουκυδίδη μᾶλλον <ἂν> δοξεῖεν ἐοικέναι, καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον κοσμεῖσθαι τὸν χαρακτῆρα: Cic. de Orat. ii. 57 hunc (Thucydidem) consecutus est Syracosius Philistus qui, cum Dionysii tyranni familiarissimus esset, otium suum consumpsit in historia scribenda, maximeque Thucydidem est, sicut mihi videtur, imitatus.infirmior: Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4 Siculus ille (Philistus) capitalis, creber, acutus, brevis, paene pusillus Thucydides: Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 427 R, Us. p. 25)μικρὸς δὲ ἐστι καὶ ταπεινὸς κομιδῇ ταῖς ἐκφράσεσιν ... οὐδὲ ὁ λόγος τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ πράγματος ἐξισοῦται: ad Pomp. (p. 781 R)μικρός τε περὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν ἐστὶ καὶ ἐντελής κ.τ.λ.aliquatenuswith comparative, instead of the ablativealiquanto, just as he useslongeandmultumformulto. So xi. 3, 97 aliquatenus liberius.lucidior:τῆς δὲ λέξεως τὸ μὲν γλωσσηματικὸν καὶ περίεργον οὐκ ἐζήλωκε Θουκυδίδου(Ἀρχ. κρ.l.c.). Yet Dionysius blames him, even more than Thucyd., forἀταξία τῆς οἰκονομίας, and adds that, like Thucyd.,δυσπαρακολούθητον τὴν πραγματείαν τῇ συνχύσει τῶν εἰρημένων πεποίηκε.Ephorus, of Cumae in Aeolis, was a contemporary of Philip and Alexander: fl. cir.B.C.340. He wrote a Universal History down to his own times. Like Theopompus, he was a pupil of Isocrates (de Orat. ii. §57: iii. §36: Orator §191); and Dionysius mentions him, along with Theopompus, as the best example, among historians, ofἡ γλαφυρὰ καὶ ἀνθηρὰ σύνθεσις, just as Isocrates was among rhetoricians (de Comp. Verb. 23, p. 173 R). Plutarch (Dion. 36) blames him for his sophistical tendencies: Polybius (v. 33, 2) praises his wide knowledge.calcaribus. Brutus §204 ut Isocratem in acerrimo ingenio Theopompi et lenissimo Ephori dixisse traditum est, alteri se calcaria adhibere, alteri frenos: de Orat. iii. 9, 36 quod dicebat Isocrates, doctor singularis, se calcaribus in Ephoro contra autem in Theopompo frenis uti solere: Hortensius: quid ... aut Philisto brevius aut Theopompo acrius aut Ephoro mitius inveniri potest? Cp. also ad Att. vi. 1, 12: Quint, ii. 8, 11. So Suidas,ὁ γοῦν Ἰσοκράτης τὸν μὲν Θεόπομπον ἔφη χαλινοῦ δεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Ἔφορον κέντρου(s.v. Ephorus). A similar story is told of Plato, teacher of Aristotle and Xenocrates; and of Aristotle, who in turn taught Theophrastus and Callisthenes.Clitarchus, of Megara, a contemporary of Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied on his expeditions, and whose history he wrote, in twelve books, down to the battle of Ipsos. He also wrote a history of the Persians before and after Xerxes. Cicero alludes (Brutus §42 sq.) to his romantic turn: concessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis, ut aliquid dicere possint argutius (‘more racily’); ut enim tu nunc de Coriolano, sic Clitarchus, sic Stratocles de Themistocle finxit: de Legg. i. 2.I:75Longo post intervallo temporis natusTimagenesvel hoc est ipso probabilis, quod intermissam historias scribendi industriam novalaude reparavit.Xenophonnon excidit mihi, sed inter philosophos reddendus est.§ 75.Timagenesbelongs to the Augustan Age. He is said to have been a native of Syria, who came to Rome after the capture of Alexandria (B.C.55). At Rome he founded a school of rhetoric, and wrote a history of Alexander the Great and his successors. He was a friend of Asinius Pollio, and enjoyed the patronage of Augustus till he incurred his censure for having spoken too boldly of the members of the Imperial family: Hor. Ep. i. 19, 15. Quintilian might have filled the gap (intervallo temporis) between Clitarchus and Timagenes with such names as Timaeus (de Orat. ii. §58), Polybius, and Dionysius himself.historias scribendi: cp.§34and2 §7. The plural is used of historical works, in the concrete: the sing. generally of history as a mode of composition:§§31,73,74,101,102;5 §15,—seldom as 1. 8, 20 cum historiae cuidam tanquam vanae repugnaret. Cp. Hor. Sat. i. 3, 89 amaras porrecto iugulo historias captivus ut audit: Car. ii. 12, 9 pedestribus dices historiis praelia Caesaris. Cicero has the sing. most frequently: Brutus §287 si historiam scribere ... cogitatis: but the pl. occurs ib. §42 (quoted above).Xenophon§§33and 82. By Dionysius he is treated as a historian, and compared to Philistus. The philosophic character of his work is however indicated in several places: e.g.Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 426 R, Us. p. 24)ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦ πρέποντος τοῖς προσώποις πολλάκις ἐστοχάσατο, περιτιθεὶς ἀνδράσιν ἰδιώταις καὶ βαρβάροις ἐσθ᾽ ὅτε λόγους φιλοσόφους: ad Cn. Pomp. 4 (p. 777)τὰς ὑποθέσεις τῶν ἱστοριῶν ἐξελέξατο καλὰς καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεῖς καὶ ἀνδρὶ φιλοσόφῳ προσηκούσας‧ τήν τε Κύρου παιδείαν, εἰκόνα βασιλέως ἀγαθοῦ καὶ εὐδαίμονος κ.τ.λ.. Besides Cicero (de Orat. ii. §58 denique etiam a philosophia profectus—Xenophon—scripsit historiam), Diogenes Laertius and Dio Chrysostom speak of Xenophon as a philosopher, all probably following an ancient authority. See Usener, p. 117, and cp. Introd.p. xxxiii.inter. Becher notes this use of the prep. ( = ‘among a number of’) as occurring first in Livy. Cp.§116ponendus inter praecipuos.§§76-80.Attic Orators:—I:76Sequitur oratorum ingens manus, ut cum decem simul Athenisaetas una tulerit. Quorum longe princepsDemosthenesac paene lex orandi fuit: tanta vis in eo, tam densa omnia, ita quibusdam nervis intenta sunt, tam nihil otiosum, is dicendi modus, ut nec quod desit in eo nec quod redundet invenias.ut cum. Soutpote cumCic. ad Att. v. 8, 1 and Asinius Pollio ad Fam. x. 32, 4:quippe cumad Att. x. 3. Bonn. Lex. s.v.ut(B ad fin.) gives other exx. from Quintilian: e.g. v. 10, 44: vi. 1, 51: 3, 9: ix. i, 15.decem. This is not a round number (Hild), but indicates a recognised group of orators, generally considered to have been canonised by the critics of Alexandria, in the course of the last two centuries before the Christian era. Brzoska, however, in a recent paper (De canone decem oratorum Atticorum quaestiones—Vratislaviae, 1883) develops with great probability the view of A. Reifferscheid, that the canon originated, towards the end of the second cent.B.C., with the school of Pergamus, where special attention was paid to rhetoric and grammar, which the Alexandrian critics neglected in favour of poetry. The group consisted of Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Of these Quintilian omits here Antiphon, Andocides, Isaeus, Lycurgus, and Dinarchus, though all except the last-named are mentioned in xii. 10, §§21-22. Demetrius of Phalerum is thrown in at the end, probably after Cicero (see on§80). The earliest reference to the Ten Orators as a recognised group occurs in the title of a lost work by Caecilius of Calacte,—περὶ χαρακτῆρος τῶν δέκα ῥητόρων. But though Caecilius was a contemporary of Dionysius at Rome in the age of Augustus, and is known to have been intimate with him (p. 777 R, Us. p. 59), there is no reference in Dionysius’s writings to the canon thus adopted. Mr. Jebb thinks he may have deliberately disregarded it as not helpful for the purpose with which he wrote, viz. to establish a standard of Greek prose by a study of the orators as representing tendencies in the historical development of the art of oratory (Att. Or. Introd. p. 67: but see Brzoska, pp. 20-22). Besides thisdecemin Quintilian (cp. onceteros§80), the number ten is again recognised in the treatise on the Lives of the Ten Orators, wrongly attributed to Plutarch, by Proclus (circ. 450A.D.), and by Suidas (circ. 1100). In selecting the five whom he treats here, Quintilian would seem to have followed Dionysius. In the De Oratoribus Antiquis, 4 (p. 451 R), he gives a chronological classification (κατὰ τὰς ἡλικίας), taking Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaens to represent the first series (ἐκ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων: cp. his aetate Lysias maior§74); and Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines for the next. Elsewhere (de Din. Iud. i. p. 629 R) he arrives at the same result on another principle, Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus being classed asεὑρεταὶ ἰδίου χαρακτῆρος, while the other three (Aeschines now taking the second place, as emphatically at p. 1063 R) appear asτῶν εὑρημένων ἑτέροις τελειωταί. Of Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines he says:ἡ γὰρ δὴ τελειοτάτη ῥητορικὴ καὶ τὸ κράτος τῶν ἐναγωνίων λόγων ἐν τούτοις τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔοικεν εἶναι, de Isaeo Iud. p. 629 R. TheἈρχαίων κρίσιςbriefly characterises, in the order in which they are named, Lysias, Isocrates, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, and Hyperides; Quintilian omits Lycurgus, the paragraph about whom in theἈρχ. κρ.is suspected by Claussen (p. 352). (Brzoska notes that Quintilian’s list is identical with that given by Cicero de Orat. iii. 28: and from a comparison of de Opt. Gen. Or. §7—qui aut Attici numerantur aut dicuntAttice—he infers that the canon was probably known also to Cicero.) We have separate treatises by Dionysius on Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus (theεὑρεταί), but those in which he discussed Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines (theτελειωταί), are no longer extant. Instead we have the first part of a longer work on Demosthenes (περὶ τῆς λεκτικῆς Δημοσθένους δεινότητοςpp. 953-1129 R), and a bibliographical account of Dinarchus. Antiphon he only alludes to briefly (de Isaeo, 20), in company with Thrasymachus, Polycrates, and Critias: cp. Quint, iii. 1, 11.Athenis. Dionysius groups the orators of whom he treats under the titleἈττικοί(p. 758 R,ἐν τῇ περὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν πραγματείᾳ ῥητόρων). Ammon (pp. 81-82) points out that Demetrius Magnes used the same appellation (Dion. de Din. i. p. 631 R), and further suggests that the Attic canon is already indicated in Cicero de Opt. Gen. Or. §13 ex quo intellegitur quoniam Graecorum oratorum praestantissimi sint ii qui fuerunt Athenis, eorum autem princeps facile Demosthenes, hunc si qui imitetur eum et attice dicturum et optime, ut quoniam attici propositi sunt ad imitandum bene dicere id sit attice dicere.aetas una, used here in a wide sense (as is shown byaetate ... maior, below). The period referred to extends from the latter part of the 5th to the latter part of the 4th centuryB.C.So Cicero, Brut. §36 haec enim aetas effudit hanc copiam: where he gives a place among the others to Demades.longe princeps: Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 55, p. 950 R,Δημοσθένει ὃν ἁπάντων ῥητόρων κράτιστον γεγενῆσθαι πειθόμεθα: cp. de vi Demosth. 33, p. 1058 R sq.vis,δεινότης. Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 53, p. 944 Rτὴν ἐξεγείρουσαν τὰ πάθη δεινότητα(of Demosthenes): cp. p. 865τὸ ἐρρωμένον καὶ ἐναγώνιον πνεῦμα ἐξ ὧν ἡ καλουμένη γίγνεται δεινότης: Cic. de Orat. iii. 28 vim Demosthenes habuit. For the place ofvisin oratory cp. Orat. §69, and de Orat. ii. 128-9.densa:§§68,73,106. Sopressus: Introd.p. xliii. The Greek equivalent isτὸ πυκνόν, ἡ πυκνότης. Dionysius attributes his brevity and conciseness, as well as his energy and power of rousing the emotions, to the influence of Thucydides.quibusdam, inserted on account of the metaphor, as often in Cicero, e.g. de Orat. i. §9 procreatricem quandam et quasi parentem: Brut. §46 eloquentia est bene constitutae civitatis quasi alumna quaedam: and constantly in translating Greek words and phrases (cp. Reid on Acad. i. 5, 20 and 24). Fornervis intentacp.εὔτονος τῇ φράσει, Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R: also ix. 4, 9, and note on1 §60.tam nihil otiosum, i.e. everything is so much to the point. Cp. i. 1, 35 otiosas sententias, of copy-book headings that have no point: viii. 3, 89ἐνέργεια... cuius propria sit virtus non esse quae dicuntur otiosa: ibid. 4, 16: ii. 5, 7: Sen. Epist. 100, 11 exibunt multa nec ferient et interdum otiosa praeterlabetur oratio. In Tac. Dial. §§18 and 22 the meaning is ‘spiritless,’ ‘wearisome’ (cp. lentitudo and tepor §21). In Quintilian there is also the idea of ‘superfluous,’ ‘unprofitable’: i, 12, 18 otiosis sermonibus, useless gossip: ii. 10, 8: viii. 3, 55 quotiens otiosum fuerit et supererit: ix. 4, 58 adicere dum non otiosa et detrahere dum non necessaria. Cp. Introd.p. xlv.is dicendi modus: Cic. Orat. §23 hoc nec gravior exstitit quisquam nec callidior nec temperatior.quod desit: a reminiscence of Cic. Brut. §35 nam plane quidem perfectum et cui nihil admodum desit Demosthenem facile dixeris. Quintilian qualifies his eulogy in comparing him with Cicero§107below: cp. xii. 12, 26, and Cic. Orat. §§90 and 104. SeeCrit. Notes.I:77PleniorAeschineset magis fusus et grandiori similis, quominus strictus est; carnis tamen plus habet, minus lacertorum. Dulcis in primis et acutusHyperides, sed minoribus causis—ut non dixerim utilior— magis par.§ 77.Plenior ... magis fusus: opposed to tam densa omnia, above. Aeschines had not the terseness and intensity of Demosthenes, but was not without a certain fluent vehemence of his own. Cicero mentionslevitasandsplendor verborumas characteristics of Aeschines,Orat. §110; and Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 434 R, hasἀτονώτερος μὲν τοῦ Δημοσθένους, ἐν δὲ τῇ λέξεων ἐκλογῇ πομπικός ἅμα καὶ δεινός ... καὶ σφόδρα ἐνεργὴς καὶ βαρὺς καὶ αὐξητικὸς καὶ πικρὸς καὶ ... σφοδρός: Cic. de Orat. iii. §128 sonitum Aeschines habuit. For a comparison between the two great rivals v. Jebb’s Alt. Or. ii. 393 sq. See also Cicero’s de Optim. Gen. Orat., which was written as a preface to his translation of Aeschines’s speech against Ctesiphon and Demosthenes on the Crown.grandioriis certainly not neuter (sc. generi dicendi) as Krüger (2nd edition), who compares the pluralmaioribus§63(where however we haveaptior, notsimilior), and ii. 11, 2, which is quite different: moreover Quintilian never usesgrandiusby itself to designate the more sublime style, and with such an expression as ‘grandiori generi dicendi’ he would have employedmagis accedit(§68) orpropior est(§78) rather thansimilis. If the text is allowed to standgrandiorimust be masc. (just likestrictus) and be used in a good sense: e.g. Cic. de Opt. Gen. Or. §9 imitemur Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum: est enim multis in locis grandior: Brut. §203 fuit Sulpicius ... grandis et ut ita dicam tragicus orator: Orat. §119 quo grandior sit et quodam modo excelsior.Similisgets the force of a comparative frommagispreceding, andminusfollowing it (cp.§93tersus atque elegans maxime: xii. 6, 6 a quam maxime facili ac favorabili causa) so that we may render ‘he has an appearance of greater elevation in proportion as his style is less compressed.’ SeeCrit. Notes.minus strictus= remissior, cp.ἀτονώτεροςabove. Instead of beingnervis intenta(εὔτονος) his style was characterised asπροπετής(‘headlong’) by the critics.carnis ... lacertorum. The style of Aeschines is deficient in compact force: it is often overcharged and redundant (cp.πομπικόςandαὐξητικόςabove). So also Dem. Or. 19 (of Aeschines) §133σεμνολόγος: §255σεμνολογεῖ. Forlacerticp. Brut. §64 in Lysia saepe sunt etiam lacerti sic ut fieri nihil possit valentius.Hyperides, one of the leading orators of the patriotic party, was put to death by order of Antipater,B.C.322, just seven days before the death of Demosthenes, with whom he had generally acted, though differences arose between them in later life.Dulcis:§73. So Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 435 Rχάριτος μεστός: cp. de Din. Iud. 8, p. 645 R, where he says that the imitators of Hyperides, by failing to reproduce his exquisite charm, as well as his force, became dry and rough in style:διαμαρτόντες τῆς χάριτος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης δυνάμεως αὐχμηροί τινες ἐγένοντο.acutus. Cic. de Orat. iii. §28 acumen Hyperides ... habuit: Orat. §110 nihil argutiis et acumine Hyperidi (cedit Demosthenes).Acumen(§§106,114) is the quality required for thetenue genuswhich aims at instructing (Cic. de Orat. ii. §129: Quint, xii. 10, 59): it appeals mainly to the intellect. Here thereforeacutusmeans ‘pointed,’ ‘direct’: cp. xii. 10, 39, Orat. §§20, 84, 98, where it is used of style.Subtilisandacutussometimes go together as characteristics of the plain style: so in5 §2subtilitasis ascribed to Hyperides. On the other handacutusis used (§84below) expressly of power of thought as opposed to power of expression: cp. too§83inventionem acumine opposed to eloquendi suavitate, and§81acumine disserendi ... eloquendi facultate. So it may be that Quintilian usesacutushere to represent Dionysius:εὔστοχος μὲν ... καὶ συνέσει πολλῇ κεχορήγηται(p. 434 R).minoribus causis. Cp. with this the criticisms of Longinus, Hermogenes, and others in Blass’s preface to the Teubner text. The author ofπερὶ ὕψουςsays:—“He knows when it is proper to speak with simplicity, and does not, like Demosthenes, continue the same key throughout,” §34, and below: “Nevertheless all the beauties of Hyperides, however numerous, cannot make him sublime. He never exhibits strong feeling, has little energy, rouses no emotion” (Havell). His style is “that of a newer school than Demosthenes—of the school of Menander and the New Comedy, to whom long periods and elaborate structure seemed tedious, and who affected short and terse statement, clear and epigrammatic points, smart raillery, and an easy and careless tone even in serious debate. Hence the critics, such as Quintilian, think him more suited to slight subjects.” Mahaffy, ii. p. 377. Dionysius saysεὔστοχος μὲν σπάνιον δ᾽ αὐξητικός: he hits his mark neatly, butseldom lends grandeur to his theme by amplification. His Funeral Oration is an exception: here he has ‘thoroughly caught from Isocrates the tone of elevated panegyric’ (Jebb). His reputation as a wit and an easy-going member of society may have helped to produce on casual students the impression Quintilian wishes to convey: ‘unquestionably one great secret of his success as a speaker,’ says Mr. Jebb, ‘was his art of making a lively Athenian audience feel that here was no austere student of Thucydides, but one who was in bright sympathy with the everyday life of the time.’ For his wit cp. Cic. Orat. §90 and Sandys’ note. Dionysius’s judgment is given at length in Jebb’s Attic Orators, ii. p. 383 sq.ut non dixerim= ne dicam. Cp.2 §15, and note. Tacitus makes a similar use of the potential perfect in secondary clauses.—ForutiliorMaehly needlessly conjecturesfutilibus.I:78His aetateLysiasmaior, subtilis atque elegans et quo nihil, si oratori satis sit docere, quaeras perfectius; nihil enim est inane, nihil arcessitum, purotamen fonti quam magno flumini propior.§ 78.aetate maior. The date of his birth has been variously fixed atB.C.459 andB.C.436: see Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xiii, and note; Wilkins, de Orat. i. (2nd ed.), p. 33. Jebb gives the approximate date of his extant work as 403-380B.C.subtilis atque elegans. Cic. Orat. §30 subtilem et elegantem: Brut. §35 egregie subtilis scriptor et elegans, quem iam prope audeas oratorem perfectum dicere: ibid. §64: de Orat. iii. §28 subtilitatem ... Lysias habuit: Orat. §110 nihil Lysiae subtilitate (cedit Demosthenes). It is the ‘plain elegance’ of Lysias, his artistic and graceful plainness, that Quintilian is commending: cp. ix. 4, 17 nam neque illud in Lysia dicendi textum tenue atque rasum laetioribus numeris corrumpendum erat: perdidisset enim gratiam, quae in eo maxima est, simplicis atque inaffectati coloris, perdidisset fidem quoque.—Subtilitasandelegantiago together2 §19.subtilis. Originally ‘suited for weaving’ (*sub–telisfromtela—Wharton). From this the word came to be used metaphorically:—(1) ‘graceful,’ ‘refined,’ ‘delicate’: subtilitas pronuntiandi, de Orat. iii. §42, ‘graceful refinement of utterance’: (2) ‘precise,’ ‘accurate,’ common in Cicero to representἀκριβης: cp. praeceptor acer atque subtilis, Quintilian i. 4, 25: (3) ‘plain,’ ‘unadorned’: especially subtile genus dicendi (xii. 10, 58) =τὸ ἰσχνὸν γένος, the ‘plain’ style of rhetorical composition, which, with a careful concealment of art, imitated the language of ordinary life, unlike the ‘grand’ style, which was more artificial, seeking by the use of ornament to rise above the common idiom. The sense in which the word is used here is mainly (3): it represents what Dionysius saysἈρχ. κρ.p. 432 R, (Us. p. 28)ἰσχνότητι γὰρ τῆς φράσεως σαφῆ καὶ ἀπηκριβωμένην ἔχουσι τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἔκθεσιν. But there is a reference also to (1), helped out by the addition ofelegans, ‘choice,’ ‘tasteful.’ The style of Lysias was plain, but not without Attic refinement.docere. So Dion., in eulogising him forτὴν δεινότητα τῆς εὑρέσεως, says (de Lysia 15, p. 486 R),τὰ πάνυ δοκοῦντα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄπορα εἶναι καὶ ἀδύνατα εὔπορα καὶ δυνατὰ φαίνεσθαι ποιεῖ. He could make the most of his case: persuasiveness (πιθανότης) is mentioned (ibid. 13) as one of his leading characteristics. ‘His statements of facts,’ says Mr. Jebb (ii. 182), ‘are distinguished by conciseness, clearness, and charm, and by a power of producing conviction without apparent effort to convince’: cp. Dion. de Lysia 18, p. 492 Rἐν δὲ τῷ διηγεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα ... ἀναμφιβόλως ἡγοῦμαι κράτιστον αὐτὸν εἶναι πάντων ῥητόρων, ὅρον τε καὶ κάνονα τῆς ἰδέας ταύτης αὐτὸν ἀποφαίνομαι: and below,αἱ διηγήσεις ... τὴν πίστιν ἅμα λεληθότως συνεπιφέρουσιν. But that this is not the whole office of the orator Quintilian himself declares iv. 5, 6 non enim solum oratoris est docere, sed plus eloquentia circa movendum valet. Cp. iii. 5, 2: Brut. §105: de Orat. ii. §128. In regard to this, Lysias is comparatively weak: ‘he cannot heighten the force of a plea, represent a wrong, or invoke compassion, with sufficient spirit and intensity,’ Jebb: in the words of Dion. (19, p. 496 R),περὶ τὰ πάθη μαλακώτερός ἐστι: he understandsοὔτε αὐξήσεις οὔτε δεινώσεις οὔτε οἴκτους. Cp. 13 ad fin.nihil ... inane: cp. Orator §29 dum intellegamus hoc esse Atticum in Lysia, non quod tenuis sit atque inornatus sed quod nihil habeat insolens aut ineptum.nihil arcessitum: Cp. Dion. de Lysia 13 ad fin. p. 483 Rἀσφαλής τε μᾶλλόν ἐστιν ἢ παρακεκινδυνευμένη, καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἰσχὺν ἱκανὴ δηλῶσαι τέχνης ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἀλήθειαν εἰκάσαι φύσεως. Cp. 8, p. 468ἀποίητός τις καὶ ἀτεχνίτευτος ὁ τῆς ἁρμονίας αὐτοῦ χαρακτήρ. SoἈρχ. κρ.πρὸς τὸ χρήσιμον καὶ ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν αὐτάρκης—Krüger3suggests nihil eniminestinane. For the order see Introd.p. liii.magno flumini: cp. Cicero, Orator §30 nam qui Lysiam sequuntur causidicum quemdam sequuntur, non illum quidem amplum atque grandem, subtilem et elegantem tamen et qui in forensibus causis possit praeclare consistere. Cp. Dion. 13, p. 482, where he says that, besides pathos, Lysias wants also grandeur and spirit:ὑψηλὴ δὲ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπὴς οὐκ ἔστιν ἡ Λυσίου λέξις, οὐδὲ καταπληκτικὴ μὰ Δία καὶ θαυμαστή ... οὐδὲ θυμοῦ καὶ πνεύματος ἐστι μεστή.Cicero says he shows elevation at times, though grandeur was seldom possible in the treatment of the subjects he chose. Cp. the whole passage, de Opt. Gen. Oratorum §9 Imitemur si potuerimus, Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum. Est enim multis locis grandior; sed quia et privatas ille plerasque et eas ipsas aliis et parvarum rerum causulas scripsit videtur esse ieiunior, cum se ipse consulto ad minutarum genera causarum limaverit. He therefore prefers Demosthenes as a model on account of his power: ib. §10 ita fit ut Demosthenes certe possit summisse dicere, elate Lysias fortasse non possit.Lysias was the favourite model of those who at Rome, in Cicero’s time, sought to bring about the revival of Atticism. The unaffected simplicity of his diction, his purity, lucidity, and naturalness amply entitled him to this distinction. Dionysius’ criticism is most appreciative: he praises the style of Lysias ‘not only for its purity of diction, its moderation in metaphor, its perspicuity, its conciseness, its terseness, its vividness, its truth to character, its perfect appropriateness, and its winning persuasiveness; but also for a nameless and indefinable charm, which he compares to the bloom of a beautiful face, to the harmony of musical tones, or to perfect rhythm in the marking of time’—v. de Lysia xi, xii.: Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xvi.I:79Isocratesin diverso genere dicendi nitidus et comptus et palaestrae quam pugnaemagis accommodatus omnes dicendi veneres sectatus est, nec immerito: auditoriis enim se, non iudiciis compararat: in inventione facilis, honesti studiosus, in compositione adeo diligensut cura eius reprehendatur.§ 79.Isocrates, the most celebrated of all the ancient teachers of rhetoric, and called the father of eloquence (ille pater eloquentiae, de Orat. ii. §10) from the number of orators produced by his school. His home is described as being a school of eloquence and manufactory of rhetoric for the whole of Greece, from which, as from the Trojan horse, there came forth heroes only: Brut. §32 Isocrates, cuius domus cunctae Graeciae quasi ludus quidam patuit atque officina dicendi: de Orat. ii. §94 cuius e ludo tamquam ex equo Troiano meri principes exierunt: Orat. §40 domus eius officina habita eloquentiae est. He is said to have died of voluntary starvation shortly after the battle of Chaeronea (338B.C.) at the advanced age of 97. The story of his death is examined by Jebb, ii. 31.in diverso genere dicendi. The pupil of Gorgias, according to Aristotle (v. Quint, iii. 1, 13), Isocrates worked out his master’s theory of elaborately ornate and rhythmical style of composition. His is not thesubtile genusof which Lysias is the best representative:suavitas(‘smoothness’) rather thansubtilitas(‘plainness’) is his chief characteristic (de Orat. iii. §28). He carefully cultivated the period, to which he gave a large and luxuriant expansion: Or. §40 primus instituit dilatare verbis et mollioribus numeris explere sententias: Dion. de Isocr. 13, p. 561 Rὁ τῶν περιόδων ῥυθμός, ἐκ παντὸς διώκων τὸ γλαφυρόν.In comparing him with Lysias (de Isocr. ii.-iii.), Dion. notes that his style is less terse and compact, and characterised by a kind of opulent diffuseness (κεχυμένη πλουσίως), as well as by a more free use of metaphor and other tropes.nitidus: its opposite issordidus(viii. 3, 49): cp. Brut. §238 non valde nitens sed plane horrida oratio. So nitidum et laetum (genus verborum) de Orat. i. §81: where Wilkins says the word is used ‘especially of things which are bright, because of the pains bestowed on them,’ and cps. Hor. Ep. i. 4, 15 ‘nitidum bene curata cute vises.’ There is the same opposition between niddus andhorridusOrat. §36: squalidus, ibid. §115: cp. de Orat. iii §51 ita de horridis rebus nitida ... est oratio tua: de Legg. i. 2, 6 (of Caelius Antipater) habuitque vires agrestes ille quidem atque horridas, sine nitore etpalaestra: Brut. §238 (of C. Macer) non valde nitens, non plane horrida oratio.comptus—κομψεύεται, Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.: cp. viii. 3, 42 non quia comi expolirique non debeat (oratio). Withnitidus et comptuscp. Cicero’s statement that he had lavished on a Greek version of the story of his consulship, ‘all thefragrant essencesof Isocrates and all the little perfume-boxes of his pupils’: totum Isocratiμυροθήκιονatque omnes eius discipulorum arculas, ad Att. ii. 1, §1.palaestrae quam pugnae: Cp. Orat. §42 of epideictic oratory (dulce ... orationis genus) pompae quam pugnae aptius gymnasiis et palaestrae dicatum, spretum et pulsum foro: de Orat. i. §81 nitidum quoddam genus est verborum et laetum et palaestrae magis et olei quam huius civilis turbae ac fori. So of Demetrius non tam armis institutus quam palaestrae, Brut. §37. For the meaning cp. ibid. §32 forensi luce caruit intraque parietes aluit eam gloriam. Isocrates had not the vigorous compression of style necessary for real contests,πανηγυρικώτερος ἐστι μᾶλλον ἢ δικανικώτερος ... καὶ πομπικός ἐστι ... οὐ μὴν ἀγωνιστικόςDion.Ἀρχ. κρ., p. 432 R: Pseudo-Plut. Vit. X Or. p. 845 (Φιλιππος) ἐκάλει τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ (Δημοσθένους) λόγους ὁμοίους τοῖς στρατιώταις διὰ τὴν πομπικὴν δύναμιν, τοὺς δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους τοῖς ἀθληταῖς. For the figure involved in pugnae (ἀγών) cp.§§29,31:3, 3:5, 17. Cicero says the pupils of Isocrates were great alike on parade and in actual combat: eorum partim in pompa partim in acie illustres esse voluerunt, de Orat. §94. See Jebb, ii. 70-71.veneres: in this sense only in poetry and post-Augustan prose, and generally in the singular. Cp. Hor. Ars Poet. 320 Fabula nullius veneris sine pondere et arte. Cp.§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: vi. 3, 18 venustum esse quod cum gratia quadam et venere dicatur apparet: iv. 2, 116 narrationem ... omni qua potest gratia et venere exornandam puto: Seneca, de Benef. ii. 28, 2 habuit suam venerem: Plin. 35, 10, 36 §79 (of paintings) deesse iis unam illam suam venerem dicebat quam Graeci charita vocant.sectatus est: cp. Dion. de Isocr. 2, p. 538 Rὁ γὰρ ἀνὴρ οὗτος τὴν εὐέπειαν ἐκ παντὸς διώκει, καὶ τοῦ γλαφυρῶς λέγειν στοχάζεται μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ ἀφελῶς.There is a certain elaborate affectation about Isocrates: what in Lysias is the gift of nature he attempts to gain by the aid of art,—πέφυκε γὰρ ἡ Λυσίου λέξις ἔχειν τὸ χαρίεν, ἡ δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους βούλεταιibid. p. 541. For the whole passage cp. Orat. §38 In Panathenaico autem (§§1, 2) Isocrates ea se studiose consectatum fatetur; non enim ad iudiciorum certamen sed ad voluptatem aurium scripserat.nec immerito: see on§27.auditoriis ... non iudiciis: cp.§36: Dion, de Isocr. 2, p. 539 Rἀναγνώσεώς τε μᾶλλον οἰκειότερός ἐστιν ἢ ῥήσεως‧ τοιγάρτοι τὰς μὲν ἐπιδείξεις τὰς ἐν ταῖς πανηγύρεσι καὶ τὴν ἐκ χειρὸς θεωρίαν φέρουσιν αὐτοῦ οἱ λόγοι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ἐκκλησίαις καὶ δικαστηρίοις ἀγῶνας οὐχ ὑπομένουσιAristotle, Rhet. i. a 9 (p. 1368 a)διὰ τὴν ἀσυνήθείαν τοῦ δικολογεῖν. Isocrates himself tells us that it was his weakness of utterance and timidity of disposition that precluded him from public appearances: Panath. §10οὕτω γὰρ ἐνδεὴς ἀμφοτέρων ἐγενόμην, φωνῆς ἱκανῆς καὶ τόλμης, ὡς οὐκ οἶδ᾽ εἰ τις ἀλλος τῶν πολιτῶν. Cp. Cic. de Rep. iii. 30, 42 duas sibi res quominus in volgus et in foro diceret confidentiam et vocem defuisse: Plin. Ep. vi. 29, 6 infirmitate vocis, mollitie frontis, ne in publico diceret impediebatur. Moreover he laid claim to being a teacher of morality; and looking on rhetoric as the highest and most important branch of education, he spoke with contempt of those who wrote for the law-courts, and with whom victory was the only object: Jebb, ii. p. 7 and p. 43: Isocr. Panegyr. §11 with Sandys’ note.inventione: here Dionysius says he is in no way inferior to Lysias:ἡ μὲν εὕρεσις τῶν ἐνθυμημάτων ἡ πρὸς ἕκαστον ἁρμόττουσα πρᾶγμα πολλὴ καὶ πυκνὴ καὶ οὐδὲν ἐκείνης(sc. Lysiae)λειπομένηIud. de Isocr. 4, p. 452 R.honesti studiosus. This may refer to the diction of Isocrates: cp. Dion. Iud. 2, p. 538 R, where hisλέξιςis said to beἠθική τε καὶ πιθανή: and again de Dem. p. 963. Cp. ix. 4, 146-7, on which Becher mainly relies for his proposal (supported by Hirt. Berl. Jahr. xiv. 1888, p. 59) to take ‘honesti studiosus in compositione’ together: compositio debet essehonesta, iucunda, varia ... cura ita magna ut sentiendi atque eloquendi prior sit: so viii. 3, 16. But two considerations seem to prove the correctness of the traditional interpretation and punctuation: (1) the ascription ofhonestum(in an ethical sense) to Isocrates is peculiarly appropriate, and the word is constantly used in this sense by Quintilian (see Bonn. Lex. s.v. ii γ): and (2)diligenscould hardly stand alone, divorced fromin compositione: and moreover a similar expression (in compositione adeo diligens, &c.) is used by Dionysius,ἐν τῇ συνθέσει τῶν ὀνομάτων ... Ἰσοκράτην περιεργότερον(de Isocr. Iud. 11, p. 557 R): cp. p. 538. There is a similar criticism at§118in cura verborum nimius et compositione nonnumquam longior.As to (1) cp. Jebb, ii. pp. 44-5. The high moral tone of Isocrates is seen both in his choice of noble themes and in the care with which he ever keeps the higher aspects of his subject in view. Dion. Iud. 4, p. 543 Rμάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ προαίρεσις ἡ τῶν λόγων περὶ οὓς ἐσπούδαζε καὶ τῶν ὑποθέσεων τὸ κάλλος ἐν αἷς ἐποιεῖτο τὰς διατριβάς‧ ἐξ ὧν οὐ λέγειν δεινοὺς μόνον ἀπεργάσαιτ᾽ ἂν τοὺς προσέχοντας αὐτῷ τὸν νοῦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἤθη σπουδαίους ... κράτιστα γὰρ δὴ παιδεύματα πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἰσοκράτους ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν λόγοις.(2) Though Becher points to the chiasmus obtained by punctuating ‘in inventione facilis, honesti studiosus in compositione’ (cp.§97: Bonn. Lex. pr. lxviii) the rhythm of the sentence tells the other way; and to his objection that the ethical point of view does not belong to the history of literature (especially when inserted between two such words asinventioandcompositio) we can only answer that Quintilian is not an artist in style, and that the ethical tone of Isocrates is too characteristic to have been overlooked.There is no need for Maehly’s conjecture ‘disponendi studiosus’: nor for Eussner’s proposal to invert the clauses and read ... ‘compararat, honesti studiosus: in inventione facilis, in comp. a. d.’ &c.: on the ground thathonesti studiosusrefers to theγένος ἐπιδεικτικόνof Isocrates, which is regulated byhonestum, as theδημηγορικόνis byutile, and theδικανικόνbyiustum.compositione:§§44,66; ix. 4, 116: quem in poemate locum habet versificatio eam in oratione compositio: ad Her. iv. 12, 18 compositio est verborum constructio quae facit omnes partes orationis aequabiliter perpolitas:Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R, (Us. p. 28)καὶ αὐτοῦ μάλιστα ζηλωτέον τὴν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐκλογὴν καὶ συνέχειαν. ‘Isocrates was the earliest great artist in the rhythm proper to prose,’ Jebb, ii. pp. 60-1. Cicero, Brutus §32 primus intellexit etiam in soluta oratione, dum versum effugeres, modum tamen et numerum quendam oportere servari: Orat. §174.cura ... reprehendatur. This refers especially to his studied avoidance of hiatus: cp. ix. 4, 35 nimiosque non immerito in hac cura putant omnes Isocratem secutos, praecipueque Theopompum. So Orat. §151 in quo quidam Theopompum etiam reprehendunt ... etsi idem magister eius Isocrates—(with Sandys’ note). Dionysius (de Isocr. 2) contrasts in general terms hisσύνθεσις(compositio) with that of Lysias, noting especially the point here alluded to: p. 558 Rπεριεργοτέραν, and de Dem. 4, pp. 963-4 R. Plutarch, de gloria Athen. p. 350 Eπῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔμελλεν ἅνθρωπος(Isocr.)ψόφον ὅπλων φοβεῖσθαι καὶ σύρρηγμα φάλαγγος ὁ φοβούμενος φωνῆεν φωνήεντι συγκροῦσαι καὶ συλλαβῇ τὸ ἰσόκωλον ἐνδεὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν; Jebb, ii, pp. 66-7. With such excessive solicitude we can understand how Isocrates should have taken ten years to write the Panegyricus (4 §4).The judgments of Cicero and Dionysius will be found conveniently summarised in Sandys’ Introd. to Orator, pp. xx-xxii.I:80Neque ego in his de quibus sum locutus has solas virtutes, sed has praecipuas puto, nec ceteros parum fuisse magnos. Quin etiamPhalereaillumDemetrium,quamquam is primum inclinasse eloquentiam dicitur, multum ingenii habuisse et facundiae fateor, vel ob hoc memoria dignum, quod ultimus est fere ex Atticis qui dici possit orator; quem tamen in illo medio genere dicendi praefert omnibus Cicero.
§ 74.Theopompus, of Chios, born about 378B.C.What Quint. says of him is not found in Dion. though the latter gives him high praise in the Epist. ad Cn. Pomp. p. 782 R sq. Cp.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 428 sq. He wrote two histories, neither of which has come down to us:—(1)Ἡλληνικά, containing in twelve books the sequel to the Peloponnesian War, down to the battle of Knidos (B.C.394); and (2)Φιλιππικά, a history of affairs under Philip, in fifty-eight books. Dionysius says that he was the most distinguished of all the pupils of Isocrates, whom he resembled in style (l.c. p. 786). His master said that he needed the bit, as Ephorus (see below) the spur: ii. 8, 11, cp. Brut. §204. Quint. says elsewhere (ix. 4, 35) that, like the followers of Isocrates in general, he was unduly solicitous about avoiding the coalition of vowels: Orat. §151. In the Brutus (§66) Cicero, comparing him with Philistus and Thucydides, says officit Theopompus elatione atque altitudine orationis suae. His fragments are collected in Müller’s Fragm. Histor. Graec. i. pp. 278-333.praedictis= antea, supra dictis. This is the usual meaning of the word in Quint.: cp. tria quae praediximus iii. 6, 89: vicina praedictae sed amplior virtus viii. 3, 83: ii. 4, 24: ix. 3, 66: Vell. Pat. i. 4, 1: Suet. Aug. 90: Plin. N. H. lxxii. 16, 35. The Ciceronian use appears only in ‘praedicta pernicies’ iii. 7, 19 (cp. iv. 2, 98): vii. 1, 30.opus:§§31,67,69,70,96,123:2 §21. Cp. Introd.p. xliv.sollicitatusby his master Isocrates. Cicero tells us this: postea vero ex clarissima quasi rhetorum officina duo praestantes ingenio, Theopompus et Ephorus, ab Isocrate magistro impulsi se ad historiam contulerunt (de Orat. ii. §57).Philistus, of Syracuse, born aboutB.C.430. He was a contemporary of both the Dionysii, by the elder of whom he was exiled and by the younger recalled. He wrote a history of Sicily in two parts,—περὶ Σικελίας μὲν τὴν προτέραν ἐπιγραφων, περὶ Διονυσίου δὲ τὴν ὑστέραν, Dion. ad Pomp. p 780 R (Us. p. 61). Cicero says he liked the latter: me magis de Dionysio delectat, ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4.—Müller, Fragm. Hist. Gr. i. 185-192.meretur qui: see on§72.quamvis bonorum. For this brachyology cp.§94, and note: Livy ii. 54 §7 nec auctor quamvis audaci facinori deerat: ibid. 51 §7. Cp. quamlibet properato3 §19. Introd.p. liv.eximatur: withexordein classical Latin, as in the phrase ex reis eximi, aliquem de reis eximere (Cic.) For the dat. cp. i. 4, 3 ut auctores alios omnino exemerint numero (opp. to in ordinem redigere): Hor. Car. ii. 2, 19 Phraaten numero beatorum eximit virtus. The same meaning appears in xii. 2, 28 quid ... eximat nos opinionibus vulgi. In Tac. the dat. is common in the sense of to ‘free from’: infamiae, morti, ignominiae.What follows might be a condensation of Dion.’s criticism of Philistus:Φίλιστος δὲ μιμητής ἐστι Θουκυδίδου, ἔξω τοῦ ἤθους‧ ᾧ μὲν γὰρ ἐλεύθερον καὶ φρονήματος μεστόν‧ τούτῳ δὲ θεραπευτικὸν τῶν τυράννων καὶ δοῦλον πλεονεξίας,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 426 R, Us. p. 24: cp. ad Pomp. v. (p. 779 R)Φίλιστος δὲ Θουκυδίδη μᾶλλον <ἂν> δοξεῖεν ἐοικέναι, καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον κοσμεῖσθαι τὸν χαρακτῆρα: Cic. de Orat. ii. 57 hunc (Thucydidem) consecutus est Syracosius Philistus qui, cum Dionysii tyranni familiarissimus esset, otium suum consumpsit in historia scribenda, maximeque Thucydidem est, sicut mihi videtur, imitatus.infirmior: Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4 Siculus ille (Philistus) capitalis, creber, acutus, brevis, paene pusillus Thucydides: Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 427 R, Us. p. 25)μικρὸς δὲ ἐστι καὶ ταπεινὸς κομιδῇ ταῖς ἐκφράσεσιν ... οὐδὲ ὁ λόγος τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ πράγματος ἐξισοῦται: ad Pomp. (p. 781 R)μικρός τε περὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν ἐστὶ καὶ ἐντελής κ.τ.λ.aliquatenuswith comparative, instead of the ablativealiquanto, just as he useslongeandmultumformulto. So xi. 3, 97 aliquatenus liberius.lucidior:τῆς δὲ λέξεως τὸ μὲν γλωσσηματικὸν καὶ περίεργον οὐκ ἐζήλωκε Θουκυδίδου(Ἀρχ. κρ.l.c.). Yet Dionysius blames him, even more than Thucyd., forἀταξία τῆς οἰκονομίας, and adds that, like Thucyd.,δυσπαρακολούθητον τὴν πραγματείαν τῇ συνχύσει τῶν εἰρημένων πεποίηκε.Ephorus, of Cumae in Aeolis, was a contemporary of Philip and Alexander: fl. cir.B.C.340. He wrote a Universal History down to his own times. Like Theopompus, he was a pupil of Isocrates (de Orat. ii. §57: iii. §36: Orator §191); and Dionysius mentions him, along with Theopompus, as the best example, among historians, ofἡ γλαφυρὰ καὶ ἀνθηρὰ σύνθεσις, just as Isocrates was among rhetoricians (de Comp. Verb. 23, p. 173 R). Plutarch (Dion. 36) blames him for his sophistical tendencies: Polybius (v. 33, 2) praises his wide knowledge.calcaribus. Brutus §204 ut Isocratem in acerrimo ingenio Theopompi et lenissimo Ephori dixisse traditum est, alteri se calcaria adhibere, alteri frenos: de Orat. iii. 9, 36 quod dicebat Isocrates, doctor singularis, se calcaribus in Ephoro contra autem in Theopompo frenis uti solere: Hortensius: quid ... aut Philisto brevius aut Theopompo acrius aut Ephoro mitius inveniri potest? Cp. also ad Att. vi. 1, 12: Quint, ii. 8, 11. So Suidas,ὁ γοῦν Ἰσοκράτης τὸν μὲν Θεόπομπον ἔφη χαλινοῦ δεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Ἔφορον κέντρου(s.v. Ephorus). A similar story is told of Plato, teacher of Aristotle and Xenocrates; and of Aristotle, who in turn taught Theophrastus and Callisthenes.Clitarchus, of Megara, a contemporary of Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied on his expeditions, and whose history he wrote, in twelve books, down to the battle of Ipsos. He also wrote a history of the Persians before and after Xerxes. Cicero alludes (Brutus §42 sq.) to his romantic turn: concessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis, ut aliquid dicere possint argutius (‘more racily’); ut enim tu nunc de Coriolano, sic Clitarchus, sic Stratocles de Themistocle finxit: de Legg. i. 2.I:75Longo post intervallo temporis natusTimagenesvel hoc est ipso probabilis, quod intermissam historias scribendi industriam novalaude reparavit.Xenophonnon excidit mihi, sed inter philosophos reddendus est.§ 75.Timagenesbelongs to the Augustan Age. He is said to have been a native of Syria, who came to Rome after the capture of Alexandria (B.C.55). At Rome he founded a school of rhetoric, and wrote a history of Alexander the Great and his successors. He was a friend of Asinius Pollio, and enjoyed the patronage of Augustus till he incurred his censure for having spoken too boldly of the members of the Imperial family: Hor. Ep. i. 19, 15. Quintilian might have filled the gap (intervallo temporis) between Clitarchus and Timagenes with such names as Timaeus (de Orat. ii. §58), Polybius, and Dionysius himself.historias scribendi: cp.§34and2 §7. The plural is used of historical works, in the concrete: the sing. generally of history as a mode of composition:§§31,73,74,101,102;5 §15,—seldom as 1. 8, 20 cum historiae cuidam tanquam vanae repugnaret. Cp. Hor. Sat. i. 3, 89 amaras porrecto iugulo historias captivus ut audit: Car. ii. 12, 9 pedestribus dices historiis praelia Caesaris. Cicero has the sing. most frequently: Brutus §287 si historiam scribere ... cogitatis: but the pl. occurs ib. §42 (quoted above).Xenophon§§33and 82. By Dionysius he is treated as a historian, and compared to Philistus. The philosophic character of his work is however indicated in several places: e.g.Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 426 R, Us. p. 24)ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦ πρέποντος τοῖς προσώποις πολλάκις ἐστοχάσατο, περιτιθεὶς ἀνδράσιν ἰδιώταις καὶ βαρβάροις ἐσθ᾽ ὅτε λόγους φιλοσόφους: ad Cn. Pomp. 4 (p. 777)τὰς ὑποθέσεις τῶν ἱστοριῶν ἐξελέξατο καλὰς καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεῖς καὶ ἀνδρὶ φιλοσόφῳ προσηκούσας‧ τήν τε Κύρου παιδείαν, εἰκόνα βασιλέως ἀγαθοῦ καὶ εὐδαίμονος κ.τ.λ.. Besides Cicero (de Orat. ii. §58 denique etiam a philosophia profectus—Xenophon—scripsit historiam), Diogenes Laertius and Dio Chrysostom speak of Xenophon as a philosopher, all probably following an ancient authority. See Usener, p. 117, and cp. Introd.p. xxxiii.inter. Becher notes this use of the prep. ( = ‘among a number of’) as occurring first in Livy. Cp.§116ponendus inter praecipuos.§§76-80.Attic Orators:—I:76Sequitur oratorum ingens manus, ut cum decem simul Athenisaetas una tulerit. Quorum longe princepsDemosthenesac paene lex orandi fuit: tanta vis in eo, tam densa omnia, ita quibusdam nervis intenta sunt, tam nihil otiosum, is dicendi modus, ut nec quod desit in eo nec quod redundet invenias.ut cum. Soutpote cumCic. ad Att. v. 8, 1 and Asinius Pollio ad Fam. x. 32, 4:quippe cumad Att. x. 3. Bonn. Lex. s.v.ut(B ad fin.) gives other exx. from Quintilian: e.g. v. 10, 44: vi. 1, 51: 3, 9: ix. i, 15.decem. This is not a round number (Hild), but indicates a recognised group of orators, generally considered to have been canonised by the critics of Alexandria, in the course of the last two centuries before the Christian era. Brzoska, however, in a recent paper (De canone decem oratorum Atticorum quaestiones—Vratislaviae, 1883) develops with great probability the view of A. Reifferscheid, that the canon originated, towards the end of the second cent.B.C., with the school of Pergamus, where special attention was paid to rhetoric and grammar, which the Alexandrian critics neglected in favour of poetry. The group consisted of Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Of these Quintilian omits here Antiphon, Andocides, Isaeus, Lycurgus, and Dinarchus, though all except the last-named are mentioned in xii. 10, §§21-22. Demetrius of Phalerum is thrown in at the end, probably after Cicero (see on§80). The earliest reference to the Ten Orators as a recognised group occurs in the title of a lost work by Caecilius of Calacte,—περὶ χαρακτῆρος τῶν δέκα ῥητόρων. But though Caecilius was a contemporary of Dionysius at Rome in the age of Augustus, and is known to have been intimate with him (p. 777 R, Us. p. 59), there is no reference in Dionysius’s writings to the canon thus adopted. Mr. Jebb thinks he may have deliberately disregarded it as not helpful for the purpose with which he wrote, viz. to establish a standard of Greek prose by a study of the orators as representing tendencies in the historical development of the art of oratory (Att. Or. Introd. p. 67: but see Brzoska, pp. 20-22). Besides thisdecemin Quintilian (cp. onceteros§80), the number ten is again recognised in the treatise on the Lives of the Ten Orators, wrongly attributed to Plutarch, by Proclus (circ. 450A.D.), and by Suidas (circ. 1100). In selecting the five whom he treats here, Quintilian would seem to have followed Dionysius. In the De Oratoribus Antiquis, 4 (p. 451 R), he gives a chronological classification (κατὰ τὰς ἡλικίας), taking Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaens to represent the first series (ἐκ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων: cp. his aetate Lysias maior§74); and Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines for the next. Elsewhere (de Din. Iud. i. p. 629 R) he arrives at the same result on another principle, Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus being classed asεὑρεταὶ ἰδίου χαρακτῆρος, while the other three (Aeschines now taking the second place, as emphatically at p. 1063 R) appear asτῶν εὑρημένων ἑτέροις τελειωταί. Of Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines he says:ἡ γὰρ δὴ τελειοτάτη ῥητορικὴ καὶ τὸ κράτος τῶν ἐναγωνίων λόγων ἐν τούτοις τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔοικεν εἶναι, de Isaeo Iud. p. 629 R. TheἈρχαίων κρίσιςbriefly characterises, in the order in which they are named, Lysias, Isocrates, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, and Hyperides; Quintilian omits Lycurgus, the paragraph about whom in theἈρχ. κρ.is suspected by Claussen (p. 352). (Brzoska notes that Quintilian’s list is identical with that given by Cicero de Orat. iii. 28: and from a comparison of de Opt. Gen. Or. §7—qui aut Attici numerantur aut dicuntAttice—he infers that the canon was probably known also to Cicero.) We have separate treatises by Dionysius on Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus (theεὑρεταί), but those in which he discussed Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines (theτελειωταί), are no longer extant. Instead we have the first part of a longer work on Demosthenes (περὶ τῆς λεκτικῆς Δημοσθένους δεινότητοςpp. 953-1129 R), and a bibliographical account of Dinarchus. Antiphon he only alludes to briefly (de Isaeo, 20), in company with Thrasymachus, Polycrates, and Critias: cp. Quint, iii. 1, 11.Athenis. Dionysius groups the orators of whom he treats under the titleἈττικοί(p. 758 R,ἐν τῇ περὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν πραγματείᾳ ῥητόρων). Ammon (pp. 81-82) points out that Demetrius Magnes used the same appellation (Dion. de Din. i. p. 631 R), and further suggests that the Attic canon is already indicated in Cicero de Opt. Gen. Or. §13 ex quo intellegitur quoniam Graecorum oratorum praestantissimi sint ii qui fuerunt Athenis, eorum autem princeps facile Demosthenes, hunc si qui imitetur eum et attice dicturum et optime, ut quoniam attici propositi sunt ad imitandum bene dicere id sit attice dicere.aetas una, used here in a wide sense (as is shown byaetate ... maior, below). The period referred to extends from the latter part of the 5th to the latter part of the 4th centuryB.C.So Cicero, Brut. §36 haec enim aetas effudit hanc copiam: where he gives a place among the others to Demades.longe princeps: Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 55, p. 950 R,Δημοσθένει ὃν ἁπάντων ῥητόρων κράτιστον γεγενῆσθαι πειθόμεθα: cp. de vi Demosth. 33, p. 1058 R sq.vis,δεινότης. Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 53, p. 944 Rτὴν ἐξεγείρουσαν τὰ πάθη δεινότητα(of Demosthenes): cp. p. 865τὸ ἐρρωμένον καὶ ἐναγώνιον πνεῦμα ἐξ ὧν ἡ καλουμένη γίγνεται δεινότης: Cic. de Orat. iii. 28 vim Demosthenes habuit. For the place ofvisin oratory cp. Orat. §69, and de Orat. ii. 128-9.densa:§§68,73,106. Sopressus: Introd.p. xliii. The Greek equivalent isτὸ πυκνόν, ἡ πυκνότης. Dionysius attributes his brevity and conciseness, as well as his energy and power of rousing the emotions, to the influence of Thucydides.quibusdam, inserted on account of the metaphor, as often in Cicero, e.g. de Orat. i. §9 procreatricem quandam et quasi parentem: Brut. §46 eloquentia est bene constitutae civitatis quasi alumna quaedam: and constantly in translating Greek words and phrases (cp. Reid on Acad. i. 5, 20 and 24). Fornervis intentacp.εὔτονος τῇ φράσει, Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R: also ix. 4, 9, and note on1 §60.tam nihil otiosum, i.e. everything is so much to the point. Cp. i. 1, 35 otiosas sententias, of copy-book headings that have no point: viii. 3, 89ἐνέργεια... cuius propria sit virtus non esse quae dicuntur otiosa: ibid. 4, 16: ii. 5, 7: Sen. Epist. 100, 11 exibunt multa nec ferient et interdum otiosa praeterlabetur oratio. In Tac. Dial. §§18 and 22 the meaning is ‘spiritless,’ ‘wearisome’ (cp. lentitudo and tepor §21). In Quintilian there is also the idea of ‘superfluous,’ ‘unprofitable’: i, 12, 18 otiosis sermonibus, useless gossip: ii. 10, 8: viii. 3, 55 quotiens otiosum fuerit et supererit: ix. 4, 58 adicere dum non otiosa et detrahere dum non necessaria. Cp. Introd.p. xlv.is dicendi modus: Cic. Orat. §23 hoc nec gravior exstitit quisquam nec callidior nec temperatior.quod desit: a reminiscence of Cic. Brut. §35 nam plane quidem perfectum et cui nihil admodum desit Demosthenem facile dixeris. Quintilian qualifies his eulogy in comparing him with Cicero§107below: cp. xii. 12, 26, and Cic. Orat. §§90 and 104. SeeCrit. Notes.I:77PleniorAeschineset magis fusus et grandiori similis, quominus strictus est; carnis tamen plus habet, minus lacertorum. Dulcis in primis et acutusHyperides, sed minoribus causis—ut non dixerim utilior— magis par.§ 77.Plenior ... magis fusus: opposed to tam densa omnia, above. Aeschines had not the terseness and intensity of Demosthenes, but was not without a certain fluent vehemence of his own. Cicero mentionslevitasandsplendor verborumas characteristics of Aeschines,Orat. §110; and Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 434 R, hasἀτονώτερος μὲν τοῦ Δημοσθένους, ἐν δὲ τῇ λέξεων ἐκλογῇ πομπικός ἅμα καὶ δεινός ... καὶ σφόδρα ἐνεργὴς καὶ βαρὺς καὶ αὐξητικὸς καὶ πικρὸς καὶ ... σφοδρός: Cic. de Orat. iii. §128 sonitum Aeschines habuit. For a comparison between the two great rivals v. Jebb’s Alt. Or. ii. 393 sq. See also Cicero’s de Optim. Gen. Orat., which was written as a preface to his translation of Aeschines’s speech against Ctesiphon and Demosthenes on the Crown.grandioriis certainly not neuter (sc. generi dicendi) as Krüger (2nd edition), who compares the pluralmaioribus§63(where however we haveaptior, notsimilior), and ii. 11, 2, which is quite different: moreover Quintilian never usesgrandiusby itself to designate the more sublime style, and with such an expression as ‘grandiori generi dicendi’ he would have employedmagis accedit(§68) orpropior est(§78) rather thansimilis. If the text is allowed to standgrandiorimust be masc. (just likestrictus) and be used in a good sense: e.g. Cic. de Opt. Gen. Or. §9 imitemur Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum: est enim multis in locis grandior: Brut. §203 fuit Sulpicius ... grandis et ut ita dicam tragicus orator: Orat. §119 quo grandior sit et quodam modo excelsior.Similisgets the force of a comparative frommagispreceding, andminusfollowing it (cp.§93tersus atque elegans maxime: xii. 6, 6 a quam maxime facili ac favorabili causa) so that we may render ‘he has an appearance of greater elevation in proportion as his style is less compressed.’ SeeCrit. Notes.minus strictus= remissior, cp.ἀτονώτεροςabove. Instead of beingnervis intenta(εὔτονος) his style was characterised asπροπετής(‘headlong’) by the critics.carnis ... lacertorum. The style of Aeschines is deficient in compact force: it is often overcharged and redundant (cp.πομπικόςandαὐξητικόςabove). So also Dem. Or. 19 (of Aeschines) §133σεμνολόγος: §255σεμνολογεῖ. Forlacerticp. Brut. §64 in Lysia saepe sunt etiam lacerti sic ut fieri nihil possit valentius.Hyperides, one of the leading orators of the patriotic party, was put to death by order of Antipater,B.C.322, just seven days before the death of Demosthenes, with whom he had generally acted, though differences arose between them in later life.Dulcis:§73. So Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 435 Rχάριτος μεστός: cp. de Din. Iud. 8, p. 645 R, where he says that the imitators of Hyperides, by failing to reproduce his exquisite charm, as well as his force, became dry and rough in style:διαμαρτόντες τῆς χάριτος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης δυνάμεως αὐχμηροί τινες ἐγένοντο.acutus. Cic. de Orat. iii. §28 acumen Hyperides ... habuit: Orat. §110 nihil argutiis et acumine Hyperidi (cedit Demosthenes).Acumen(§§106,114) is the quality required for thetenue genuswhich aims at instructing (Cic. de Orat. ii. §129: Quint, xii. 10, 59): it appeals mainly to the intellect. Here thereforeacutusmeans ‘pointed,’ ‘direct’: cp. xii. 10, 39, Orat. §§20, 84, 98, where it is used of style.Subtilisandacutussometimes go together as characteristics of the plain style: so in5 §2subtilitasis ascribed to Hyperides. On the other handacutusis used (§84below) expressly of power of thought as opposed to power of expression: cp. too§83inventionem acumine opposed to eloquendi suavitate, and§81acumine disserendi ... eloquendi facultate. So it may be that Quintilian usesacutushere to represent Dionysius:εὔστοχος μὲν ... καὶ συνέσει πολλῇ κεχορήγηται(p. 434 R).minoribus causis. Cp. with this the criticisms of Longinus, Hermogenes, and others in Blass’s preface to the Teubner text. The author ofπερὶ ὕψουςsays:—“He knows when it is proper to speak with simplicity, and does not, like Demosthenes, continue the same key throughout,” §34, and below: “Nevertheless all the beauties of Hyperides, however numerous, cannot make him sublime. He never exhibits strong feeling, has little energy, rouses no emotion” (Havell). His style is “that of a newer school than Demosthenes—of the school of Menander and the New Comedy, to whom long periods and elaborate structure seemed tedious, and who affected short and terse statement, clear and epigrammatic points, smart raillery, and an easy and careless tone even in serious debate. Hence the critics, such as Quintilian, think him more suited to slight subjects.” Mahaffy, ii. p. 377. Dionysius saysεὔστοχος μὲν σπάνιον δ᾽ αὐξητικός: he hits his mark neatly, butseldom lends grandeur to his theme by amplification. His Funeral Oration is an exception: here he has ‘thoroughly caught from Isocrates the tone of elevated panegyric’ (Jebb). His reputation as a wit and an easy-going member of society may have helped to produce on casual students the impression Quintilian wishes to convey: ‘unquestionably one great secret of his success as a speaker,’ says Mr. Jebb, ‘was his art of making a lively Athenian audience feel that here was no austere student of Thucydides, but one who was in bright sympathy with the everyday life of the time.’ For his wit cp. Cic. Orat. §90 and Sandys’ note. Dionysius’s judgment is given at length in Jebb’s Attic Orators, ii. p. 383 sq.ut non dixerim= ne dicam. Cp.2 §15, and note. Tacitus makes a similar use of the potential perfect in secondary clauses.—ForutiliorMaehly needlessly conjecturesfutilibus.I:78His aetateLysiasmaior, subtilis atque elegans et quo nihil, si oratori satis sit docere, quaeras perfectius; nihil enim est inane, nihil arcessitum, purotamen fonti quam magno flumini propior.§ 78.aetate maior. The date of his birth has been variously fixed atB.C.459 andB.C.436: see Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xiii, and note; Wilkins, de Orat. i. (2nd ed.), p. 33. Jebb gives the approximate date of his extant work as 403-380B.C.subtilis atque elegans. Cic. Orat. §30 subtilem et elegantem: Brut. §35 egregie subtilis scriptor et elegans, quem iam prope audeas oratorem perfectum dicere: ibid. §64: de Orat. iii. §28 subtilitatem ... Lysias habuit: Orat. §110 nihil Lysiae subtilitate (cedit Demosthenes). It is the ‘plain elegance’ of Lysias, his artistic and graceful plainness, that Quintilian is commending: cp. ix. 4, 17 nam neque illud in Lysia dicendi textum tenue atque rasum laetioribus numeris corrumpendum erat: perdidisset enim gratiam, quae in eo maxima est, simplicis atque inaffectati coloris, perdidisset fidem quoque.—Subtilitasandelegantiago together2 §19.subtilis. Originally ‘suited for weaving’ (*sub–telisfromtela—Wharton). From this the word came to be used metaphorically:—(1) ‘graceful,’ ‘refined,’ ‘delicate’: subtilitas pronuntiandi, de Orat. iii. §42, ‘graceful refinement of utterance’: (2) ‘precise,’ ‘accurate,’ common in Cicero to representἀκριβης: cp. praeceptor acer atque subtilis, Quintilian i. 4, 25: (3) ‘plain,’ ‘unadorned’: especially subtile genus dicendi (xii. 10, 58) =τὸ ἰσχνὸν γένος, the ‘plain’ style of rhetorical composition, which, with a careful concealment of art, imitated the language of ordinary life, unlike the ‘grand’ style, which was more artificial, seeking by the use of ornament to rise above the common idiom. The sense in which the word is used here is mainly (3): it represents what Dionysius saysἈρχ. κρ.p. 432 R, (Us. p. 28)ἰσχνότητι γὰρ τῆς φράσεως σαφῆ καὶ ἀπηκριβωμένην ἔχουσι τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἔκθεσιν. But there is a reference also to (1), helped out by the addition ofelegans, ‘choice,’ ‘tasteful.’ The style of Lysias was plain, but not without Attic refinement.docere. So Dion., in eulogising him forτὴν δεινότητα τῆς εὑρέσεως, says (de Lysia 15, p. 486 R),τὰ πάνυ δοκοῦντα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄπορα εἶναι καὶ ἀδύνατα εὔπορα καὶ δυνατὰ φαίνεσθαι ποιεῖ. He could make the most of his case: persuasiveness (πιθανότης) is mentioned (ibid. 13) as one of his leading characteristics. ‘His statements of facts,’ says Mr. Jebb (ii. 182), ‘are distinguished by conciseness, clearness, and charm, and by a power of producing conviction without apparent effort to convince’: cp. Dion. de Lysia 18, p. 492 Rἐν δὲ τῷ διηγεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα ... ἀναμφιβόλως ἡγοῦμαι κράτιστον αὐτὸν εἶναι πάντων ῥητόρων, ὅρον τε καὶ κάνονα τῆς ἰδέας ταύτης αὐτὸν ἀποφαίνομαι: and below,αἱ διηγήσεις ... τὴν πίστιν ἅμα λεληθότως συνεπιφέρουσιν. But that this is not the whole office of the orator Quintilian himself declares iv. 5, 6 non enim solum oratoris est docere, sed plus eloquentia circa movendum valet. Cp. iii. 5, 2: Brut. §105: de Orat. ii. §128. In regard to this, Lysias is comparatively weak: ‘he cannot heighten the force of a plea, represent a wrong, or invoke compassion, with sufficient spirit and intensity,’ Jebb: in the words of Dion. (19, p. 496 R),περὶ τὰ πάθη μαλακώτερός ἐστι: he understandsοὔτε αὐξήσεις οὔτε δεινώσεις οὔτε οἴκτους. Cp. 13 ad fin.nihil ... inane: cp. Orator §29 dum intellegamus hoc esse Atticum in Lysia, non quod tenuis sit atque inornatus sed quod nihil habeat insolens aut ineptum.nihil arcessitum: Cp. Dion. de Lysia 13 ad fin. p. 483 Rἀσφαλής τε μᾶλλόν ἐστιν ἢ παρακεκινδυνευμένη, καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἰσχὺν ἱκανὴ δηλῶσαι τέχνης ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἀλήθειαν εἰκάσαι φύσεως. Cp. 8, p. 468ἀποίητός τις καὶ ἀτεχνίτευτος ὁ τῆς ἁρμονίας αὐτοῦ χαρακτήρ. SoἈρχ. κρ.πρὸς τὸ χρήσιμον καὶ ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν αὐτάρκης—Krüger3suggests nihil eniminestinane. For the order see Introd.p. liii.magno flumini: cp. Cicero, Orator §30 nam qui Lysiam sequuntur causidicum quemdam sequuntur, non illum quidem amplum atque grandem, subtilem et elegantem tamen et qui in forensibus causis possit praeclare consistere. Cp. Dion. 13, p. 482, where he says that, besides pathos, Lysias wants also grandeur and spirit:ὑψηλὴ δὲ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπὴς οὐκ ἔστιν ἡ Λυσίου λέξις, οὐδὲ καταπληκτικὴ μὰ Δία καὶ θαυμαστή ... οὐδὲ θυμοῦ καὶ πνεύματος ἐστι μεστή.Cicero says he shows elevation at times, though grandeur was seldom possible in the treatment of the subjects he chose. Cp. the whole passage, de Opt. Gen. Oratorum §9 Imitemur si potuerimus, Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum. Est enim multis locis grandior; sed quia et privatas ille plerasque et eas ipsas aliis et parvarum rerum causulas scripsit videtur esse ieiunior, cum se ipse consulto ad minutarum genera causarum limaverit. He therefore prefers Demosthenes as a model on account of his power: ib. §10 ita fit ut Demosthenes certe possit summisse dicere, elate Lysias fortasse non possit.Lysias was the favourite model of those who at Rome, in Cicero’s time, sought to bring about the revival of Atticism. The unaffected simplicity of his diction, his purity, lucidity, and naturalness amply entitled him to this distinction. Dionysius’ criticism is most appreciative: he praises the style of Lysias ‘not only for its purity of diction, its moderation in metaphor, its perspicuity, its conciseness, its terseness, its vividness, its truth to character, its perfect appropriateness, and its winning persuasiveness; but also for a nameless and indefinable charm, which he compares to the bloom of a beautiful face, to the harmony of musical tones, or to perfect rhythm in the marking of time’—v. de Lysia xi, xii.: Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xvi.I:79Isocratesin diverso genere dicendi nitidus et comptus et palaestrae quam pugnaemagis accommodatus omnes dicendi veneres sectatus est, nec immerito: auditoriis enim se, non iudiciis compararat: in inventione facilis, honesti studiosus, in compositione adeo diligensut cura eius reprehendatur.§ 79.Isocrates, the most celebrated of all the ancient teachers of rhetoric, and called the father of eloquence (ille pater eloquentiae, de Orat. ii. §10) from the number of orators produced by his school. His home is described as being a school of eloquence and manufactory of rhetoric for the whole of Greece, from which, as from the Trojan horse, there came forth heroes only: Brut. §32 Isocrates, cuius domus cunctae Graeciae quasi ludus quidam patuit atque officina dicendi: de Orat. ii. §94 cuius e ludo tamquam ex equo Troiano meri principes exierunt: Orat. §40 domus eius officina habita eloquentiae est. He is said to have died of voluntary starvation shortly after the battle of Chaeronea (338B.C.) at the advanced age of 97. The story of his death is examined by Jebb, ii. 31.in diverso genere dicendi. The pupil of Gorgias, according to Aristotle (v. Quint, iii. 1, 13), Isocrates worked out his master’s theory of elaborately ornate and rhythmical style of composition. His is not thesubtile genusof which Lysias is the best representative:suavitas(‘smoothness’) rather thansubtilitas(‘plainness’) is his chief characteristic (de Orat. iii. §28). He carefully cultivated the period, to which he gave a large and luxuriant expansion: Or. §40 primus instituit dilatare verbis et mollioribus numeris explere sententias: Dion. de Isocr. 13, p. 561 Rὁ τῶν περιόδων ῥυθμός, ἐκ παντὸς διώκων τὸ γλαφυρόν.In comparing him with Lysias (de Isocr. ii.-iii.), Dion. notes that his style is less terse and compact, and characterised by a kind of opulent diffuseness (κεχυμένη πλουσίως), as well as by a more free use of metaphor and other tropes.nitidus: its opposite issordidus(viii. 3, 49): cp. Brut. §238 non valde nitens sed plane horrida oratio. So nitidum et laetum (genus verborum) de Orat. i. §81: where Wilkins says the word is used ‘especially of things which are bright, because of the pains bestowed on them,’ and cps. Hor. Ep. i. 4, 15 ‘nitidum bene curata cute vises.’ There is the same opposition between niddus andhorridusOrat. §36: squalidus, ibid. §115: cp. de Orat. iii §51 ita de horridis rebus nitida ... est oratio tua: de Legg. i. 2, 6 (of Caelius Antipater) habuitque vires agrestes ille quidem atque horridas, sine nitore etpalaestra: Brut. §238 (of C. Macer) non valde nitens, non plane horrida oratio.comptus—κομψεύεται, Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.: cp. viii. 3, 42 non quia comi expolirique non debeat (oratio). Withnitidus et comptuscp. Cicero’s statement that he had lavished on a Greek version of the story of his consulship, ‘all thefragrant essencesof Isocrates and all the little perfume-boxes of his pupils’: totum Isocratiμυροθήκιονatque omnes eius discipulorum arculas, ad Att. ii. 1, §1.palaestrae quam pugnae: Cp. Orat. §42 of epideictic oratory (dulce ... orationis genus) pompae quam pugnae aptius gymnasiis et palaestrae dicatum, spretum et pulsum foro: de Orat. i. §81 nitidum quoddam genus est verborum et laetum et palaestrae magis et olei quam huius civilis turbae ac fori. So of Demetrius non tam armis institutus quam palaestrae, Brut. §37. For the meaning cp. ibid. §32 forensi luce caruit intraque parietes aluit eam gloriam. Isocrates had not the vigorous compression of style necessary for real contests,πανηγυρικώτερος ἐστι μᾶλλον ἢ δικανικώτερος ... καὶ πομπικός ἐστι ... οὐ μὴν ἀγωνιστικόςDion.Ἀρχ. κρ., p. 432 R: Pseudo-Plut. Vit. X Or. p. 845 (Φιλιππος) ἐκάλει τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ (Δημοσθένους) λόγους ὁμοίους τοῖς στρατιώταις διὰ τὴν πομπικὴν δύναμιν, τοὺς δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους τοῖς ἀθληταῖς. For the figure involved in pugnae (ἀγών) cp.§§29,31:3, 3:5, 17. Cicero says the pupils of Isocrates were great alike on parade and in actual combat: eorum partim in pompa partim in acie illustres esse voluerunt, de Orat. §94. See Jebb, ii. 70-71.veneres: in this sense only in poetry and post-Augustan prose, and generally in the singular. Cp. Hor. Ars Poet. 320 Fabula nullius veneris sine pondere et arte. Cp.§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: vi. 3, 18 venustum esse quod cum gratia quadam et venere dicatur apparet: iv. 2, 116 narrationem ... omni qua potest gratia et venere exornandam puto: Seneca, de Benef. ii. 28, 2 habuit suam venerem: Plin. 35, 10, 36 §79 (of paintings) deesse iis unam illam suam venerem dicebat quam Graeci charita vocant.sectatus est: cp. Dion. de Isocr. 2, p. 538 Rὁ γὰρ ἀνὴρ οὗτος τὴν εὐέπειαν ἐκ παντὸς διώκει, καὶ τοῦ γλαφυρῶς λέγειν στοχάζεται μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ ἀφελῶς.There is a certain elaborate affectation about Isocrates: what in Lysias is the gift of nature he attempts to gain by the aid of art,—πέφυκε γὰρ ἡ Λυσίου λέξις ἔχειν τὸ χαρίεν, ἡ δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους βούλεταιibid. p. 541. For the whole passage cp. Orat. §38 In Panathenaico autem (§§1, 2) Isocrates ea se studiose consectatum fatetur; non enim ad iudiciorum certamen sed ad voluptatem aurium scripserat.nec immerito: see on§27.auditoriis ... non iudiciis: cp.§36: Dion, de Isocr. 2, p. 539 Rἀναγνώσεώς τε μᾶλλον οἰκειότερός ἐστιν ἢ ῥήσεως‧ τοιγάρτοι τὰς μὲν ἐπιδείξεις τὰς ἐν ταῖς πανηγύρεσι καὶ τὴν ἐκ χειρὸς θεωρίαν φέρουσιν αὐτοῦ οἱ λόγοι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ἐκκλησίαις καὶ δικαστηρίοις ἀγῶνας οὐχ ὑπομένουσιAristotle, Rhet. i. a 9 (p. 1368 a)διὰ τὴν ἀσυνήθείαν τοῦ δικολογεῖν. Isocrates himself tells us that it was his weakness of utterance and timidity of disposition that precluded him from public appearances: Panath. §10οὕτω γὰρ ἐνδεὴς ἀμφοτέρων ἐγενόμην, φωνῆς ἱκανῆς καὶ τόλμης, ὡς οὐκ οἶδ᾽ εἰ τις ἀλλος τῶν πολιτῶν. Cp. Cic. de Rep. iii. 30, 42 duas sibi res quominus in volgus et in foro diceret confidentiam et vocem defuisse: Plin. Ep. vi. 29, 6 infirmitate vocis, mollitie frontis, ne in publico diceret impediebatur. Moreover he laid claim to being a teacher of morality; and looking on rhetoric as the highest and most important branch of education, he spoke with contempt of those who wrote for the law-courts, and with whom victory was the only object: Jebb, ii. p. 7 and p. 43: Isocr. Panegyr. §11 with Sandys’ note.inventione: here Dionysius says he is in no way inferior to Lysias:ἡ μὲν εὕρεσις τῶν ἐνθυμημάτων ἡ πρὸς ἕκαστον ἁρμόττουσα πρᾶγμα πολλὴ καὶ πυκνὴ καὶ οὐδὲν ἐκείνης(sc. Lysiae)λειπομένηIud. de Isocr. 4, p. 452 R.honesti studiosus. This may refer to the diction of Isocrates: cp. Dion. Iud. 2, p. 538 R, where hisλέξιςis said to beἠθική τε καὶ πιθανή: and again de Dem. p. 963. Cp. ix. 4, 146-7, on which Becher mainly relies for his proposal (supported by Hirt. Berl. Jahr. xiv. 1888, p. 59) to take ‘honesti studiosus in compositione’ together: compositio debet essehonesta, iucunda, varia ... cura ita magna ut sentiendi atque eloquendi prior sit: so viii. 3, 16. But two considerations seem to prove the correctness of the traditional interpretation and punctuation: (1) the ascription ofhonestum(in an ethical sense) to Isocrates is peculiarly appropriate, and the word is constantly used in this sense by Quintilian (see Bonn. Lex. s.v. ii γ): and (2)diligenscould hardly stand alone, divorced fromin compositione: and moreover a similar expression (in compositione adeo diligens, &c.) is used by Dionysius,ἐν τῇ συνθέσει τῶν ὀνομάτων ... Ἰσοκράτην περιεργότερον(de Isocr. Iud. 11, p. 557 R): cp. p. 538. There is a similar criticism at§118in cura verborum nimius et compositione nonnumquam longior.As to (1) cp. Jebb, ii. pp. 44-5. The high moral tone of Isocrates is seen both in his choice of noble themes and in the care with which he ever keeps the higher aspects of his subject in view. Dion. Iud. 4, p. 543 Rμάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ προαίρεσις ἡ τῶν λόγων περὶ οὓς ἐσπούδαζε καὶ τῶν ὑποθέσεων τὸ κάλλος ἐν αἷς ἐποιεῖτο τὰς διατριβάς‧ ἐξ ὧν οὐ λέγειν δεινοὺς μόνον ἀπεργάσαιτ᾽ ἂν τοὺς προσέχοντας αὐτῷ τὸν νοῦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἤθη σπουδαίους ... κράτιστα γὰρ δὴ παιδεύματα πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἰσοκράτους ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν λόγοις.(2) Though Becher points to the chiasmus obtained by punctuating ‘in inventione facilis, honesti studiosus in compositione’ (cp.§97: Bonn. Lex. pr. lxviii) the rhythm of the sentence tells the other way; and to his objection that the ethical point of view does not belong to the history of literature (especially when inserted between two such words asinventioandcompositio) we can only answer that Quintilian is not an artist in style, and that the ethical tone of Isocrates is too characteristic to have been overlooked.There is no need for Maehly’s conjecture ‘disponendi studiosus’: nor for Eussner’s proposal to invert the clauses and read ... ‘compararat, honesti studiosus: in inventione facilis, in comp. a. d.’ &c.: on the ground thathonesti studiosusrefers to theγένος ἐπιδεικτικόνof Isocrates, which is regulated byhonestum, as theδημηγορικόνis byutile, and theδικανικόνbyiustum.compositione:§§44,66; ix. 4, 116: quem in poemate locum habet versificatio eam in oratione compositio: ad Her. iv. 12, 18 compositio est verborum constructio quae facit omnes partes orationis aequabiliter perpolitas:Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R, (Us. p. 28)καὶ αὐτοῦ μάλιστα ζηλωτέον τὴν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐκλογὴν καὶ συνέχειαν. ‘Isocrates was the earliest great artist in the rhythm proper to prose,’ Jebb, ii. pp. 60-1. Cicero, Brutus §32 primus intellexit etiam in soluta oratione, dum versum effugeres, modum tamen et numerum quendam oportere servari: Orat. §174.cura ... reprehendatur. This refers especially to his studied avoidance of hiatus: cp. ix. 4, 35 nimiosque non immerito in hac cura putant omnes Isocratem secutos, praecipueque Theopompum. So Orat. §151 in quo quidam Theopompum etiam reprehendunt ... etsi idem magister eius Isocrates—(with Sandys’ note). Dionysius (de Isocr. 2) contrasts in general terms hisσύνθεσις(compositio) with that of Lysias, noting especially the point here alluded to: p. 558 Rπεριεργοτέραν, and de Dem. 4, pp. 963-4 R. Plutarch, de gloria Athen. p. 350 Eπῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔμελλεν ἅνθρωπος(Isocr.)ψόφον ὅπλων φοβεῖσθαι καὶ σύρρηγμα φάλαγγος ὁ φοβούμενος φωνῆεν φωνήεντι συγκροῦσαι καὶ συλλαβῇ τὸ ἰσόκωλον ἐνδεὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν; Jebb, ii, pp. 66-7. With such excessive solicitude we can understand how Isocrates should have taken ten years to write the Panegyricus (4 §4).The judgments of Cicero and Dionysius will be found conveniently summarised in Sandys’ Introd. to Orator, pp. xx-xxii.I:80Neque ego in his de quibus sum locutus has solas virtutes, sed has praecipuas puto, nec ceteros parum fuisse magnos. Quin etiamPhalereaillumDemetrium,quamquam is primum inclinasse eloquentiam dicitur, multum ingenii habuisse et facundiae fateor, vel ob hoc memoria dignum, quod ultimus est fere ex Atticis qui dici possit orator; quem tamen in illo medio genere dicendi praefert omnibus Cicero.
§ 74.Theopompus, of Chios, born about 378B.C.What Quint. says of him is not found in Dion. though the latter gives him high praise in the Epist. ad Cn. Pomp. p. 782 R sq. Cp.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 428 sq. He wrote two histories, neither of which has come down to us:—(1)Ἡλληνικά, containing in twelve books the sequel to the Peloponnesian War, down to the battle of Knidos (B.C.394); and (2)Φιλιππικά, a history of affairs under Philip, in fifty-eight books. Dionysius says that he was the most distinguished of all the pupils of Isocrates, whom he resembled in style (l.c. p. 786). His master said that he needed the bit, as Ephorus (see below) the spur: ii. 8, 11, cp. Brut. §204. Quint. says elsewhere (ix. 4, 35) that, like the followers of Isocrates in general, he was unduly solicitous about avoiding the coalition of vowels: Orat. §151. In the Brutus (§66) Cicero, comparing him with Philistus and Thucydides, says officit Theopompus elatione atque altitudine orationis suae. His fragments are collected in Müller’s Fragm. Histor. Graec. i. pp. 278-333.praedictis= antea, supra dictis. This is the usual meaning of the word in Quint.: cp. tria quae praediximus iii. 6, 89: vicina praedictae sed amplior virtus viii. 3, 83: ii. 4, 24: ix. 3, 66: Vell. Pat. i. 4, 1: Suet. Aug. 90: Plin. N. H. lxxii. 16, 35. The Ciceronian use appears only in ‘praedicta pernicies’ iii. 7, 19 (cp. iv. 2, 98): vii. 1, 30.opus:§§31,67,69,70,96,123:2 §21. Cp. Introd.p. xliv.sollicitatusby his master Isocrates. Cicero tells us this: postea vero ex clarissima quasi rhetorum officina duo praestantes ingenio, Theopompus et Ephorus, ab Isocrate magistro impulsi se ad historiam contulerunt (de Orat. ii. §57).Philistus, of Syracuse, born aboutB.C.430. He was a contemporary of both the Dionysii, by the elder of whom he was exiled and by the younger recalled. He wrote a history of Sicily in two parts,—περὶ Σικελίας μὲν τὴν προτέραν ἐπιγραφων, περὶ Διονυσίου δὲ τὴν ὑστέραν, Dion. ad Pomp. p 780 R (Us. p. 61). Cicero says he liked the latter: me magis de Dionysio delectat, ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4.—Müller, Fragm. Hist. Gr. i. 185-192.meretur qui: see on§72.quamvis bonorum. For this brachyology cp.§94, and note: Livy ii. 54 §7 nec auctor quamvis audaci facinori deerat: ibid. 51 §7. Cp. quamlibet properato3 §19. Introd.p. liv.eximatur: withexordein classical Latin, as in the phrase ex reis eximi, aliquem de reis eximere (Cic.) For the dat. cp. i. 4, 3 ut auctores alios omnino exemerint numero (opp. to in ordinem redigere): Hor. Car. ii. 2, 19 Phraaten numero beatorum eximit virtus. The same meaning appears in xii. 2, 28 quid ... eximat nos opinionibus vulgi. In Tac. the dat. is common in the sense of to ‘free from’: infamiae, morti, ignominiae.What follows might be a condensation of Dion.’s criticism of Philistus:Φίλιστος δὲ μιμητής ἐστι Θουκυδίδου, ἔξω τοῦ ἤθους‧ ᾧ μὲν γὰρ ἐλεύθερον καὶ φρονήματος μεστόν‧ τούτῳ δὲ θεραπευτικὸν τῶν τυράννων καὶ δοῦλον πλεονεξίας,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 426 R, Us. p. 24: cp. ad Pomp. v. (p. 779 R)Φίλιστος δὲ Θουκυδίδη μᾶλλον <ἂν> δοξεῖεν ἐοικέναι, καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον κοσμεῖσθαι τὸν χαρακτῆρα: Cic. de Orat. ii. 57 hunc (Thucydidem) consecutus est Syracosius Philistus qui, cum Dionysii tyranni familiarissimus esset, otium suum consumpsit in historia scribenda, maximeque Thucydidem est, sicut mihi videtur, imitatus.infirmior: Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4 Siculus ille (Philistus) capitalis, creber, acutus, brevis, paene pusillus Thucydides: Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 427 R, Us. p. 25)μικρὸς δὲ ἐστι καὶ ταπεινὸς κομιδῇ ταῖς ἐκφράσεσιν ... οὐδὲ ὁ λόγος τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ πράγματος ἐξισοῦται: ad Pomp. (p. 781 R)μικρός τε περὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν ἐστὶ καὶ ἐντελής κ.τ.λ.aliquatenuswith comparative, instead of the ablativealiquanto, just as he useslongeandmultumformulto. So xi. 3, 97 aliquatenus liberius.lucidior:τῆς δὲ λέξεως τὸ μὲν γλωσσηματικὸν καὶ περίεργον οὐκ ἐζήλωκε Θουκυδίδου(Ἀρχ. κρ.l.c.). Yet Dionysius blames him, even more than Thucyd., forἀταξία τῆς οἰκονομίας, and adds that, like Thucyd.,δυσπαρακολούθητον τὴν πραγματείαν τῇ συνχύσει τῶν εἰρημένων πεποίηκε.Ephorus, of Cumae in Aeolis, was a contemporary of Philip and Alexander: fl. cir.B.C.340. He wrote a Universal History down to his own times. Like Theopompus, he was a pupil of Isocrates (de Orat. ii. §57: iii. §36: Orator §191); and Dionysius mentions him, along with Theopompus, as the best example, among historians, ofἡ γλαφυρὰ καὶ ἀνθηρὰ σύνθεσις, just as Isocrates was among rhetoricians (de Comp. Verb. 23, p. 173 R). Plutarch (Dion. 36) blames him for his sophistical tendencies: Polybius (v. 33, 2) praises his wide knowledge.calcaribus. Brutus §204 ut Isocratem in acerrimo ingenio Theopompi et lenissimo Ephori dixisse traditum est, alteri se calcaria adhibere, alteri frenos: de Orat. iii. 9, 36 quod dicebat Isocrates, doctor singularis, se calcaribus in Ephoro contra autem in Theopompo frenis uti solere: Hortensius: quid ... aut Philisto brevius aut Theopompo acrius aut Ephoro mitius inveniri potest? Cp. also ad Att. vi. 1, 12: Quint, ii. 8, 11. So Suidas,ὁ γοῦν Ἰσοκράτης τὸν μὲν Θεόπομπον ἔφη χαλινοῦ δεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Ἔφορον κέντρου(s.v. Ephorus). A similar story is told of Plato, teacher of Aristotle and Xenocrates; and of Aristotle, who in turn taught Theophrastus and Callisthenes.Clitarchus, of Megara, a contemporary of Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied on his expeditions, and whose history he wrote, in twelve books, down to the battle of Ipsos. He also wrote a history of the Persians before and after Xerxes. Cicero alludes (Brutus §42 sq.) to his romantic turn: concessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis, ut aliquid dicere possint argutius (‘more racily’); ut enim tu nunc de Coriolano, sic Clitarchus, sic Stratocles de Themistocle finxit: de Legg. i. 2.
§ 74.Theopompus, of Chios, born about 378B.C.What Quint. says of him is not found in Dion. though the latter gives him high praise in the Epist. ad Cn. Pomp. p. 782 R sq. Cp.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 428 sq. He wrote two histories, neither of which has come down to us:—(1)Ἡλληνικά, containing in twelve books the sequel to the Peloponnesian War, down to the battle of Knidos (B.C.394); and (2)Φιλιππικά, a history of affairs under Philip, in fifty-eight books. Dionysius says that he was the most distinguished of all the pupils of Isocrates, whom he resembled in style (l.c. p. 786). His master said that he needed the bit, as Ephorus (see below) the spur: ii. 8, 11, cp. Brut. §204. Quint. says elsewhere (ix. 4, 35) that, like the followers of Isocrates in general, he was unduly solicitous about avoiding the coalition of vowels: Orat. §151. In the Brutus (§66) Cicero, comparing him with Philistus and Thucydides, says officit Theopompus elatione atque altitudine orationis suae. His fragments are collected in Müller’s Fragm. Histor. Graec. i. pp. 278-333.
praedictis= antea, supra dictis. This is the usual meaning of the word in Quint.: cp. tria quae praediximus iii. 6, 89: vicina praedictae sed amplior virtus viii. 3, 83: ii. 4, 24: ix. 3, 66: Vell. Pat. i. 4, 1: Suet. Aug. 90: Plin. N. H. lxxii. 16, 35. The Ciceronian use appears only in ‘praedicta pernicies’ iii. 7, 19 (cp. iv. 2, 98): vii. 1, 30.
opus:§§31,67,69,70,96,123:2 §21. Cp. Introd.p. xliv.
sollicitatusby his master Isocrates. Cicero tells us this: postea vero ex clarissima quasi rhetorum officina duo praestantes ingenio, Theopompus et Ephorus, ab Isocrate magistro impulsi se ad historiam contulerunt (de Orat. ii. §57).
Philistus, of Syracuse, born aboutB.C.430. He was a contemporary of both the Dionysii, by the elder of whom he was exiled and by the younger recalled. He wrote a history of Sicily in two parts,—περὶ Σικελίας μὲν τὴν προτέραν ἐπιγραφων, περὶ Διονυσίου δὲ τὴν ὑστέραν, Dion. ad Pomp. p 780 R (Us. p. 61). Cicero says he liked the latter: me magis de Dionysio delectat, ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4.—Müller, Fragm. Hist. Gr. i. 185-192.
meretur qui: see on§72.
quamvis bonorum. For this brachyology cp.§94, and note: Livy ii. 54 §7 nec auctor quamvis audaci facinori deerat: ibid. 51 §7. Cp. quamlibet properato3 §19. Introd.p. liv.
eximatur: withexordein classical Latin, as in the phrase ex reis eximi, aliquem de reis eximere (Cic.) For the dat. cp. i. 4, 3 ut auctores alios omnino exemerint numero (opp. to in ordinem redigere): Hor. Car. ii. 2, 19 Phraaten numero beatorum eximit virtus. The same meaning appears in xii. 2, 28 quid ... eximat nos opinionibus vulgi. In Tac. the dat. is common in the sense of to ‘free from’: infamiae, morti, ignominiae.What follows might be a condensation of Dion.’s criticism of Philistus:Φίλιστος δὲ μιμητής ἐστι Θουκυδίδου, ἔξω τοῦ ἤθους‧ ᾧ μὲν γὰρ ἐλεύθερον καὶ φρονήματος μεστόν‧ τούτῳ δὲ θεραπευτικὸν τῶν τυράννων καὶ δοῦλον πλεονεξίας,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 426 R, Us. p. 24: cp. ad Pomp. v. (p. 779 R)Φίλιστος δὲ Θουκυδίδη μᾶλλον <ἂν> δοξεῖεν ἐοικέναι, καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον κοσμεῖσθαι τὸν χαρακτῆρα: Cic. de Orat. ii. 57 hunc (Thucydidem) consecutus est Syracosius Philistus qui, cum Dionysii tyranni familiarissimus esset, otium suum consumpsit in historia scribenda, maximeque Thucydidem est, sicut mihi videtur, imitatus.
infirmior: Cic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 13, 4 Siculus ille (Philistus) capitalis, creber, acutus, brevis, paene pusillus Thucydides: Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 427 R, Us. p. 25)μικρὸς δὲ ἐστι καὶ ταπεινὸς κομιδῇ ταῖς ἐκφράσεσιν ... οὐδὲ ὁ λόγος τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ πράγματος ἐξισοῦται: ad Pomp. (p. 781 R)μικρός τε περὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν ἐστὶ καὶ ἐντελής κ.τ.λ.
aliquatenuswith comparative, instead of the ablativealiquanto, just as he useslongeandmultumformulto. So xi. 3, 97 aliquatenus liberius.
lucidior:τῆς δὲ λέξεως τὸ μὲν γλωσσηματικὸν καὶ περίεργον οὐκ ἐζήλωκε Θουκυδίδου(Ἀρχ. κρ.l.c.). Yet Dionysius blames him, even more than Thucyd., forἀταξία τῆς οἰκονομίας, and adds that, like Thucyd.,δυσπαρακολούθητον τὴν πραγματείαν τῇ συνχύσει τῶν εἰρημένων πεποίηκε.
Ephorus, of Cumae in Aeolis, was a contemporary of Philip and Alexander: fl. cir.B.C.340. He wrote a Universal History down to his own times. Like Theopompus, he was a pupil of Isocrates (de Orat. ii. §57: iii. §36: Orator §191); and Dionysius mentions him, along with Theopompus, as the best example, among historians, ofἡ γλαφυρὰ καὶ ἀνθηρὰ σύνθεσις, just as Isocrates was among rhetoricians (de Comp. Verb. 23, p. 173 R). Plutarch (Dion. 36) blames him for his sophistical tendencies: Polybius (v. 33, 2) praises his wide knowledge.
calcaribus. Brutus §204 ut Isocratem in acerrimo ingenio Theopompi et lenissimo Ephori dixisse traditum est, alteri se calcaria adhibere, alteri frenos: de Orat. iii. 9, 36 quod dicebat Isocrates, doctor singularis, se calcaribus in Ephoro contra autem in Theopompo frenis uti solere: Hortensius: quid ... aut Philisto brevius aut Theopompo acrius aut Ephoro mitius inveniri potest? Cp. also ad Att. vi. 1, 12: Quint, ii. 8, 11. So Suidas,ὁ γοῦν Ἰσοκράτης τὸν μὲν Θεόπομπον ἔφη χαλινοῦ δεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Ἔφορον κέντρου(s.v. Ephorus). A similar story is told of Plato, teacher of Aristotle and Xenocrates; and of Aristotle, who in turn taught Theophrastus and Callisthenes.
Clitarchus, of Megara, a contemporary of Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied on his expeditions, and whose history he wrote, in twelve books, down to the battle of Ipsos. He also wrote a history of the Persians before and after Xerxes. Cicero alludes (Brutus §42 sq.) to his romantic turn: concessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis, ut aliquid dicere possint argutius (‘more racily’); ut enim tu nunc de Coriolano, sic Clitarchus, sic Stratocles de Themistocle finxit: de Legg. i. 2.
I:75Longo post intervallo temporis natusTimagenesvel hoc est ipso probabilis, quod intermissam historias scribendi industriam novalaude reparavit.Xenophonnon excidit mihi, sed inter philosophos reddendus est.
§ 75.Timagenesbelongs to the Augustan Age. He is said to have been a native of Syria, who came to Rome after the capture of Alexandria (B.C.55). At Rome he founded a school of rhetoric, and wrote a history of Alexander the Great and his successors. He was a friend of Asinius Pollio, and enjoyed the patronage of Augustus till he incurred his censure for having spoken too boldly of the members of the Imperial family: Hor. Ep. i. 19, 15. Quintilian might have filled the gap (intervallo temporis) between Clitarchus and Timagenes with such names as Timaeus (de Orat. ii. §58), Polybius, and Dionysius himself.historias scribendi: cp.§34and2 §7. The plural is used of historical works, in the concrete: the sing. generally of history as a mode of composition:§§31,73,74,101,102;5 §15,—seldom as 1. 8, 20 cum historiae cuidam tanquam vanae repugnaret. Cp. Hor. Sat. i. 3, 89 amaras porrecto iugulo historias captivus ut audit: Car. ii. 12, 9 pedestribus dices historiis praelia Caesaris. Cicero has the sing. most frequently: Brutus §287 si historiam scribere ... cogitatis: but the pl. occurs ib. §42 (quoted above).Xenophon§§33and 82. By Dionysius he is treated as a historian, and compared to Philistus. The philosophic character of his work is however indicated in several places: e.g.Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 426 R, Us. p. 24)ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦ πρέποντος τοῖς προσώποις πολλάκις ἐστοχάσατο, περιτιθεὶς ἀνδράσιν ἰδιώταις καὶ βαρβάροις ἐσθ᾽ ὅτε λόγους φιλοσόφους: ad Cn. Pomp. 4 (p. 777)τὰς ὑποθέσεις τῶν ἱστοριῶν ἐξελέξατο καλὰς καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεῖς καὶ ἀνδρὶ φιλοσόφῳ προσηκούσας‧ τήν τε Κύρου παιδείαν, εἰκόνα βασιλέως ἀγαθοῦ καὶ εὐδαίμονος κ.τ.λ.. Besides Cicero (de Orat. ii. §58 denique etiam a philosophia profectus—Xenophon—scripsit historiam), Diogenes Laertius and Dio Chrysostom speak of Xenophon as a philosopher, all probably following an ancient authority. See Usener, p. 117, and cp. Introd.p. xxxiii.inter. Becher notes this use of the prep. ( = ‘among a number of’) as occurring first in Livy. Cp.§116ponendus inter praecipuos.
§ 75.Timagenesbelongs to the Augustan Age. He is said to have been a native of Syria, who came to Rome after the capture of Alexandria (B.C.55). At Rome he founded a school of rhetoric, and wrote a history of Alexander the Great and his successors. He was a friend of Asinius Pollio, and enjoyed the patronage of Augustus till he incurred his censure for having spoken too boldly of the members of the Imperial family: Hor. Ep. i. 19, 15. Quintilian might have filled the gap (intervallo temporis) between Clitarchus and Timagenes with such names as Timaeus (de Orat. ii. §58), Polybius, and Dionysius himself.
historias scribendi: cp.§34and2 §7. The plural is used of historical works, in the concrete: the sing. generally of history as a mode of composition:§§31,73,74,101,102;5 §15,—seldom as 1. 8, 20 cum historiae cuidam tanquam vanae repugnaret. Cp. Hor. Sat. i. 3, 89 amaras porrecto iugulo historias captivus ut audit: Car. ii. 12, 9 pedestribus dices historiis praelia Caesaris. Cicero has the sing. most frequently: Brutus §287 si historiam scribere ... cogitatis: but the pl. occurs ib. §42 (quoted above).
Xenophon§§33and 82. By Dionysius he is treated as a historian, and compared to Philistus. The philosophic character of his work is however indicated in several places: e.g.Ἀρχ. κρ.(p. 426 R, Us. p. 24)ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦ πρέποντος τοῖς προσώποις πολλάκις ἐστοχάσατο, περιτιθεὶς ἀνδράσιν ἰδιώταις καὶ βαρβάροις ἐσθ᾽ ὅτε λόγους φιλοσόφους: ad Cn. Pomp. 4 (p. 777)τὰς ὑποθέσεις τῶν ἱστοριῶν ἐξελέξατο καλὰς καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεῖς καὶ ἀνδρὶ φιλοσόφῳ προσηκούσας‧ τήν τε Κύρου παιδείαν, εἰκόνα βασιλέως ἀγαθοῦ καὶ εὐδαίμονος κ.τ.λ.. Besides Cicero (de Orat. ii. §58 denique etiam a philosophia profectus—Xenophon—scripsit historiam), Diogenes Laertius and Dio Chrysostom speak of Xenophon as a philosopher, all probably following an ancient authority. See Usener, p. 117, and cp. Introd.p. xxxiii.
inter. Becher notes this use of the prep. ( = ‘among a number of’) as occurring first in Livy. Cp.§116ponendus inter praecipuos.
§§76-80.Attic Orators:—
§§76-80.Attic Orators:—
I:76Sequitur oratorum ingens manus, ut cum decem simul Athenisaetas una tulerit. Quorum longe princepsDemosthenesac paene lex orandi fuit: tanta vis in eo, tam densa omnia, ita quibusdam nervis intenta sunt, tam nihil otiosum, is dicendi modus, ut nec quod desit in eo nec quod redundet invenias.
ut cum. Soutpote cumCic. ad Att. v. 8, 1 and Asinius Pollio ad Fam. x. 32, 4:quippe cumad Att. x. 3. Bonn. Lex. s.v.ut(B ad fin.) gives other exx. from Quintilian: e.g. v. 10, 44: vi. 1, 51: 3, 9: ix. i, 15.decem. This is not a round number (Hild), but indicates a recognised group of orators, generally considered to have been canonised by the critics of Alexandria, in the course of the last two centuries before the Christian era. Brzoska, however, in a recent paper (De canone decem oratorum Atticorum quaestiones—Vratislaviae, 1883) develops with great probability the view of A. Reifferscheid, that the canon originated, towards the end of the second cent.B.C., with the school of Pergamus, where special attention was paid to rhetoric and grammar, which the Alexandrian critics neglected in favour of poetry. The group consisted of Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Of these Quintilian omits here Antiphon, Andocides, Isaeus, Lycurgus, and Dinarchus, though all except the last-named are mentioned in xii. 10, §§21-22. Demetrius of Phalerum is thrown in at the end, probably after Cicero (see on§80). The earliest reference to the Ten Orators as a recognised group occurs in the title of a lost work by Caecilius of Calacte,—περὶ χαρακτῆρος τῶν δέκα ῥητόρων. But though Caecilius was a contemporary of Dionysius at Rome in the age of Augustus, and is known to have been intimate with him (p. 777 R, Us. p. 59), there is no reference in Dionysius’s writings to the canon thus adopted. Mr. Jebb thinks he may have deliberately disregarded it as not helpful for the purpose with which he wrote, viz. to establish a standard of Greek prose by a study of the orators as representing tendencies in the historical development of the art of oratory (Att. Or. Introd. p. 67: but see Brzoska, pp. 20-22). Besides thisdecemin Quintilian (cp. onceteros§80), the number ten is again recognised in the treatise on the Lives of the Ten Orators, wrongly attributed to Plutarch, by Proclus (circ. 450A.D.), and by Suidas (circ. 1100). In selecting the five whom he treats here, Quintilian would seem to have followed Dionysius. In the De Oratoribus Antiquis, 4 (p. 451 R), he gives a chronological classification (κατὰ τὰς ἡλικίας), taking Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaens to represent the first series (ἐκ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων: cp. his aetate Lysias maior§74); and Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines for the next. Elsewhere (de Din. Iud. i. p. 629 R) he arrives at the same result on another principle, Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus being classed asεὑρεταὶ ἰδίου χαρακτῆρος, while the other three (Aeschines now taking the second place, as emphatically at p. 1063 R) appear asτῶν εὑρημένων ἑτέροις τελειωταί. Of Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines he says:ἡ γὰρ δὴ τελειοτάτη ῥητορικὴ καὶ τὸ κράτος τῶν ἐναγωνίων λόγων ἐν τούτοις τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔοικεν εἶναι, de Isaeo Iud. p. 629 R. TheἈρχαίων κρίσιςbriefly characterises, in the order in which they are named, Lysias, Isocrates, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, and Hyperides; Quintilian omits Lycurgus, the paragraph about whom in theἈρχ. κρ.is suspected by Claussen (p. 352). (Brzoska notes that Quintilian’s list is identical with that given by Cicero de Orat. iii. 28: and from a comparison of de Opt. Gen. Or. §7—qui aut Attici numerantur aut dicuntAttice—he infers that the canon was probably known also to Cicero.) We have separate treatises by Dionysius on Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus (theεὑρεταί), but those in which he discussed Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines (theτελειωταί), are no longer extant. Instead we have the first part of a longer work on Demosthenes (περὶ τῆς λεκτικῆς Δημοσθένους δεινότητοςpp. 953-1129 R), and a bibliographical account of Dinarchus. Antiphon he only alludes to briefly (de Isaeo, 20), in company with Thrasymachus, Polycrates, and Critias: cp. Quint, iii. 1, 11.Athenis. Dionysius groups the orators of whom he treats under the titleἈττικοί(p. 758 R,ἐν τῇ περὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν πραγματείᾳ ῥητόρων). Ammon (pp. 81-82) points out that Demetrius Magnes used the same appellation (Dion. de Din. i. p. 631 R), and further suggests that the Attic canon is already indicated in Cicero de Opt. Gen. Or. §13 ex quo intellegitur quoniam Graecorum oratorum praestantissimi sint ii qui fuerunt Athenis, eorum autem princeps facile Demosthenes, hunc si qui imitetur eum et attice dicturum et optime, ut quoniam attici propositi sunt ad imitandum bene dicere id sit attice dicere.aetas una, used here in a wide sense (as is shown byaetate ... maior, below). The period referred to extends from the latter part of the 5th to the latter part of the 4th centuryB.C.So Cicero, Brut. §36 haec enim aetas effudit hanc copiam: where he gives a place among the others to Demades.longe princeps: Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 55, p. 950 R,Δημοσθένει ὃν ἁπάντων ῥητόρων κράτιστον γεγενῆσθαι πειθόμεθα: cp. de vi Demosth. 33, p. 1058 R sq.vis,δεινότης. Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 53, p. 944 Rτὴν ἐξεγείρουσαν τὰ πάθη δεινότητα(of Demosthenes): cp. p. 865τὸ ἐρρωμένον καὶ ἐναγώνιον πνεῦμα ἐξ ὧν ἡ καλουμένη γίγνεται δεινότης: Cic. de Orat. iii. 28 vim Demosthenes habuit. For the place ofvisin oratory cp. Orat. §69, and de Orat. ii. 128-9.densa:§§68,73,106. Sopressus: Introd.p. xliii. The Greek equivalent isτὸ πυκνόν, ἡ πυκνότης. Dionysius attributes his brevity and conciseness, as well as his energy and power of rousing the emotions, to the influence of Thucydides.quibusdam, inserted on account of the metaphor, as often in Cicero, e.g. de Orat. i. §9 procreatricem quandam et quasi parentem: Brut. §46 eloquentia est bene constitutae civitatis quasi alumna quaedam: and constantly in translating Greek words and phrases (cp. Reid on Acad. i. 5, 20 and 24). Fornervis intentacp.εὔτονος τῇ φράσει, Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R: also ix. 4, 9, and note on1 §60.tam nihil otiosum, i.e. everything is so much to the point. Cp. i. 1, 35 otiosas sententias, of copy-book headings that have no point: viii. 3, 89ἐνέργεια... cuius propria sit virtus non esse quae dicuntur otiosa: ibid. 4, 16: ii. 5, 7: Sen. Epist. 100, 11 exibunt multa nec ferient et interdum otiosa praeterlabetur oratio. In Tac. Dial. §§18 and 22 the meaning is ‘spiritless,’ ‘wearisome’ (cp. lentitudo and tepor §21). In Quintilian there is also the idea of ‘superfluous,’ ‘unprofitable’: i, 12, 18 otiosis sermonibus, useless gossip: ii. 10, 8: viii. 3, 55 quotiens otiosum fuerit et supererit: ix. 4, 58 adicere dum non otiosa et detrahere dum non necessaria. Cp. Introd.p. xlv.is dicendi modus: Cic. Orat. §23 hoc nec gravior exstitit quisquam nec callidior nec temperatior.quod desit: a reminiscence of Cic. Brut. §35 nam plane quidem perfectum et cui nihil admodum desit Demosthenem facile dixeris. Quintilian qualifies his eulogy in comparing him with Cicero§107below: cp. xii. 12, 26, and Cic. Orat. §§90 and 104. SeeCrit. Notes.
ut cum. Soutpote cumCic. ad Att. v. 8, 1 and Asinius Pollio ad Fam. x. 32, 4:quippe cumad Att. x. 3. Bonn. Lex. s.v.ut(B ad fin.) gives other exx. from Quintilian: e.g. v. 10, 44: vi. 1, 51: 3, 9: ix. i, 15.
decem. This is not a round number (Hild), but indicates a recognised group of orators, generally considered to have been canonised by the critics of Alexandria, in the course of the last two centuries before the Christian era. Brzoska, however, in a recent paper (De canone decem oratorum Atticorum quaestiones—Vratislaviae, 1883) develops with great probability the view of A. Reifferscheid, that the canon originated, towards the end of the second cent.B.C., with the school of Pergamus, where special attention was paid to rhetoric and grammar, which the Alexandrian critics neglected in favour of poetry. The group consisted of Antiphon, Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Of these Quintilian omits here Antiphon, Andocides, Isaeus, Lycurgus, and Dinarchus, though all except the last-named are mentioned in xii. 10, §§21-22. Demetrius of Phalerum is thrown in at the end, probably after Cicero (see on§80). The earliest reference to the Ten Orators as a recognised group occurs in the title of a lost work by Caecilius of Calacte,—περὶ χαρακτῆρος τῶν δέκα ῥητόρων. But though Caecilius was a contemporary of Dionysius at Rome in the age of Augustus, and is known to have been intimate with him (p. 777 R, Us. p. 59), there is no reference in Dionysius’s writings to the canon thus adopted. Mr. Jebb thinks he may have deliberately disregarded it as not helpful for the purpose with which he wrote, viz. to establish a standard of Greek prose by a study of the orators as representing tendencies in the historical development of the art of oratory (Att. Or. Introd. p. 67: but see Brzoska, pp. 20-22). Besides thisdecemin Quintilian (cp. onceteros§80), the number ten is again recognised in the treatise on the Lives of the Ten Orators, wrongly attributed to Plutarch, by Proclus (circ. 450A.D.), and by Suidas (circ. 1100). In selecting the five whom he treats here, Quintilian would seem to have followed Dionysius. In the De Oratoribus Antiquis, 4 (p. 451 R), he gives a chronological classification (κατὰ τὰς ἡλικίας), taking Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaens to represent the first series (ἐκ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων: cp. his aetate Lysias maior§74); and Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines for the next. Elsewhere (de Din. Iud. i. p. 629 R) he arrives at the same result on another principle, Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus being classed asεὑρεταὶ ἰδίου χαρακτῆρος, while the other three (Aeschines now taking the second place, as emphatically at p. 1063 R) appear asτῶν εὑρημένων ἑτέροις τελειωταί. Of Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines he says:ἡ γὰρ δὴ τελειοτάτη ῥητορικὴ καὶ τὸ κράτος τῶν ἐναγωνίων λόγων ἐν τούτοις τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔοικεν εἶναι, de Isaeo Iud. p. 629 R. TheἈρχαίων κρίσιςbriefly characterises, in the order in which they are named, Lysias, Isocrates, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Aeschines, and Hyperides; Quintilian omits Lycurgus, the paragraph about whom in theἈρχ. κρ.is suspected by Claussen (p. 352). (Brzoska notes that Quintilian’s list is identical with that given by Cicero de Orat. iii. 28: and from a comparison of de Opt. Gen. Or. §7—qui aut Attici numerantur aut dicuntAttice—he infers that the canon was probably known also to Cicero.) We have separate treatises by Dionysius on Lysias, Isocrates, and Isaeus (theεὑρεταί), but those in which he discussed Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Aeschines (theτελειωταί), are no longer extant. Instead we have the first part of a longer work on Demosthenes (περὶ τῆς λεκτικῆς Δημοσθένους δεινότητοςpp. 953-1129 R), and a bibliographical account of Dinarchus. Antiphon he only alludes to briefly (de Isaeo, 20), in company with Thrasymachus, Polycrates, and Critias: cp. Quint, iii. 1, 11.
Athenis. Dionysius groups the orators of whom he treats under the titleἈττικοί(p. 758 R,ἐν τῇ περὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν πραγματείᾳ ῥητόρων). Ammon (pp. 81-82) points out that Demetrius Magnes used the same appellation (Dion. de Din. i. p. 631 R), and further suggests that the Attic canon is already indicated in Cicero de Opt. Gen. Or. §13 ex quo intellegitur quoniam Graecorum oratorum praestantissimi sint ii qui fuerunt Athenis, eorum autem princeps facile Demosthenes, hunc si qui imitetur eum et attice dicturum et optime, ut quoniam attici propositi sunt ad imitandum bene dicere id sit attice dicere.
aetas una, used here in a wide sense (as is shown byaetate ... maior, below). The period referred to extends from the latter part of the 5th to the latter part of the 4th centuryB.C.So Cicero, Brut. §36 haec enim aetas effudit hanc copiam: where he gives a place among the others to Demades.
longe princeps: Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 55, p. 950 R,Δημοσθένει ὃν ἁπάντων ῥητόρων κράτιστον γεγενῆσθαι πειθόμεθα: cp. de vi Demosth. 33, p. 1058 R sq.
vis,δεινότης. Dion. de Thucyd. Iud. 53, p. 944 Rτὴν ἐξεγείρουσαν τὰ πάθη δεινότητα(of Demosthenes): cp. p. 865τὸ ἐρρωμένον καὶ ἐναγώνιον πνεῦμα ἐξ ὧν ἡ καλουμένη γίγνεται δεινότης: Cic. de Orat. iii. 28 vim Demosthenes habuit. For the place ofvisin oratory cp. Orat. §69, and de Orat. ii. 128-9.
densa:§§68,73,106. Sopressus: Introd.p. xliii. The Greek equivalent isτὸ πυκνόν, ἡ πυκνότης. Dionysius attributes his brevity and conciseness, as well as his energy and power of rousing the emotions, to the influence of Thucydides.
quibusdam, inserted on account of the metaphor, as often in Cicero, e.g. de Orat. i. §9 procreatricem quandam et quasi parentem: Brut. §46 eloquentia est bene constitutae civitatis quasi alumna quaedam: and constantly in translating Greek words and phrases (cp. Reid on Acad. i. 5, 20 and 24). Fornervis intentacp.εὔτονος τῇ φράσει, Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R: also ix. 4, 9, and note on1 §60.
tam nihil otiosum, i.e. everything is so much to the point. Cp. i. 1, 35 otiosas sententias, of copy-book headings that have no point: viii. 3, 89ἐνέργεια... cuius propria sit virtus non esse quae dicuntur otiosa: ibid. 4, 16: ii. 5, 7: Sen. Epist. 100, 11 exibunt multa nec ferient et interdum otiosa praeterlabetur oratio. In Tac. Dial. §§18 and 22 the meaning is ‘spiritless,’ ‘wearisome’ (cp. lentitudo and tepor §21). In Quintilian there is also the idea of ‘superfluous,’ ‘unprofitable’: i, 12, 18 otiosis sermonibus, useless gossip: ii. 10, 8: viii. 3, 55 quotiens otiosum fuerit et supererit: ix. 4, 58 adicere dum non otiosa et detrahere dum non necessaria. Cp. Introd.p. xlv.
is dicendi modus: Cic. Orat. §23 hoc nec gravior exstitit quisquam nec callidior nec temperatior.
quod desit: a reminiscence of Cic. Brut. §35 nam plane quidem perfectum et cui nihil admodum desit Demosthenem facile dixeris. Quintilian qualifies his eulogy in comparing him with Cicero§107below: cp. xii. 12, 26, and Cic. Orat. §§90 and 104. SeeCrit. Notes.
I:77PleniorAeschineset magis fusus et grandiori similis, quominus strictus est; carnis tamen plus habet, minus lacertorum. Dulcis in primis et acutusHyperides, sed minoribus causis—ut non dixerim utilior— magis par.
§ 77.Plenior ... magis fusus: opposed to tam densa omnia, above. Aeschines had not the terseness and intensity of Demosthenes, but was not without a certain fluent vehemence of his own. Cicero mentionslevitasandsplendor verborumas characteristics of Aeschines,Orat. §110; and Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 434 R, hasἀτονώτερος μὲν τοῦ Δημοσθένους, ἐν δὲ τῇ λέξεων ἐκλογῇ πομπικός ἅμα καὶ δεινός ... καὶ σφόδρα ἐνεργὴς καὶ βαρὺς καὶ αὐξητικὸς καὶ πικρὸς καὶ ... σφοδρός: Cic. de Orat. iii. §128 sonitum Aeschines habuit. For a comparison between the two great rivals v. Jebb’s Alt. Or. ii. 393 sq. See also Cicero’s de Optim. Gen. Orat., which was written as a preface to his translation of Aeschines’s speech against Ctesiphon and Demosthenes on the Crown.grandioriis certainly not neuter (sc. generi dicendi) as Krüger (2nd edition), who compares the pluralmaioribus§63(where however we haveaptior, notsimilior), and ii. 11, 2, which is quite different: moreover Quintilian never usesgrandiusby itself to designate the more sublime style, and with such an expression as ‘grandiori generi dicendi’ he would have employedmagis accedit(§68) orpropior est(§78) rather thansimilis. If the text is allowed to standgrandiorimust be masc. (just likestrictus) and be used in a good sense: e.g. Cic. de Opt. Gen. Or. §9 imitemur Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum: est enim multis in locis grandior: Brut. §203 fuit Sulpicius ... grandis et ut ita dicam tragicus orator: Orat. §119 quo grandior sit et quodam modo excelsior.Similisgets the force of a comparative frommagispreceding, andminusfollowing it (cp.§93tersus atque elegans maxime: xii. 6, 6 a quam maxime facili ac favorabili causa) so that we may render ‘he has an appearance of greater elevation in proportion as his style is less compressed.’ SeeCrit. Notes.minus strictus= remissior, cp.ἀτονώτεροςabove. Instead of beingnervis intenta(εὔτονος) his style was characterised asπροπετής(‘headlong’) by the critics.carnis ... lacertorum. The style of Aeschines is deficient in compact force: it is often overcharged and redundant (cp.πομπικόςandαὐξητικόςabove). So also Dem. Or. 19 (of Aeschines) §133σεμνολόγος: §255σεμνολογεῖ. Forlacerticp. Brut. §64 in Lysia saepe sunt etiam lacerti sic ut fieri nihil possit valentius.Hyperides, one of the leading orators of the patriotic party, was put to death by order of Antipater,B.C.322, just seven days before the death of Demosthenes, with whom he had generally acted, though differences arose between them in later life.Dulcis:§73. So Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 435 Rχάριτος μεστός: cp. de Din. Iud. 8, p. 645 R, where he says that the imitators of Hyperides, by failing to reproduce his exquisite charm, as well as his force, became dry and rough in style:διαμαρτόντες τῆς χάριτος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης δυνάμεως αὐχμηροί τινες ἐγένοντο.acutus. Cic. de Orat. iii. §28 acumen Hyperides ... habuit: Orat. §110 nihil argutiis et acumine Hyperidi (cedit Demosthenes).Acumen(§§106,114) is the quality required for thetenue genuswhich aims at instructing (Cic. de Orat. ii. §129: Quint, xii. 10, 59): it appeals mainly to the intellect. Here thereforeacutusmeans ‘pointed,’ ‘direct’: cp. xii. 10, 39, Orat. §§20, 84, 98, where it is used of style.Subtilisandacutussometimes go together as characteristics of the plain style: so in5 §2subtilitasis ascribed to Hyperides. On the other handacutusis used (§84below) expressly of power of thought as opposed to power of expression: cp. too§83inventionem acumine opposed to eloquendi suavitate, and§81acumine disserendi ... eloquendi facultate. So it may be that Quintilian usesacutushere to represent Dionysius:εὔστοχος μὲν ... καὶ συνέσει πολλῇ κεχορήγηται(p. 434 R).minoribus causis. Cp. with this the criticisms of Longinus, Hermogenes, and others in Blass’s preface to the Teubner text. The author ofπερὶ ὕψουςsays:—“He knows when it is proper to speak with simplicity, and does not, like Demosthenes, continue the same key throughout,” §34, and below: “Nevertheless all the beauties of Hyperides, however numerous, cannot make him sublime. He never exhibits strong feeling, has little energy, rouses no emotion” (Havell). His style is “that of a newer school than Demosthenes—of the school of Menander and the New Comedy, to whom long periods and elaborate structure seemed tedious, and who affected short and terse statement, clear and epigrammatic points, smart raillery, and an easy and careless tone even in serious debate. Hence the critics, such as Quintilian, think him more suited to slight subjects.” Mahaffy, ii. p. 377. Dionysius saysεὔστοχος μὲν σπάνιον δ᾽ αὐξητικός: he hits his mark neatly, butseldom lends grandeur to his theme by amplification. His Funeral Oration is an exception: here he has ‘thoroughly caught from Isocrates the tone of elevated panegyric’ (Jebb). His reputation as a wit and an easy-going member of society may have helped to produce on casual students the impression Quintilian wishes to convey: ‘unquestionably one great secret of his success as a speaker,’ says Mr. Jebb, ‘was his art of making a lively Athenian audience feel that here was no austere student of Thucydides, but one who was in bright sympathy with the everyday life of the time.’ For his wit cp. Cic. Orat. §90 and Sandys’ note. Dionysius’s judgment is given at length in Jebb’s Attic Orators, ii. p. 383 sq.ut non dixerim= ne dicam. Cp.2 §15, and note. Tacitus makes a similar use of the potential perfect in secondary clauses.—ForutiliorMaehly needlessly conjecturesfutilibus.
§ 77.Plenior ... magis fusus: opposed to tam densa omnia, above. Aeschines had not the terseness and intensity of Demosthenes, but was not without a certain fluent vehemence of his own. Cicero mentionslevitasandsplendor verborumas characteristics of Aeschines,Orat. §110; and Dionysius,Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 434 R, hasἀτονώτερος μὲν τοῦ Δημοσθένους, ἐν δὲ τῇ λέξεων ἐκλογῇ πομπικός ἅμα καὶ δεινός ... καὶ σφόδρα ἐνεργὴς καὶ βαρὺς καὶ αὐξητικὸς καὶ πικρὸς καὶ ... σφοδρός: Cic. de Orat. iii. §128 sonitum Aeschines habuit. For a comparison between the two great rivals v. Jebb’s Alt. Or. ii. 393 sq. See also Cicero’s de Optim. Gen. Orat., which was written as a preface to his translation of Aeschines’s speech against Ctesiphon and Demosthenes on the Crown.
grandioriis certainly not neuter (sc. generi dicendi) as Krüger (2nd edition), who compares the pluralmaioribus§63(where however we haveaptior, notsimilior), and ii. 11, 2, which is quite different: moreover Quintilian never usesgrandiusby itself to designate the more sublime style, and with such an expression as ‘grandiori generi dicendi’ he would have employedmagis accedit(§68) orpropior est(§78) rather thansimilis. If the text is allowed to standgrandiorimust be masc. (just likestrictus) and be used in a good sense: e.g. Cic. de Opt. Gen. Or. §9 imitemur Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum: est enim multis in locis grandior: Brut. §203 fuit Sulpicius ... grandis et ut ita dicam tragicus orator: Orat. §119 quo grandior sit et quodam modo excelsior.Similisgets the force of a comparative frommagispreceding, andminusfollowing it (cp.§93tersus atque elegans maxime: xii. 6, 6 a quam maxime facili ac favorabili causa) so that we may render ‘he has an appearance of greater elevation in proportion as his style is less compressed.’ SeeCrit. Notes.
minus strictus= remissior, cp.ἀτονώτεροςabove. Instead of beingnervis intenta(εὔτονος) his style was characterised asπροπετής(‘headlong’) by the critics.
carnis ... lacertorum. The style of Aeschines is deficient in compact force: it is often overcharged and redundant (cp.πομπικόςandαὐξητικόςabove). So also Dem. Or. 19 (of Aeschines) §133σεμνολόγος: §255σεμνολογεῖ. Forlacerticp. Brut. §64 in Lysia saepe sunt etiam lacerti sic ut fieri nihil possit valentius.
Hyperides, one of the leading orators of the patriotic party, was put to death by order of Antipater,B.C.322, just seven days before the death of Demosthenes, with whom he had generally acted, though differences arose between them in later life.
Dulcis:§73. So Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 435 Rχάριτος μεστός: cp. de Din. Iud. 8, p. 645 R, where he says that the imitators of Hyperides, by failing to reproduce his exquisite charm, as well as his force, became dry and rough in style:διαμαρτόντες τῆς χάριτος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης δυνάμεως αὐχμηροί τινες ἐγένοντο.
acutus. Cic. de Orat. iii. §28 acumen Hyperides ... habuit: Orat. §110 nihil argutiis et acumine Hyperidi (cedit Demosthenes).Acumen(§§106,114) is the quality required for thetenue genuswhich aims at instructing (Cic. de Orat. ii. §129: Quint, xii. 10, 59): it appeals mainly to the intellect. Here thereforeacutusmeans ‘pointed,’ ‘direct’: cp. xii. 10, 39, Orat. §§20, 84, 98, where it is used of style.Subtilisandacutussometimes go together as characteristics of the plain style: so in5 §2subtilitasis ascribed to Hyperides. On the other handacutusis used (§84below) expressly of power of thought as opposed to power of expression: cp. too§83inventionem acumine opposed to eloquendi suavitate, and§81acumine disserendi ... eloquendi facultate. So it may be that Quintilian usesacutushere to represent Dionysius:εὔστοχος μὲν ... καὶ συνέσει πολλῇ κεχορήγηται(p. 434 R).
minoribus causis. Cp. with this the criticisms of Longinus, Hermogenes, and others in Blass’s preface to the Teubner text. The author ofπερὶ ὕψουςsays:—“He knows when it is proper to speak with simplicity, and does not, like Demosthenes, continue the same key throughout,” §34, and below: “Nevertheless all the beauties of Hyperides, however numerous, cannot make him sublime. He never exhibits strong feeling, has little energy, rouses no emotion” (Havell). His style is “that of a newer school than Demosthenes—of the school of Menander and the New Comedy, to whom long periods and elaborate structure seemed tedious, and who affected short and terse statement, clear and epigrammatic points, smart raillery, and an easy and careless tone even in serious debate. Hence the critics, such as Quintilian, think him more suited to slight subjects.” Mahaffy, ii. p. 377. Dionysius saysεὔστοχος μὲν σπάνιον δ᾽ αὐξητικός: he hits his mark neatly, butseldom lends grandeur to his theme by amplification. His Funeral Oration is an exception: here he has ‘thoroughly caught from Isocrates the tone of elevated panegyric’ (Jebb). His reputation as a wit and an easy-going member of society may have helped to produce on casual students the impression Quintilian wishes to convey: ‘unquestionably one great secret of his success as a speaker,’ says Mr. Jebb, ‘was his art of making a lively Athenian audience feel that here was no austere student of Thucydides, but one who was in bright sympathy with the everyday life of the time.’ For his wit cp. Cic. Orat. §90 and Sandys’ note. Dionysius’s judgment is given at length in Jebb’s Attic Orators, ii. p. 383 sq.
ut non dixerim= ne dicam. Cp.2 §15, and note. Tacitus makes a similar use of the potential perfect in secondary clauses.—ForutiliorMaehly needlessly conjecturesfutilibus.
I:78His aetateLysiasmaior, subtilis atque elegans et quo nihil, si oratori satis sit docere, quaeras perfectius; nihil enim est inane, nihil arcessitum, purotamen fonti quam magno flumini propior.
§ 78.aetate maior. The date of his birth has been variously fixed atB.C.459 andB.C.436: see Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xiii, and note; Wilkins, de Orat. i. (2nd ed.), p. 33. Jebb gives the approximate date of his extant work as 403-380B.C.subtilis atque elegans. Cic. Orat. §30 subtilem et elegantem: Brut. §35 egregie subtilis scriptor et elegans, quem iam prope audeas oratorem perfectum dicere: ibid. §64: de Orat. iii. §28 subtilitatem ... Lysias habuit: Orat. §110 nihil Lysiae subtilitate (cedit Demosthenes). It is the ‘plain elegance’ of Lysias, his artistic and graceful plainness, that Quintilian is commending: cp. ix. 4, 17 nam neque illud in Lysia dicendi textum tenue atque rasum laetioribus numeris corrumpendum erat: perdidisset enim gratiam, quae in eo maxima est, simplicis atque inaffectati coloris, perdidisset fidem quoque.—Subtilitasandelegantiago together2 §19.subtilis. Originally ‘suited for weaving’ (*sub–telisfromtela—Wharton). From this the word came to be used metaphorically:—(1) ‘graceful,’ ‘refined,’ ‘delicate’: subtilitas pronuntiandi, de Orat. iii. §42, ‘graceful refinement of utterance’: (2) ‘precise,’ ‘accurate,’ common in Cicero to representἀκριβης: cp. praeceptor acer atque subtilis, Quintilian i. 4, 25: (3) ‘plain,’ ‘unadorned’: especially subtile genus dicendi (xii. 10, 58) =τὸ ἰσχνὸν γένος, the ‘plain’ style of rhetorical composition, which, with a careful concealment of art, imitated the language of ordinary life, unlike the ‘grand’ style, which was more artificial, seeking by the use of ornament to rise above the common idiom. The sense in which the word is used here is mainly (3): it represents what Dionysius saysἈρχ. κρ.p. 432 R, (Us. p. 28)ἰσχνότητι γὰρ τῆς φράσεως σαφῆ καὶ ἀπηκριβωμένην ἔχουσι τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἔκθεσιν. But there is a reference also to (1), helped out by the addition ofelegans, ‘choice,’ ‘tasteful.’ The style of Lysias was plain, but not without Attic refinement.docere. So Dion., in eulogising him forτὴν δεινότητα τῆς εὑρέσεως, says (de Lysia 15, p. 486 R),τὰ πάνυ δοκοῦντα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄπορα εἶναι καὶ ἀδύνατα εὔπορα καὶ δυνατὰ φαίνεσθαι ποιεῖ. He could make the most of his case: persuasiveness (πιθανότης) is mentioned (ibid. 13) as one of his leading characteristics. ‘His statements of facts,’ says Mr. Jebb (ii. 182), ‘are distinguished by conciseness, clearness, and charm, and by a power of producing conviction without apparent effort to convince’: cp. Dion. de Lysia 18, p. 492 Rἐν δὲ τῷ διηγεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα ... ἀναμφιβόλως ἡγοῦμαι κράτιστον αὐτὸν εἶναι πάντων ῥητόρων, ὅρον τε καὶ κάνονα τῆς ἰδέας ταύτης αὐτὸν ἀποφαίνομαι: and below,αἱ διηγήσεις ... τὴν πίστιν ἅμα λεληθότως συνεπιφέρουσιν. But that this is not the whole office of the orator Quintilian himself declares iv. 5, 6 non enim solum oratoris est docere, sed plus eloquentia circa movendum valet. Cp. iii. 5, 2: Brut. §105: de Orat. ii. §128. In regard to this, Lysias is comparatively weak: ‘he cannot heighten the force of a plea, represent a wrong, or invoke compassion, with sufficient spirit and intensity,’ Jebb: in the words of Dion. (19, p. 496 R),περὶ τὰ πάθη μαλακώτερός ἐστι: he understandsοὔτε αὐξήσεις οὔτε δεινώσεις οὔτε οἴκτους. Cp. 13 ad fin.nihil ... inane: cp. Orator §29 dum intellegamus hoc esse Atticum in Lysia, non quod tenuis sit atque inornatus sed quod nihil habeat insolens aut ineptum.nihil arcessitum: Cp. Dion. de Lysia 13 ad fin. p. 483 Rἀσφαλής τε μᾶλλόν ἐστιν ἢ παρακεκινδυνευμένη, καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἰσχὺν ἱκανὴ δηλῶσαι τέχνης ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἀλήθειαν εἰκάσαι φύσεως. Cp. 8, p. 468ἀποίητός τις καὶ ἀτεχνίτευτος ὁ τῆς ἁρμονίας αὐτοῦ χαρακτήρ. SoἈρχ. κρ.πρὸς τὸ χρήσιμον καὶ ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν αὐτάρκης—Krüger3suggests nihil eniminestinane. For the order see Introd.p. liii.magno flumini: cp. Cicero, Orator §30 nam qui Lysiam sequuntur causidicum quemdam sequuntur, non illum quidem amplum atque grandem, subtilem et elegantem tamen et qui in forensibus causis possit praeclare consistere. Cp. Dion. 13, p. 482, where he says that, besides pathos, Lysias wants also grandeur and spirit:ὑψηλὴ δὲ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπὴς οὐκ ἔστιν ἡ Λυσίου λέξις, οὐδὲ καταπληκτικὴ μὰ Δία καὶ θαυμαστή ... οὐδὲ θυμοῦ καὶ πνεύματος ἐστι μεστή.Cicero says he shows elevation at times, though grandeur was seldom possible in the treatment of the subjects he chose. Cp. the whole passage, de Opt. Gen. Oratorum §9 Imitemur si potuerimus, Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum. Est enim multis locis grandior; sed quia et privatas ille plerasque et eas ipsas aliis et parvarum rerum causulas scripsit videtur esse ieiunior, cum se ipse consulto ad minutarum genera causarum limaverit. He therefore prefers Demosthenes as a model on account of his power: ib. §10 ita fit ut Demosthenes certe possit summisse dicere, elate Lysias fortasse non possit.Lysias was the favourite model of those who at Rome, in Cicero’s time, sought to bring about the revival of Atticism. The unaffected simplicity of his diction, his purity, lucidity, and naturalness amply entitled him to this distinction. Dionysius’ criticism is most appreciative: he praises the style of Lysias ‘not only for its purity of diction, its moderation in metaphor, its perspicuity, its conciseness, its terseness, its vividness, its truth to character, its perfect appropriateness, and its winning persuasiveness; but also for a nameless and indefinable charm, which he compares to the bloom of a beautiful face, to the harmony of musical tones, or to perfect rhythm in the marking of time’—v. de Lysia xi, xii.: Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xvi.
§ 78.aetate maior. The date of his birth has been variously fixed atB.C.459 andB.C.436: see Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xiii, and note; Wilkins, de Orat. i. (2nd ed.), p. 33. Jebb gives the approximate date of his extant work as 403-380B.C.
subtilis atque elegans. Cic. Orat. §30 subtilem et elegantem: Brut. §35 egregie subtilis scriptor et elegans, quem iam prope audeas oratorem perfectum dicere: ibid. §64: de Orat. iii. §28 subtilitatem ... Lysias habuit: Orat. §110 nihil Lysiae subtilitate (cedit Demosthenes). It is the ‘plain elegance’ of Lysias, his artistic and graceful plainness, that Quintilian is commending: cp. ix. 4, 17 nam neque illud in Lysia dicendi textum tenue atque rasum laetioribus numeris corrumpendum erat: perdidisset enim gratiam, quae in eo maxima est, simplicis atque inaffectati coloris, perdidisset fidem quoque.—Subtilitasandelegantiago together2 §19.
subtilis. Originally ‘suited for weaving’ (*sub–telisfromtela—Wharton). From this the word came to be used metaphorically:—(1) ‘graceful,’ ‘refined,’ ‘delicate’: subtilitas pronuntiandi, de Orat. iii. §42, ‘graceful refinement of utterance’: (2) ‘precise,’ ‘accurate,’ common in Cicero to representἀκριβης: cp. praeceptor acer atque subtilis, Quintilian i. 4, 25: (3) ‘plain,’ ‘unadorned’: especially subtile genus dicendi (xii. 10, 58) =τὸ ἰσχνὸν γένος, the ‘plain’ style of rhetorical composition, which, with a careful concealment of art, imitated the language of ordinary life, unlike the ‘grand’ style, which was more artificial, seeking by the use of ornament to rise above the common idiom. The sense in which the word is used here is mainly (3): it represents what Dionysius saysἈρχ. κρ.p. 432 R, (Us. p. 28)ἰσχνότητι γὰρ τῆς φράσεως σαφῆ καὶ ἀπηκριβωμένην ἔχουσι τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἔκθεσιν. But there is a reference also to (1), helped out by the addition ofelegans, ‘choice,’ ‘tasteful.’ The style of Lysias was plain, but not without Attic refinement.
docere. So Dion., in eulogising him forτὴν δεινότητα τῆς εὑρέσεως, says (de Lysia 15, p. 486 R),τὰ πάνυ δοκοῦντα τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄπορα εἶναι καὶ ἀδύνατα εὔπορα καὶ δυνατὰ φαίνεσθαι ποιεῖ. He could make the most of his case: persuasiveness (πιθανότης) is mentioned (ibid. 13) as one of his leading characteristics. ‘His statements of facts,’ says Mr. Jebb (ii. 182), ‘are distinguished by conciseness, clearness, and charm, and by a power of producing conviction without apparent effort to convince’: cp. Dion. de Lysia 18, p. 492 Rἐν δὲ τῷ διηγεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα ... ἀναμφιβόλως ἡγοῦμαι κράτιστον αὐτὸν εἶναι πάντων ῥητόρων, ὅρον τε καὶ κάνονα τῆς ἰδέας ταύτης αὐτὸν ἀποφαίνομαι: and below,αἱ διηγήσεις ... τὴν πίστιν ἅμα λεληθότως συνεπιφέρουσιν. But that this is not the whole office of the orator Quintilian himself declares iv. 5, 6 non enim solum oratoris est docere, sed plus eloquentia circa movendum valet. Cp. iii. 5, 2: Brut. §105: de Orat. ii. §128. In regard to this, Lysias is comparatively weak: ‘he cannot heighten the force of a plea, represent a wrong, or invoke compassion, with sufficient spirit and intensity,’ Jebb: in the words of Dion. (19, p. 496 R),περὶ τὰ πάθη μαλακώτερός ἐστι: he understandsοὔτε αὐξήσεις οὔτε δεινώσεις οὔτε οἴκτους. Cp. 13 ad fin.
nihil ... inane: cp. Orator §29 dum intellegamus hoc esse Atticum in Lysia, non quod tenuis sit atque inornatus sed quod nihil habeat insolens aut ineptum.
nihil arcessitum: Cp. Dion. de Lysia 13 ad fin. p. 483 Rἀσφαλής τε μᾶλλόν ἐστιν ἢ παρακεκινδυνευμένη, καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἰσχὺν ἱκανὴ δηλῶσαι τέχνης ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἀλήθειαν εἰκάσαι φύσεως. Cp. 8, p. 468ἀποίητός τις καὶ ἀτεχνίτευτος ὁ τῆς ἁρμονίας αὐτοῦ χαρακτήρ. SoἈρχ. κρ.πρὸς τὸ χρήσιμον καὶ ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν αὐτάρκης—Krüger3suggests nihil eniminestinane. For the order see Introd.p. liii.
magno flumini: cp. Cicero, Orator §30 nam qui Lysiam sequuntur causidicum quemdam sequuntur, non illum quidem amplum atque grandem, subtilem et elegantem tamen et qui in forensibus causis possit praeclare consistere. Cp. Dion. 13, p. 482, where he says that, besides pathos, Lysias wants also grandeur and spirit:ὑψηλὴ δὲ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπὴς οὐκ ἔστιν ἡ Λυσίου λέξις, οὐδὲ καταπληκτικὴ μὰ Δία καὶ θαυμαστή ... οὐδὲ θυμοῦ καὶ πνεύματος ἐστι μεστή.Cicero says he shows elevation at times, though grandeur was seldom possible in the treatment of the subjects he chose. Cp. the whole passage, de Opt. Gen. Oratorum §9 Imitemur si potuerimus, Lysiam, et eius quidem tenuitatem potissimum. Est enim multis locis grandior; sed quia et privatas ille plerasque et eas ipsas aliis et parvarum rerum causulas scripsit videtur esse ieiunior, cum se ipse consulto ad minutarum genera causarum limaverit. He therefore prefers Demosthenes as a model on account of his power: ib. §10 ita fit ut Demosthenes certe possit summisse dicere, elate Lysias fortasse non possit.
Lysias was the favourite model of those who at Rome, in Cicero’s time, sought to bring about the revival of Atticism. The unaffected simplicity of his diction, his purity, lucidity, and naturalness amply entitled him to this distinction. Dionysius’ criticism is most appreciative: he praises the style of Lysias ‘not only for its purity of diction, its moderation in metaphor, its perspicuity, its conciseness, its terseness, its vividness, its truth to character, its perfect appropriateness, and its winning persuasiveness; but also for a nameless and indefinable charm, which he compares to the bloom of a beautiful face, to the harmony of musical tones, or to perfect rhythm in the marking of time’—v. de Lysia xi, xii.: Sandys, Introd. to Orator, p. xvi.
I:79Isocratesin diverso genere dicendi nitidus et comptus et palaestrae quam pugnaemagis accommodatus omnes dicendi veneres sectatus est, nec immerito: auditoriis enim se, non iudiciis compararat: in inventione facilis, honesti studiosus, in compositione adeo diligensut cura eius reprehendatur.
§ 79.Isocrates, the most celebrated of all the ancient teachers of rhetoric, and called the father of eloquence (ille pater eloquentiae, de Orat. ii. §10) from the number of orators produced by his school. His home is described as being a school of eloquence and manufactory of rhetoric for the whole of Greece, from which, as from the Trojan horse, there came forth heroes only: Brut. §32 Isocrates, cuius domus cunctae Graeciae quasi ludus quidam patuit atque officina dicendi: de Orat. ii. §94 cuius e ludo tamquam ex equo Troiano meri principes exierunt: Orat. §40 domus eius officina habita eloquentiae est. He is said to have died of voluntary starvation shortly after the battle of Chaeronea (338B.C.) at the advanced age of 97. The story of his death is examined by Jebb, ii. 31.in diverso genere dicendi. The pupil of Gorgias, according to Aristotle (v. Quint, iii. 1, 13), Isocrates worked out his master’s theory of elaborately ornate and rhythmical style of composition. His is not thesubtile genusof which Lysias is the best representative:suavitas(‘smoothness’) rather thansubtilitas(‘plainness’) is his chief characteristic (de Orat. iii. §28). He carefully cultivated the period, to which he gave a large and luxuriant expansion: Or. §40 primus instituit dilatare verbis et mollioribus numeris explere sententias: Dion. de Isocr. 13, p. 561 Rὁ τῶν περιόδων ῥυθμός, ἐκ παντὸς διώκων τὸ γλαφυρόν.In comparing him with Lysias (de Isocr. ii.-iii.), Dion. notes that his style is less terse and compact, and characterised by a kind of opulent diffuseness (κεχυμένη πλουσίως), as well as by a more free use of metaphor and other tropes.nitidus: its opposite issordidus(viii. 3, 49): cp. Brut. §238 non valde nitens sed plane horrida oratio. So nitidum et laetum (genus verborum) de Orat. i. §81: where Wilkins says the word is used ‘especially of things which are bright, because of the pains bestowed on them,’ and cps. Hor. Ep. i. 4, 15 ‘nitidum bene curata cute vises.’ There is the same opposition between niddus andhorridusOrat. §36: squalidus, ibid. §115: cp. de Orat. iii §51 ita de horridis rebus nitida ... est oratio tua: de Legg. i. 2, 6 (of Caelius Antipater) habuitque vires agrestes ille quidem atque horridas, sine nitore etpalaestra: Brut. §238 (of C. Macer) non valde nitens, non plane horrida oratio.comptus—κομψεύεται, Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.: cp. viii. 3, 42 non quia comi expolirique non debeat (oratio). Withnitidus et comptuscp. Cicero’s statement that he had lavished on a Greek version of the story of his consulship, ‘all thefragrant essencesof Isocrates and all the little perfume-boxes of his pupils’: totum Isocratiμυροθήκιονatque omnes eius discipulorum arculas, ad Att. ii. 1, §1.palaestrae quam pugnae: Cp. Orat. §42 of epideictic oratory (dulce ... orationis genus) pompae quam pugnae aptius gymnasiis et palaestrae dicatum, spretum et pulsum foro: de Orat. i. §81 nitidum quoddam genus est verborum et laetum et palaestrae magis et olei quam huius civilis turbae ac fori. So of Demetrius non tam armis institutus quam palaestrae, Brut. §37. For the meaning cp. ibid. §32 forensi luce caruit intraque parietes aluit eam gloriam. Isocrates had not the vigorous compression of style necessary for real contests,πανηγυρικώτερος ἐστι μᾶλλον ἢ δικανικώτερος ... καὶ πομπικός ἐστι ... οὐ μὴν ἀγωνιστικόςDion.Ἀρχ. κρ., p. 432 R: Pseudo-Plut. Vit. X Or. p. 845 (Φιλιππος) ἐκάλει τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ (Δημοσθένους) λόγους ὁμοίους τοῖς στρατιώταις διὰ τὴν πομπικὴν δύναμιν, τοὺς δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους τοῖς ἀθληταῖς. For the figure involved in pugnae (ἀγών) cp.§§29,31:3, 3:5, 17. Cicero says the pupils of Isocrates were great alike on parade and in actual combat: eorum partim in pompa partim in acie illustres esse voluerunt, de Orat. §94. See Jebb, ii. 70-71.veneres: in this sense only in poetry and post-Augustan prose, and generally in the singular. Cp. Hor. Ars Poet. 320 Fabula nullius veneris sine pondere et arte. Cp.§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: vi. 3, 18 venustum esse quod cum gratia quadam et venere dicatur apparet: iv. 2, 116 narrationem ... omni qua potest gratia et venere exornandam puto: Seneca, de Benef. ii. 28, 2 habuit suam venerem: Plin. 35, 10, 36 §79 (of paintings) deesse iis unam illam suam venerem dicebat quam Graeci charita vocant.sectatus est: cp. Dion. de Isocr. 2, p. 538 Rὁ γὰρ ἀνὴρ οὗτος τὴν εὐέπειαν ἐκ παντὸς διώκει, καὶ τοῦ γλαφυρῶς λέγειν στοχάζεται μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ ἀφελῶς.There is a certain elaborate affectation about Isocrates: what in Lysias is the gift of nature he attempts to gain by the aid of art,—πέφυκε γὰρ ἡ Λυσίου λέξις ἔχειν τὸ χαρίεν, ἡ δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους βούλεταιibid. p. 541. For the whole passage cp. Orat. §38 In Panathenaico autem (§§1, 2) Isocrates ea se studiose consectatum fatetur; non enim ad iudiciorum certamen sed ad voluptatem aurium scripserat.nec immerito: see on§27.auditoriis ... non iudiciis: cp.§36: Dion, de Isocr. 2, p. 539 Rἀναγνώσεώς τε μᾶλλον οἰκειότερός ἐστιν ἢ ῥήσεως‧ τοιγάρτοι τὰς μὲν ἐπιδείξεις τὰς ἐν ταῖς πανηγύρεσι καὶ τὴν ἐκ χειρὸς θεωρίαν φέρουσιν αὐτοῦ οἱ λόγοι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ἐκκλησίαις καὶ δικαστηρίοις ἀγῶνας οὐχ ὑπομένουσιAristotle, Rhet. i. a 9 (p. 1368 a)διὰ τὴν ἀσυνήθείαν τοῦ δικολογεῖν. Isocrates himself tells us that it was his weakness of utterance and timidity of disposition that precluded him from public appearances: Panath. §10οὕτω γὰρ ἐνδεὴς ἀμφοτέρων ἐγενόμην, φωνῆς ἱκανῆς καὶ τόλμης, ὡς οὐκ οἶδ᾽ εἰ τις ἀλλος τῶν πολιτῶν. Cp. Cic. de Rep. iii. 30, 42 duas sibi res quominus in volgus et in foro diceret confidentiam et vocem defuisse: Plin. Ep. vi. 29, 6 infirmitate vocis, mollitie frontis, ne in publico diceret impediebatur. Moreover he laid claim to being a teacher of morality; and looking on rhetoric as the highest and most important branch of education, he spoke with contempt of those who wrote for the law-courts, and with whom victory was the only object: Jebb, ii. p. 7 and p. 43: Isocr. Panegyr. §11 with Sandys’ note.inventione: here Dionysius says he is in no way inferior to Lysias:ἡ μὲν εὕρεσις τῶν ἐνθυμημάτων ἡ πρὸς ἕκαστον ἁρμόττουσα πρᾶγμα πολλὴ καὶ πυκνὴ καὶ οὐδὲν ἐκείνης(sc. Lysiae)λειπομένηIud. de Isocr. 4, p. 452 R.honesti studiosus. This may refer to the diction of Isocrates: cp. Dion. Iud. 2, p. 538 R, where hisλέξιςis said to beἠθική τε καὶ πιθανή: and again de Dem. p. 963. Cp. ix. 4, 146-7, on which Becher mainly relies for his proposal (supported by Hirt. Berl. Jahr. xiv. 1888, p. 59) to take ‘honesti studiosus in compositione’ together: compositio debet essehonesta, iucunda, varia ... cura ita magna ut sentiendi atque eloquendi prior sit: so viii. 3, 16. But two considerations seem to prove the correctness of the traditional interpretation and punctuation: (1) the ascription ofhonestum(in an ethical sense) to Isocrates is peculiarly appropriate, and the word is constantly used in this sense by Quintilian (see Bonn. Lex. s.v. ii γ): and (2)diligenscould hardly stand alone, divorced fromin compositione: and moreover a similar expression (in compositione adeo diligens, &c.) is used by Dionysius,ἐν τῇ συνθέσει τῶν ὀνομάτων ... Ἰσοκράτην περιεργότερον(de Isocr. Iud. 11, p. 557 R): cp. p. 538. There is a similar criticism at§118in cura verborum nimius et compositione nonnumquam longior.As to (1) cp. Jebb, ii. pp. 44-5. The high moral tone of Isocrates is seen both in his choice of noble themes and in the care with which he ever keeps the higher aspects of his subject in view. Dion. Iud. 4, p. 543 Rμάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ προαίρεσις ἡ τῶν λόγων περὶ οὓς ἐσπούδαζε καὶ τῶν ὑποθέσεων τὸ κάλλος ἐν αἷς ἐποιεῖτο τὰς διατριβάς‧ ἐξ ὧν οὐ λέγειν δεινοὺς μόνον ἀπεργάσαιτ᾽ ἂν τοὺς προσέχοντας αὐτῷ τὸν νοῦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἤθη σπουδαίους ... κράτιστα γὰρ δὴ παιδεύματα πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἰσοκράτους ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν λόγοις.(2) Though Becher points to the chiasmus obtained by punctuating ‘in inventione facilis, honesti studiosus in compositione’ (cp.§97: Bonn. Lex. pr. lxviii) the rhythm of the sentence tells the other way; and to his objection that the ethical point of view does not belong to the history of literature (especially when inserted between two such words asinventioandcompositio) we can only answer that Quintilian is not an artist in style, and that the ethical tone of Isocrates is too characteristic to have been overlooked.There is no need for Maehly’s conjecture ‘disponendi studiosus’: nor for Eussner’s proposal to invert the clauses and read ... ‘compararat, honesti studiosus: in inventione facilis, in comp. a. d.’ &c.: on the ground thathonesti studiosusrefers to theγένος ἐπιδεικτικόνof Isocrates, which is regulated byhonestum, as theδημηγορικόνis byutile, and theδικανικόνbyiustum.compositione:§§44,66; ix. 4, 116: quem in poemate locum habet versificatio eam in oratione compositio: ad Her. iv. 12, 18 compositio est verborum constructio quae facit omnes partes orationis aequabiliter perpolitas:Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R, (Us. p. 28)καὶ αὐτοῦ μάλιστα ζηλωτέον τὴν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐκλογὴν καὶ συνέχειαν. ‘Isocrates was the earliest great artist in the rhythm proper to prose,’ Jebb, ii. pp. 60-1. Cicero, Brutus §32 primus intellexit etiam in soluta oratione, dum versum effugeres, modum tamen et numerum quendam oportere servari: Orat. §174.cura ... reprehendatur. This refers especially to his studied avoidance of hiatus: cp. ix. 4, 35 nimiosque non immerito in hac cura putant omnes Isocratem secutos, praecipueque Theopompum. So Orat. §151 in quo quidam Theopompum etiam reprehendunt ... etsi idem magister eius Isocrates—(with Sandys’ note). Dionysius (de Isocr. 2) contrasts in general terms hisσύνθεσις(compositio) with that of Lysias, noting especially the point here alluded to: p. 558 Rπεριεργοτέραν, and de Dem. 4, pp. 963-4 R. Plutarch, de gloria Athen. p. 350 Eπῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔμελλεν ἅνθρωπος(Isocr.)ψόφον ὅπλων φοβεῖσθαι καὶ σύρρηγμα φάλαγγος ὁ φοβούμενος φωνῆεν φωνήεντι συγκροῦσαι καὶ συλλαβῇ τὸ ἰσόκωλον ἐνδεὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν; Jebb, ii, pp. 66-7. With such excessive solicitude we can understand how Isocrates should have taken ten years to write the Panegyricus (4 §4).The judgments of Cicero and Dionysius will be found conveniently summarised in Sandys’ Introd. to Orator, pp. xx-xxii.
§ 79.Isocrates, the most celebrated of all the ancient teachers of rhetoric, and called the father of eloquence (ille pater eloquentiae, de Orat. ii. §10) from the number of orators produced by his school. His home is described as being a school of eloquence and manufactory of rhetoric for the whole of Greece, from which, as from the Trojan horse, there came forth heroes only: Brut. §32 Isocrates, cuius domus cunctae Graeciae quasi ludus quidam patuit atque officina dicendi: de Orat. ii. §94 cuius e ludo tamquam ex equo Troiano meri principes exierunt: Orat. §40 domus eius officina habita eloquentiae est. He is said to have died of voluntary starvation shortly after the battle of Chaeronea (338B.C.) at the advanced age of 97. The story of his death is examined by Jebb, ii. 31.
in diverso genere dicendi. The pupil of Gorgias, according to Aristotle (v. Quint, iii. 1, 13), Isocrates worked out his master’s theory of elaborately ornate and rhythmical style of composition. His is not thesubtile genusof which Lysias is the best representative:suavitas(‘smoothness’) rather thansubtilitas(‘plainness’) is his chief characteristic (de Orat. iii. §28). He carefully cultivated the period, to which he gave a large and luxuriant expansion: Or. §40 primus instituit dilatare verbis et mollioribus numeris explere sententias: Dion. de Isocr. 13, p. 561 Rὁ τῶν περιόδων ῥυθμός, ἐκ παντὸς διώκων τὸ γλαφυρόν.In comparing him with Lysias (de Isocr. ii.-iii.), Dion. notes that his style is less terse and compact, and characterised by a kind of opulent diffuseness (κεχυμένη πλουσίως), as well as by a more free use of metaphor and other tropes.
nitidus: its opposite issordidus(viii. 3, 49): cp. Brut. §238 non valde nitens sed plane horrida oratio. So nitidum et laetum (genus verborum) de Orat. i. §81: where Wilkins says the word is used ‘especially of things which are bright, because of the pains bestowed on them,’ and cps. Hor. Ep. i. 4, 15 ‘nitidum bene curata cute vises.’ There is the same opposition between niddus andhorridusOrat. §36: squalidus, ibid. §115: cp. de Orat. iii §51 ita de horridis rebus nitida ... est oratio tua: de Legg. i. 2, 6 (of Caelius Antipater) habuitque vires agrestes ille quidem atque horridas, sine nitore etpalaestra: Brut. §238 (of C. Macer) non valde nitens, non plane horrida oratio.
comptus—κομψεύεται, Dion.Ἀρχ. κρ.: cp. viii. 3, 42 non quia comi expolirique non debeat (oratio). Withnitidus et comptuscp. Cicero’s statement that he had lavished on a Greek version of the story of his consulship, ‘all thefragrant essencesof Isocrates and all the little perfume-boxes of his pupils’: totum Isocratiμυροθήκιονatque omnes eius discipulorum arculas, ad Att. ii. 1, §1.
palaestrae quam pugnae: Cp. Orat. §42 of epideictic oratory (dulce ... orationis genus) pompae quam pugnae aptius gymnasiis et palaestrae dicatum, spretum et pulsum foro: de Orat. i. §81 nitidum quoddam genus est verborum et laetum et palaestrae magis et olei quam huius civilis turbae ac fori. So of Demetrius non tam armis institutus quam palaestrae, Brut. §37. For the meaning cp. ibid. §32 forensi luce caruit intraque parietes aluit eam gloriam. Isocrates had not the vigorous compression of style necessary for real contests,πανηγυρικώτερος ἐστι μᾶλλον ἢ δικανικώτερος ... καὶ πομπικός ἐστι ... οὐ μὴν ἀγωνιστικόςDion.Ἀρχ. κρ., p. 432 R: Pseudo-Plut. Vit. X Or. p. 845 (Φιλιππος) ἐκάλει τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ (Δημοσθένους) λόγους ὁμοίους τοῖς στρατιώταις διὰ τὴν πομπικὴν δύναμιν, τοὺς δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους τοῖς ἀθληταῖς. For the figure involved in pugnae (ἀγών) cp.§§29,31:3, 3:5, 17. Cicero says the pupils of Isocrates were great alike on parade and in actual combat: eorum partim in pompa partim in acie illustres esse voluerunt, de Orat. §94. See Jebb, ii. 70-71.
veneres: in this sense only in poetry and post-Augustan prose, and generally in the singular. Cp. Hor. Ars Poet. 320 Fabula nullius veneris sine pondere et arte. Cp.§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: vi. 3, 18 venustum esse quod cum gratia quadam et venere dicatur apparet: iv. 2, 116 narrationem ... omni qua potest gratia et venere exornandam puto: Seneca, de Benef. ii. 28, 2 habuit suam venerem: Plin. 35, 10, 36 §79 (of paintings) deesse iis unam illam suam venerem dicebat quam Graeci charita vocant.
sectatus est: cp. Dion. de Isocr. 2, p. 538 Rὁ γὰρ ἀνὴρ οὗτος τὴν εὐέπειαν ἐκ παντὸς διώκει, καὶ τοῦ γλαφυρῶς λέγειν στοχάζεται μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ ἀφελῶς.There is a certain elaborate affectation about Isocrates: what in Lysias is the gift of nature he attempts to gain by the aid of art,—πέφυκε γὰρ ἡ Λυσίου λέξις ἔχειν τὸ χαρίεν, ἡ δ᾽ Ἰσοκράτους βούλεταιibid. p. 541. For the whole passage cp. Orat. §38 In Panathenaico autem (§§1, 2) Isocrates ea se studiose consectatum fatetur; non enim ad iudiciorum certamen sed ad voluptatem aurium scripserat.
nec immerito: see on§27.
auditoriis ... non iudiciis: cp.§36: Dion, de Isocr. 2, p. 539 Rἀναγνώσεώς τε μᾶλλον οἰκειότερός ἐστιν ἢ ῥήσεως‧ τοιγάρτοι τὰς μὲν ἐπιδείξεις τὰς ἐν ταῖς πανηγύρεσι καὶ τὴν ἐκ χειρὸς θεωρίαν φέρουσιν αὐτοῦ οἱ λόγοι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ἐκκλησίαις καὶ δικαστηρίοις ἀγῶνας οὐχ ὑπομένουσιAristotle, Rhet. i. a 9 (p. 1368 a)διὰ τὴν ἀσυνήθείαν τοῦ δικολογεῖν. Isocrates himself tells us that it was his weakness of utterance and timidity of disposition that precluded him from public appearances: Panath. §10οὕτω γὰρ ἐνδεὴς ἀμφοτέρων ἐγενόμην, φωνῆς ἱκανῆς καὶ τόλμης, ὡς οὐκ οἶδ᾽ εἰ τις ἀλλος τῶν πολιτῶν. Cp. Cic. de Rep. iii. 30, 42 duas sibi res quominus in volgus et in foro diceret confidentiam et vocem defuisse: Plin. Ep. vi. 29, 6 infirmitate vocis, mollitie frontis, ne in publico diceret impediebatur. Moreover he laid claim to being a teacher of morality; and looking on rhetoric as the highest and most important branch of education, he spoke with contempt of those who wrote for the law-courts, and with whom victory was the only object: Jebb, ii. p. 7 and p. 43: Isocr. Panegyr. §11 with Sandys’ note.
inventione: here Dionysius says he is in no way inferior to Lysias:ἡ μὲν εὕρεσις τῶν ἐνθυμημάτων ἡ πρὸς ἕκαστον ἁρμόττουσα πρᾶγμα πολλὴ καὶ πυκνὴ καὶ οὐδὲν ἐκείνης(sc. Lysiae)λειπομένηIud. de Isocr. 4, p. 452 R.
honesti studiosus. This may refer to the diction of Isocrates: cp. Dion. Iud. 2, p. 538 R, where hisλέξιςis said to beἠθική τε καὶ πιθανή: and again de Dem. p. 963. Cp. ix. 4, 146-7, on which Becher mainly relies for his proposal (supported by Hirt. Berl. Jahr. xiv. 1888, p. 59) to take ‘honesti studiosus in compositione’ together: compositio debet essehonesta, iucunda, varia ... cura ita magna ut sentiendi atque eloquendi prior sit: so viii. 3, 16. But two considerations seem to prove the correctness of the traditional interpretation and punctuation: (1) the ascription ofhonestum(in an ethical sense) to Isocrates is peculiarly appropriate, and the word is constantly used in this sense by Quintilian (see Bonn. Lex. s.v. ii γ): and (2)diligenscould hardly stand alone, divorced fromin compositione: and moreover a similar expression (in compositione adeo diligens, &c.) is used by Dionysius,ἐν τῇ συνθέσει τῶν ὀνομάτων ... Ἰσοκράτην περιεργότερον(de Isocr. Iud. 11, p. 557 R): cp. p. 538. There is a similar criticism at§118in cura verborum nimius et compositione nonnumquam longior.
As to (1) cp. Jebb, ii. pp. 44-5. The high moral tone of Isocrates is seen both in his choice of noble themes and in the care with which he ever keeps the higher aspects of his subject in view. Dion. Iud. 4, p. 543 Rμάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ προαίρεσις ἡ τῶν λόγων περὶ οὓς ἐσπούδαζε καὶ τῶν ὑποθέσεων τὸ κάλλος ἐν αἷς ἐποιεῖτο τὰς διατριβάς‧ ἐξ ὧν οὐ λέγειν δεινοὺς μόνον ἀπεργάσαιτ᾽ ἂν τοὺς προσέχοντας αὐτῷ τὸν νοῦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἤθη σπουδαίους ... κράτιστα γὰρ δὴ παιδεύματα πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἰσοκράτους ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν λόγοις.(2) Though Becher points to the chiasmus obtained by punctuating ‘in inventione facilis, honesti studiosus in compositione’ (cp.§97: Bonn. Lex. pr. lxviii) the rhythm of the sentence tells the other way; and to his objection that the ethical point of view does not belong to the history of literature (especially when inserted between two such words asinventioandcompositio) we can only answer that Quintilian is not an artist in style, and that the ethical tone of Isocrates is too characteristic to have been overlooked.
There is no need for Maehly’s conjecture ‘disponendi studiosus’: nor for Eussner’s proposal to invert the clauses and read ... ‘compararat, honesti studiosus: in inventione facilis, in comp. a. d.’ &c.: on the ground thathonesti studiosusrefers to theγένος ἐπιδεικτικόνof Isocrates, which is regulated byhonestum, as theδημηγορικόνis byutile, and theδικανικόνbyiustum.
compositione:§§44,66; ix. 4, 116: quem in poemate locum habet versificatio eam in oratione compositio: ad Her. iv. 12, 18 compositio est verborum constructio quae facit omnes partes orationis aequabiliter perpolitas:Ἀρχ. κρ.p. 433 R, (Us. p. 28)καὶ αὐτοῦ μάλιστα ζηλωτέον τὴν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐκλογὴν καὶ συνέχειαν. ‘Isocrates was the earliest great artist in the rhythm proper to prose,’ Jebb, ii. pp. 60-1. Cicero, Brutus §32 primus intellexit etiam in soluta oratione, dum versum effugeres, modum tamen et numerum quendam oportere servari: Orat. §174.
cura ... reprehendatur. This refers especially to his studied avoidance of hiatus: cp. ix. 4, 35 nimiosque non immerito in hac cura putant omnes Isocratem secutos, praecipueque Theopompum. So Orat. §151 in quo quidam Theopompum etiam reprehendunt ... etsi idem magister eius Isocrates—(with Sandys’ note). Dionysius (de Isocr. 2) contrasts in general terms hisσύνθεσις(compositio) with that of Lysias, noting especially the point here alluded to: p. 558 Rπεριεργοτέραν, and de Dem. 4, pp. 963-4 R. Plutarch, de gloria Athen. p. 350 Eπῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔμελλεν ἅνθρωπος(Isocr.)ψόφον ὅπλων φοβεῖσθαι καὶ σύρρηγμα φάλαγγος ὁ φοβούμενος φωνῆεν φωνήεντι συγκροῦσαι καὶ συλλαβῇ τὸ ἰσόκωλον ἐνδεὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν; Jebb, ii, pp. 66-7. With such excessive solicitude we can understand how Isocrates should have taken ten years to write the Panegyricus (4 §4).
The judgments of Cicero and Dionysius will be found conveniently summarised in Sandys’ Introd. to Orator, pp. xx-xxii.
I:80Neque ego in his de quibus sum locutus has solas virtutes, sed has praecipuas puto, nec ceteros parum fuisse magnos. Quin etiamPhalereaillumDemetrium,quamquam is primum inclinasse eloquentiam dicitur, multum ingenii habuisse et facundiae fateor, vel ob hoc memoria dignum, quod ultimus est fere ex Atticis qui dici possit orator; quem tamen in illo medio genere dicendi praefert omnibus Cicero.