§ 102.immortalem: so§86, where it is more appropriate.velocitatem: ‘rapid brevity.’ It is the quality which Dionysius denotes byτὸ τάχος τῆς ἀπαγγελίαςp. 870 R. Cp. Hor. Sat i. 10, 9 Est brevitate opus ut currat sententia,—quoted on§73brevis et semper instans sibi Thucydides, where see note. Arist. Rhet. iii. 16, 4ταχεῖαν διήγησιν. Soceleritasxii. 10, 65 hanc vim et celeritatem in Pericle miratur Eupolis: Eupolis having said of Periclesταχὺς λέγειν μέν, πρὸς δέ γ᾽ αὐτῷ τῷ τάχει πειθώ τις(Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 535).consecutus est, lit. = ‘equalled in point of fame’: the real object is notvelocitatem, so that the idea is awkwardly expressed. Quintilian means that by other good points (cp.§73diversis virtutibus) Livy obtained a degree of fame not inferior to what Sallust gained by his ‘velocitas.’ It is in fact a brachyology for ‘immortalitatem illius Sallustianae velocitatis.’ Cp. Cic. Phil. xiv. 35 parem virtutis gloriam consecuta est (legio): Quint. iii. 7, 9 quod immortalitatem virtute sint consecuti. See Crit. Notes.Servilius Nonianus. In mentioning his death (A.D.60) along with that of Domitius Afer (§86), Tacitus says that he rivalled the latter’s abilities and surpassed his morals:—summis honoribus et multa eloquentia viguerant, ille orando causas, Servilius diu foro, mox tradendis rebus Romanis celebris et elegantia vitae, quam clariorem effecit, ut par ingenio, ita morum diversus. Cp. Dial. ch. 23 eloquentia ... Servilii Noniani. Like most of the Roman historians, except Livy, he was a man of affairs. Pliny, N. H. xxviii. 2, 5 princeps civitatis. He was the friend—possibly at one time the teacher—of the satirist Persius, who is said to have reverenced him as a father (coluit ut patrem). Pliny tells us (Ep. i. 13, 3) how Claudius, on hearing the thunders of applause that greeted his recitations, entered the building and seated himself unobserved among the audience: memoria parentura Claudium Caesarem ferunt, cum in palatio spatiaretur andissetque clamorem, causam requisisse, cumque dictum esset recitare Nonianum, subitum recitanti inopinantique venisse.et ipse. Quintilian had not only read his works, but had heard him: hewould be between twenty and twenty-five when Servilius died.—Foret ipsesee on§31.clarus vi ingenii: seeCrit. Notes.sententiis creber; cp.§68sententiis densus. Forsententiis(γνώμαις) cp.§60§61:2 §17. He was full of point and matter, but not concise enongh for the dignity of history. Forpressusv.§44.I:103Quam paulum aetate praecedens eumBassus Aufidiusegregie, utique in libris belli Germanici, praestitit genere ipso, probabilis in omnibus, sed in quibusdam suis ipse viribus minor.§ 103.Bassus Aufidius. Tacitus mentions him along with Servilius Nonianus, Dial. 23, where he speaks of antiquarians ‘quibus eloquentia Aufidii Bassi aut Servilii Noniani ex comparatione Sisennae aut Varronis sordet.’ Seneca gives some account of him in his thirtieth letter: §1 Bassum Aufidium, virum optimum, vidi quassum, aetati obluctantem: §3 Bassus tamen noster alacer animo est. hoc philosophia praestat. Cp. §§5, 10, 14. His history probably ended with the reign of Claudius, at which point Pliny the elder took it up: N. H. praef. 20 diximus ... temporum nostrorum historiam, orsi a fine Aufidii Bassi. The ‘libri Belli Germanici’ may have been an independent work.—The practice of placing the cognomen before the gentile name grew under the Empire: many instances are found even in Cicero’s letters, but not in the ordinary prose of the Republic; cp.§86, and Introd.p. lv.genere ipso= ‘gerade durch den Stil’ (Kiderlin)—as being suitable tohistoriae auctoritas. Quintilian often usesgenusin this sense (without dicendi): often with an adj. likerectum, but often also without, e.g.x. 2, 18noveram quosdam &c.:2 §23uni alicui generi. For the reading, seeCrit. Notes.—From the specimens (on the death of Cicero) given by Seneca the rhetorician (Suas. vi. 18 and 23), we should infer that the style of Bassus was rather affected and pretentious.I:104Superest adhuc et exornataetatis nostrae gloriam vir saeculorum memoria dignus, qui olim nominabitur, nunc intellegitur. Habet amatores nec immeritoCremutilibertas, quamquam circumcisis quae dixisse ei nocuerat; sed elatum abunde spiritum et audaces sententias deprehendas etiam in his quae manent. Sunt et alii scriptores boni, sed nos genera degustamus, non bibliothecas excutimus.§ 104.Superest. The fact that Cremutius put an end to his life inA.D.25 is sufficient to disprove the theory that he is referred to here:superestwhen taken along withexornat aetatis nostrae gloriamcannot mean anything butsuperstes est(cp. supersunt2 §28).—The Bonnell-Meister edition (1882) understands the reference to be to Tacitus: but though admirers of Tacitus would like to appropriate for him the phrasevir saeculorum memoria dignus, this can hardly be accepted. In the first place the wordssuperest adhucare, in their natural sense, inapplicable to one who had not published anything when Quintilian wrote (about 93A.D.). He has just spoken of Servilius, who is known to have died inA.D.60, and of Aufidius, who was old and frail in Seneca’s life-time, i.e. beforeA.D.65: and though it may be proposed to takesuperest adhucas meaning simply ‘I have still to refer to (a living writer),’ (cp.supersunt§123), in which sense the words might apply to Tacitus, it seems extremely improbable that after speaking of a youthful contemporary, Quintilian would in the next sentence return to Cremutius, who died as far back asA.D.25. It might be argued that the point of the passage is that, after this indirect eulogy of Tacitus, the writer means to imply that the spirit of Cremutius still survives in him: ‘there is with us now one who will afterwards be famous but of whom we may not speak at present. The independence of Cremutius is still appreciated.’ Buthabet amatoreswill hardly cover this interpretation: it introduces a critique of Cremutius which has no relation to what goes before. And moreover it is doubtful whether Quintilian, who never mentions any living writer, except Domitian, would have hazarded a reference to one whose anti-imperial tendencies must have been so well known in Rome. Krüger’s supposition (3rd ed. p. 97) that afteradhucthe nameTacitushas fallen out, or that we should write ‘superest Tacitus et ornat,’ is altogether out of the question: it would quite destroy the point of the sentence (nominabitur ... intellegitur). It seems safest, therefore, to follow those who with Nipperdey (Philol. vi. p. 193) understand the historian here meant to be Fabius Rusticus. It would have been strange if Quintilian had omitted to mention him, considering his eminence: Livius veterum, Fabius Rusticus recentium eloquentissimiauctores, Tac. Agr. 10. And what he says fits Fabius very well; he was an intimate friend of Seneca (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20 sane Fabius inclinat ad laudes Senecae cuius amicitia floruit), and from the fact that he was made co-heir with Tacitus and Pliny in the will of Dasumius we know that he was still alive 108 or 109A.D.Mommsen thinks that to him also is addressed Pliny, Ep. ix. 29.vir saeculorum memoria dignus: Cp.§80: iii. 7, 18 ingeniorum monumenta, quae saeculis probarentur: xi. 1, 13 perpetua saeculorum admiratione celebrantur.olim, of future time, as§94. The writer referred to will come actually to enjoy the renown of which Quint. here declares him worthy.nunc intellegitur. For Quint.’s rule not to mention living writers cp. iii. 1, 21, quoted at§95; and for the antithesis betweennominabiturandintellegitur, xi. 1, 10 maluit emim vir sapientissimus (Socrates) quod superesset ex vita sibi perire quam quod praeterisset. Et quando ab hominibus sui temporis parum intellegebatur, posterorum se iudiciis reservavit brevi detrimento iam ultimae senectutis aevum saeculorum omnium consecutus.Cremuti libertas:παρρησία,§65,§94. Cremutius Cordus published a history of the Civil Wars and of the reign of Augustus—unius saeculi facta, Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 26, 5. Augustus is said to have read the work, or to have heard it read, without disapproval (Dion. 57, 24, 2; Sueton. Tib. 61). He afterwards incurred the displeasure of Sejanus by some bold remarks, as, for example, when he said in regard to the statue of Sejanus which he was told the Senate had resolved to erect in Pompey’s theatre, restored by Tiberius after a fire, ‘tunc vere theatrum perire’—Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 22, 4. InA.D.25 he was brought to trial ‘novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset’ (Tac. Ann. iv. 34 sq.). Finding his case prejudged, after a spirited defence he went home and starved himself to death. The Senate ordered his books to be burned: ‘sed manserunt,’ says Tacitus, ‘occultati et editi.’ Dion. tells us that ‘afterwards (i.e. under Caligula) they were published again, for they had been preserved by various people, and particularly by his daughter Marcia; and they were esteemed much more highly on account of the fate of Cordus’ (lvii. 24). For Marcia v. Senecae Consolatio ad Marciam c. 1. Suet. Calig. 16 tells us that the suppressed writings of others also (Titus Labienus and Cassius Severus) were allowed by Caligula to come again into circulation, after a process of editing similar to that referred to by Quint. (circumcisis, &c.). Tacitus’s reflections on the ineffectual attempt to destroy Cremutius’s works are interesting in connection with our passage: quo magis socordiam eorum inridere licet, qui praesenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. Nam contra, punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem saevitia usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere, Ann. iv. 35 ad fin.abunde: used here to emphasiseelatum: v. on§94.spiritus,§§44,61;3 §22. The excisions and emendations in regard to matters of detail had evidently not interfered with the independent tone of Cremutius’s writings.alii scriptores,συγγραφεῖς: the word being used specially of historians. He has not mentioned Caesar, or Nepos, or Velleius, or Quintus Curtius.degustamus: ‘dipping into’:5 §23inchoatae et quasi degustatae. The opposite ispersequi:§45genera ipsa lectionum ... persequar.I:105Oratores vero vel praecipue Latinam eloquentiam parem facereGraecae possunt; namCiceronemcuicumque eorum fortiter opposuerim. Nec ignoro quantam mihi concitem pugnam, cumpraesertim non id sit propositi ut eum Demostheni comparem hoc tempore; neque enim attinet, cum Demosthenen in primis legendum vel ediscendum potius putem.§ 105.parem facere. Cicero usesaequarein a passage of the Brutus (§138), in which, speaking of Antonius and Crassus, he says: nam ego sic existimo,hos oratores fuisse maximos et in his primum cum Graecorum gloria Latine dicendi copiam aequatam. In the Silver Age, the phraseparia facerecommonly occurs for ‘settling up’: e.g. nihil differamus. cotidie cum vita paria faciamus Sen. Ep. 101, 7. A near parallel to the passage in the text is ii. 8, 13 ea cura paria faciet iis in quibus eminebat.—Other reff. to Cicero’s pre-eminence are vi. 3, 1 Latinae eloquentiae princeps: xii. 1, 20 stetisse ipsum (Ciceronem) in fastigio eloquentiae fateor.cuicumque,§12. The use ofquicumque(which in classical Latin is joined with a verb) forquivisorquilibet(which are used absolutely) may be noted as a sign of the decay of the language. Cp. note on§12: Roby §2289.—ForeorumAndresen and Jeep proposeGraecorum.fortiter opposuerim. The adv. is not merely one of manner: it conveys the expression of a judgment, ‘nicht die Art und Weise, sondern ein Urteil über die Handlung,’ Becher. So ‘inique Castorem cum Domitio comparo,’ Cicero, pro Deiot. §31. Cp. i, 5, 72 fortiter diceremus: v. 10, 78 fortiter ... iunxerim.—Roby (1540) gives numerous examples of this use of subj. (involving a suppressed condition such as ‘if occasion arose’) with such adverbs as merito, facile, lubenter, citius.quantam ... pugnam: owing to the existing prejudice against the style of Cicero. Cp. Tac. Dial. 12 Plures hodie reperies qui Ciceronis gloriam quam qui Vergilii detrectent: ibid. 18 Satis constat ne Ciceroni quidem obtrectatores defuisse, quibus inflatus et tumens nec satis pressus, sed supra modum exsultans et superfluens et parum Atticus videretur. Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad Ciceronem missas epistulas ex quibus facile est deprehendere Calvum quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et aridum, Brutum autem otiosum atque diiunctum, rursus Ciceronem a Calvo quidem male audisse tamquam solutum et enervem, a Bruto autem, ut ipsius verbis utar, tamquam fractum atque elumbem.—Hortensius had been fromB.C.95 the Latin representative of Asianism. Under the influence of his teachers, the Rhodian eclectics, Cicero emancipated himself from this school without, on the other hand, binding himself by the most rigorous canons of Atticism. His critics, who adhered to severer models, considered the fulness and richness of his style turgidity and bombast, and pointed to his elaborately periodic structure and rhythmical amplitude as proving that he was really an Asianist in disguise. Besides Brutus and Calvus, mentioned above (cp. Quint, xii. 1, 22), there were the Asinii, father and son (etiam inimice, ibid.), and Caelius. Asinius Gallus wrote a workde comparatione patris et Ciceronis, which was controverted by the emperor Claudius: Plin. Epist. vii. 4 §6 libros Galli ... quibus ille parenti ausus de Cicerone dare est palmamque decusque: Sueton. Claud. 41. Cicero, on the other hand, thought that his Atticising critics were too apt to forget (what he asks Atticus to remember) that the ‘thunders of Demosthenes show that the Attic style is quite consistent with the highest degree of grandeur’—si recordabereΔημοσθένουςfulmina, tum intelliges posse etἀττικώταταgravissime dici, ad Att. xv. 1, ad fin. Quintilian denounces them in strong language, xii. 10, §§12-14 A. At L. M. Tullium non illum habemus Euphranorem circa plures artium species praestantem, sed in omnibus quae in quoque laudantur eminentissimum. Quem tamen et suorum homines temporum incessere audebant ut tumidiorem et Asianum et redundantem et in repetitionibus nimium et in salibus aliquando frigidum et in compositione fractum, exultantem ac paene, quod procul absit, viro molliorem: postea vero quam triumvirati proscriptione consumptus est, passim qui oderant, qui invidebant, qui aemulabantur, adulatores etiam praesentis potentiae non responsurum invaserunt. Ille tamen, qui ieiunus a quibusdam et aridus habetur, non aliter ab ipsis inimicis male audire quam nimiis floribus et ingenii adfluentia potuit. Falsum utrumque, sed tamen illa mentiendi propior occasio. Praecipue vero presserunt eum qui videri Atticorum imitatores concupierant. Haec manus quasi quibusdam sacris initiata ut alienigenam et parum superstitiosum devinctumque illis legibus insequebatur, unde nunc quoque aridi et exsuci et exsangues. Hi sunt enim qui suae imbecillitati sanitatis appellationem, quae est maxime contraria, obtendant: qui quia clariorem vim eloquentiae velut solem ferre non possunt, umbra magni nominis (i.e. Athens) delitescunt. In Quintilian’s own day (cp. nunc quoque above) a certainLargius Licinus wrote a work which he calledCiceromastix, repeating the criticisms of Asinius Gallus: cp. Aul. Gell. xvii. 1, 1 nonnulli tam prodigiosi tamque vaecordes exstiterunt in quibus sunt Gallus Asinius et Largius Licinus, cuius liber etiam fertur infando titulo ‘Ciceromastix,’ ut scribere ausi sint M. Ciceronem parum integre atque improprie atque inconsiderate locutum. These rigid Atticists appear to have ignored, as Sandys has pointed out (Introd. to Orator, p. lxii), the ‘difference between the two languages, between the power and breadth and compass of Greek as compared with the more limited resources of Latin.’ Mr. Sandys appends an apt quotation from J. H. Newman (in H. Thompson’s Rom. Lit.—Encyc. Metrop. p. 307, ed. 1852):—‘Greek is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary and perspicuity in its phrases; and the consequent facility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity and plainness were not incompatible with clearness, energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of judgment, an ignorance of the very principles of composition, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and others to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their own defective language, and even to pronounce the opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity. In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally, into a distinct and harmonious order; and from the exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical; and requires considerable skill and management to render it expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is scarcely separable from baldness; and justly as Terence is celebrated for chaste and unadorned diction, yet even he, compared with Attic writers, is flat and heavy (Quint. x. 1, §100).’ Cp. for a similar contrast Quint. xii. 10, §§27-39.cum praesertim: Krüger (3rd ed.) gives the sense as follows, ‘especially since I do not intend to prove my statement by a detailed comparison’: following Becher (but seeCrit. Notes), who thinks that Quint. means to say that thepugnawill be all the more violent because he does not intend to go into a detailed comparison. Such a comparison would be out of place (neque enim attinet), as he is not denying the supreme excellence of Demosthenes.Cum praesertimmeans that there is all the less reason for controversy as he does not intend to compare the two: it gives an additional ground for what is really, if not formally, the main idea in the writer’s mind, viz. the needlessness of apugnaat this point. Hence it comes to have the force ofquamvis, oridque cum tamen: tr. ‘and that though,’ ‘though indeed,’ ‘which is all the less necessary because,’ etc. Cp. Cic. de Fin. ii. 8, 25 cum praesertim in eo omne studium poneret,—where see Madvig’s note: in Verr. ii. 113 ut ex oppido Thermis nihil ex sacro, nihil de publico attingeres, cum praesertim essent multa praeclara, &c., i.e. ‘which is all the more wonderful because’—very much as in our text: Philipp. viii. 2, 5 C. quidem Caesar non expectavit vestra decreta, praesertim cum illud aetatis erat—i.e. as he might well have done at his age: ibid. ii. 64 inventus est nemo praeter Antonium, praesertim cum tot essent, &c.: i.e. which was all the more remarkable as, &c.: Brutus, §267 M. Bibulus qui et scriptitavit adcurate, cum praesertim non esset orator, et, &c., i.e. ‘and that too though’: de Off. ii. 56: Orator §32 nec vero si historiam non scripsisset (Thucydides) nomen eius exstaret, cum praesertim fuisset honoratus et nobilis. Roby §1732: Nägelsbach8, pp. 695-6.propositi: for the gen. cp. iv. 2, 21 quid acti sit: quid tui consilii sit (Cic. ad Att. xii. 29, 2: Caes. B. G. i. 21, 2): quid offici sui sit Cic. Acad. Pr. ii. §25, with Dr. Reid’s note.hoc tempore: Demosthenes and Cicero are eulogised together, xii. 1, §§14-22.neque enim attinet, i.e. nor would there be any point in such a controversy. They have no need to draw the sword against me, for I too give Demosthenes the highest place. In exalting Cicero I do not mean to depreciate Demosthenes. Cp. Tac. Dial. 25 quo modo inter Atticos primae Demostheni tribuuntur ... sic apud nos Cicero quidem ceteros eorundem temporum disertos antecessit.I:106Quorum ego virtutesplerasque arbitror similes, consilium, ordinem, dividendi, praeparandi, probandi rationem, [omnia] denique quae sunt inventionis.In eloquendo est aliqua diversitas: densior ille hic copiosior, ille concludit adstrictius hic latius, pugnat ille acumine semper hic frequenter et pondere, illi nihil detrahi potest huic nihil adici, curae plus in illo in hoc naturae.§ 106.consilium: vi. 5 §3 consilium vero ratio est quaedam alte petita et plerumque plura perpendens et comparans habensque in se et inventionem et iudicationem: §11 illud dicere satis habeo, nihil esse non modo in orando, sed in omni vita prius consilio, and the whole passage from §9 to end: ii. 13, 2 res in oratore praecipua consilium est, quia varie et ad rerum momenta convertitur. This ‘tact’ or ‘judgment’ would be specially shown ininventioand indispositio, here made a part of inventio:elocutiois a higher gift. Cp. viii, Pr. §14 M. Tullius inventionem quidem ac dispositionem prudentis hominis putat, eloquentiam oratoris: Cicero, de Orat. ii. 120 cum haec duo nobis quaerenda sint in causis, primum quid [inventio], deinde quomodo [elocutio] dicamus, alterum ... prudentiae est paene mediocris [quid dicendum sit videre]: alterum est, in quo oratoris vis illa divina virtusque cernitur, ea quae dicenda sunt ornate copiose varieque dicere; Orator §44 nam et invenire et iudicare quid dicas magna illa quidem sunt et tamquam animi instar in corpore, sed propria magis prudentiae quam eloquentiae.ordinem(τάξιν):ordocorresponds todispositioiii. 3, 8. In vii. 1, 1 the two are separately defined:ordorecta quaedam collocatio prioribus sequentia adnectens:dispositioutilis rerum ac partium in locos distributio.dividendi.Divisiois defined, along withpartitio, in vii. 1, 1:divisiorerum plurium in singulas,partitiosingularum in partes discretio. Heredividendi ratiois used in a more general sense, as equivalent topartitioin iv. 5: i.e. nostrarum aut adversarii propositionum aut utrarumque ordine collocata enumeratio. Of this useful process Quintilian says (iv. 5, 22): neque enim solum id efficit ut clariora fiant quae dicuntur, rebus velut ex turba extractis et in conspectu iudicum positis, sed reficit quoque audientem certo singularum partium fine, non aliter quam facientibus iter multum detrahunt fatigationis notata inscriptis lapidibus spatia.—Kiderlin (Hermes 23, p. 176) thinks it remarkable thatdivisioshould here be ranked alongside ofpraeparandi,probandi rationem, whereas in iii. 3, 1 it stands independently alongside ofinventioitself. He sees no difference betweenordinemanddividendi rationem(iii. 3, 8), and suggests that in the MSS. readings (videndi and indicendi) there may be concealed some noun to correspond withordinem: e.g.viam dicendi(‘der Gang der Reden’): cp. iv. 5, 3:x. 7, 5. But inx. 7, 9we have bothordoanddispositio, in spite of iii. 3, 8, and so it is here.praeparandi: iii. 9, 7 expositio enim probationum est praeparatio, nec esse utilis potest nisi prius constiterit, quid debeat de probatione promittere. A less formal use occursx. 1 §21: cp. iv. 2 §55.probandi rationem=confirmationem, the establishment of the case. Understanding the passage to contain an enumeration of the five parts of an oration (exordium, narratio, probatio, refutatio, and peroratio), Kiderlin takesprobandihere as covering the third and fourth, which were often considered one part.Praeparandi= exordium, and theperoratiois omitted, because here Demosthenes and Cicero were unlike, for the reason given below (§107). In order to includenarratio, he proposes to insertnarrandiafterpraeparandi: it may easily, he thinks, have fallen out after-arandi. It is always included in similar enumerations: ii. 5, 7-8: ii. 13, 1: iv. pr. 6:x. 2, 27.[omnia] denique quae sunt inventionis: seeCrit. Notes. ‘Inventio,’ the orator’s first requisite, may of course be shown in all the various parts of a speech, e.g. narratio, divisio, confirmatio, as here. But in the antithesis betweeninventionisandin eloquendoQuintilian is thinking of that fundamental distinction between substance and form on which he based his treatment of his subject. Applying a rough division to his work, we may say that Books iii. to vii. deal withinventioincludingdispositio, i.e.εὕρεσιςandτάξις: while Books viii-xi. treat ofelocutio(λέξις), includingactioorpronuntiatio, ‘delivery’ (ὑπόκρισις). So Cicero in the Orator §43 introduces a description of the ideal orator in the three relations of (1) inventio—quid dicat (εὕρεσις): (2) collocatio or dispositio—quo quidque loco (τάξις), and (3) actio or pronuntiatio (ὑπόκρισις): and elocutio (λέξις)—quo modo. Quintilian in iii. 3 gives in more detail the traditional parts of rhetoric: inventio, dispositio, elocutio, memoria, pronuntiatio (or actio). See §§1-9. For the division here cp. also xii. 10, 27 Latina mihi facundia, ut inventione, dispositione, consilio, ceteris huius generis artibus similis Graecae ac prorsus discipula eius videtur, ita circarationem eloquendi vix habere imitationis locum.aliqua diversitas: Morawski (Quaest. p. 33) thinks that this passage may be founded on a tractate by Caecilius (contemporary with Dion. Hal.), which is mentioned by Plutarch, Dem. 3σύγκρισις τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος. A parallel passage is found in theπερὶ ὕψους(Sp. i. p. 261), the author of which may also have borrowed from Caecilius:—ὁ μὲν γὰρ (Δημοσθένης) ἐν ὕψει τὸ πλέον ἀποτόμῳ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἐν χύσει, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἡμέτερος διὰ τὸ μετὰ βίας ἕκαστα, ἔτι δὲ τάχους, ῥώμης, δεινότητος οἷον καίειν τε ἅμα καὶ διαρπάζειν, σκηπτῷ τινι παρεικάζοιτ᾽ ἂν ἢ κεραυνῷ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ὡς ἀμφιλαφής τις ἐμπρησμὸς οἶμαι πάντη νέμεται καὶ ἀνειλεῖται....Cp. Introd.p. xxxviii.densior:§76tam densa omnia: so of Thucydides§73densus et brevis.concludit, not, as Bonnell = ratiocinatur (xii. 2, 25), but of the ‘rounding off’ of a period: ix. 4, 22,περίοδονquae est vel ambitus vel circumductum vel continuatio vel conclusio. Cp. Cic. Brutus §33 verborum ... quaedam ad numerum conclusio: cp. §34 below, concluditque sententiam: Orator §20 conclusa oratio: §177 concluse apteque dicere: §§200, 220, 230, 231: de Orat. ii. §34 quod carmen artificiosa verborum conclusione (‘artistic period’) aptius? Hor. Sat. i. 4, 40 concludere versum. The opposite is membratim caesimque dicere, Quint. ix. 4, 126: cp. Cic. Orat. §212 incise membratimve: de Orat. iii. 49, 190 carpere membris minutioribus orationem. For a contrast cp. Brutus §120 ut Stoicorum adstrictior est oratio aliquantoque contractior quam aures populi requirunt, sic illorum (Peripateticorum Academicorumque) liberior et latior quam patitur consuetudo iudiciorum et fori: §162 quin etiam comprehensio et ambitus ille verborum, si sicπερίοδονappellari placet, erat apud illum (i.e. Crassum) contractus et brevis, et in membra quaedam, quaeκῶλαGraeci vocant, dispertiebat orationem libentius.astrictius ... latius: there is more compactness about the periodic structure in Demosthenes, greater breadth in that of Cicero. This could hardly be said of Demosthenes’s periods as a whole: it rather refers to the care which Cicero and Roman orators generally bestowed on the closing syllables of a period (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 117). It was this liking for a sonorous and copious diction that seemed to Cicero’s critics to justify the epithets (inflatus, tumens, &c.) applied to him in Dial. de Orat. 18 (quoted above,§105); he himself tells us in the Orator, §104, that his ears craved for something more full and sonorous even than Demosthenes: ‘non semper implet aures meas: ita sunt avidae et capaces et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant.’pugnat: used figuratively fordicit: cp.§4.acumine: the word is used in§§81and 83 of ‘power of thought,’ ‘intellectual penetration’: viii. 2, 21:x. 1, §81and§83. See on acutus§77. So Cic. de Orat. i. §128 acumen dialecticorum. Here it includes the idea of ‘point’ in expression: following up the metaphor contained in ‘pugnat,’ we might render, ‘Demosthenes always thrusts with the rapier, Cicero often uses the bludgeon too.’ (Landor, speaking of Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke, as compared with Lord Brougham, said that they had ‘more of the rapier than the bludgeon.’) Cp. de Orat. ii. §158 ipsi se compungunt suis acuminibus. The contrast is something like that implied in xii. 10, 36 subtilitate vincimur (a Graecis): valeamus pondere: cp. ibid. §11 gravitatem Bruti acumen Sulpici.nihil detrahi: cp.§76is dicendi modus ut nec quod desit in eo nec quod redundet invenias.curae ... naturae: v. Jebb’s Attic Orators, i. Introd. p. cvi, where it is remarked that this paradox is true in this sense alone, ‘that Cicero is an inferior artist, and indulges more freely the taste of the natural man for ornament.’ Quintilian may also refer to the laborious training which Demosthenes imposed on himself, and in consequence of which, says Plutarch,δόξαν εἶχεν ὡς οὐκ εὐφυὴς ὤν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πόνου συγκειμένῃ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει χρώμενος(Vit. Demosth. viii.). Cp. the taunt of Pytheas, that his work ‘smelled of the lamp’:ἐλλυχνίων ὄζειν, ibid.; alsoParallel. ch. i. It was the rule with Demosthenes never to speak without preparation: Cicero may have relied at times on the faculty of extemporising at need.I:107Salibus certe etcommiseratione, quae duo plurimum in adfectibus valent, vincimus. Et fortasse epilogos illi mos civitatis abstulerit, sed et nobis illa, quae Attici mirantur, diversa Latini sermonis ratiominus permiserit. In epistulis quidem, quamquam sunt utriusque, dialogisve, quibus nihil ille, nulla contentio est.§ 107.salibus: cp. vi. 3, 2 plerique Demostheni facultatem defuisse huic rei credunt, Ciceroni modum, nec videri potest noluisse Demosthenes, cuius pauca admodum dicta nec sane ceteris eius virtutibus respondentia palam ostendunt non displicuisse illi iocos sed non contigisse ... mihi quidem ... mira quaedam in eo (Cicerone) videtur fuisse urbanitas. So §21 Demosthenem urbanum fuisse dicunt, dicacem negant: Cic. Orat. §90 non tam dicax quam facetus: Dion. Hal. Dem. c. 54πάσας ἔχουσα τὰς ἀρετὰς ἡ Δημοσθένους λέξις ... λείπεται εὐτραπελίας. Cp.περὶ ὕψους, 34, where the judgment is unduly severe,ἔνθα μέντοι γελοῖος εἶναι βιάζεται καὶ ἀστεῖος οὐ γέλωτα κινεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ καταγελᾶται. Cp. Sandys’ note on Orat. §90, “Though not obtrusively witty, Demosthenes nevertheless is not wanting in humour, as is proved by the speech on the Chersonesus §§5, 11 ff. and esp. 23 (characterized by Brougham as ‘full of refined and almost playful wit’): Plut. iii. §66: de Cor. §§198, 234 (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 163-6).” For a criticism of Cicero’s wit, on the other hand, v. Plut. Parallel. §1Κικέρων δὲ πολλαχοῦ τῷ σκωπτικῷ πρὸς τὸ βωμολόχον ἐκφερόμενος καὶ πράγματα σπουδῆς ἄξια γέλωτι καὶ παιδιᾷ κατειρωνευόμενος ἐν ταῖς δίκαις εἰς τὸ χρειῶδες ἠφείδει τοῦ πρέποντος, and below, Cato’sὡς γελοῖον, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἔχομεν ὕπατον. Δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ γέλωτος οἰκεῖος ὁ Κικέρων γεγονέναι καὶ φιλοσκώπτης κ.τ.λ.commiseratione, ‘pathos.’ See Orator §130 in quo ut viderer excellere non ingenio, sed dolore adsequebar; i.e. it was real sympathy more than any special talent that enabled him to excel in this respect.in adfectibus, ‘where the feelings are concerned.’ Underadfectus(vi. 2) is included everything that makes an impression on the judges: §1 opus ... movendi iudicum animos: among other things laughter itself, virtus quae risum iudicis movendo et illos tristes solvit adfectus et animum ab intentione rerum frequenter avertit et aliquando etiam reficit et a satietate vel a fatigatione renovat.vincimus: for the present cp.§§93,101,105.epilogos, ‘perorations.’ The peroration was looked on as giving a great opportunity for moving the feelings: Arist. Rhet. iii. 19 says one of its parts isεἰς τὰ πάθη τὸν ἀκροατὴν καταστῆσαι. So Quint. iv. 1, 28 quod in ingressu parcius et modestius praetemptanda sit iudicis misericordia: in epilogo vero liceat totos effundere adfectus. The word is common in this sense in Quintilian: vi. 1, 37, sq. esp. §52 at hic, si usquam, totos eloquentiae aperire fontes licet. Nam et, si bene diximus reliqua, possidebimus iam iudicum animos, et e confragosis atque asperis evecti tota pandere possumus vela, et, cum sit maxima pars epilogi amplificatio, verbis atque sententiis uti licet magnificis et ornatis. Tunc est commovendum theatrum cum ventum est ad ipsum illud, quo veteres tragoediae comoediaeque cluduntur, plodite: cp. also Cicero, Brutus §33 exstat eius peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: de Orat. ii. §278: ad Att. iv. 15, 4.mos civitatis: ii. 16 §4 Athenis ubi actor movere adfectus vetabatur velut recisam orandi potestatem: vi. 1, 7, where he says that with the Attic orators theepilogusgenerally took the form of recapitulation (ἀνακεφαλαίωσις= enumeratio) ‘quia Athenis adfectus movere etiam per praeconem prohibebatur orator.’ Cp. xii. 10, 26. This would be especially the case in trials before the Areopagus. But it was the Hellenic instinct for moderation that imposed its own law. Lord Brougham, in his Dissertation on the Eloquence of the Ancients (p. 25), remarks on the calmness of the Greek peroration: cp. his Essay on Demosthenes (p. 184): ‘It seems to have been a rule enjoined by the severe taste of those times, that after being wrought up to a great pitch of emotion, the speaker should, in quitting his audience, leave an impression of dignity, which cannot be maintained without composure.’ Cp. Jebb, i. ciii-civ: ‘Cicero has now and then an Attic peroration, as in the Second Philippic and the Pro Milone; more often he breaks off in a burst of eloquence—as in the First Catilinarian, the Pro Flacco, and the Pro Cluentio.’illa quae Attici mirantur: cp.§65,§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: xii. 10 §35 illam gratiam sermonis Attici.epistulis. If it were not for the ineptitude of the comparison which follows (in quibusnihilille) we might be inclined to imagine that Quintilian knew of more letters of Demosthenes than the six which are still extant, and which are generally considered apocryphal.dialogis: comprising most of Cicero’s philosophical works, and the Brutus and De Oratore among his rhetorical.nihil ille, sc. effecit, consecutus est: cp.§§56,123:2 §§6,24:3 §25:7 §§7,23.I:108Cedendum vero in hoc, quod et prior fuit et ex magna parte Ciceronem quantus est fecit. Nam mihi videtur M. Tullius, cum se totum ad imitationem Graecorum contulisset, effinxisse vim Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, iucunditatem Isocratis.§ 108.effinxisse, ‘artistically reproduced.’iucunditatem. ‘The idea which Cicero got from Isocrates was that of number. See esp. de Orat. iii. 44 §173.’ Jebb. So ‘suavitatem Isocrates ... vim Demosthenes habuit’ de Orat. iii. §28.I:109Nec vero quod in quoque optimum fuit studio consecutus est tantum, sed plurimas vel potius omnes ex se ipso virtutes extulit immortalis ingenii beatissima ubertate. Non enim ‘pluvias,’ ut ait Pindarus, ‘aquas colligit, sed vivo gurgite exundat,’ dono quodam providentiae genitus, in quo totas vires suas eloquentia experiretur.§ 109.ex se ipso ... extulit: cp. Cic. Acad. ii. 8, 23 artem vivendi quae ipsa ex sese habeat constantiam, where Dr. Reid cites this passage, along with many others, e.g. Sen. Ep. 52, 3 hos quibus ex se impetus fuit: Cic. N. D. iii. 88 a se sumere.beatissima: cp.§61beatissima rerum verborumque copia:3, §22beatiorem spiritum. Cp. the eulogy by Caesar, in his Analogia (written as he was crossing the Alps, and dedicated to Cicero himself): ac si ut cogitata praeclare eloqui possent non nulli studio et usu elaboraverunt, cuius te paene principem copiae atque inventorem bene de nomine ac dignitate populi Romani meritum esse existimare debemus, &c.—quoted in Brutus §253. Hild adds Pliny H. N. vii. 30 Facundiae Latiarumque litterarum parens atque ... omnium triumphorum gloria maior, quanto plus est ingenii Romani terminos in tantum promovisse quam imperii,—where the language has a close resemblance to that of Cicero himself in Brutus §255.ut ait Pindarus. We get thepluvias aquasin theοὐρανίων ὑδάτων ὀμβρίωνof Olymp. xi, but there is nothing in Pindar’s extant works that corresponds to the quotation.exundat: cp. Tac. Dial. 30 ex multa eruditione et plurimis artibus et omnium rerum scientia exundat et exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia.providentiais used very frequently by itself in Quintilian, e.g. i. 10, 7 oratio qua nihil praestantius homini dedit providentia (v. Bonn. Lex.); also in xi. i, 23 with deorum immortalium.eloquentia: cp. Sen. Ep. 40, 11 Cicero quoque noster, a quo Romana eloquentia exsiluit.I:110Nam quis docere diligentius, movere vehementius potest? Cui tanta umquam iucunditas adfuit? ut ipsa illa quae extorquetimpetrare eum credas, et cum transversum vi sua iudicem ferat, tamen ille non rapi videatur, sed sequi.
§ 102.immortalem: so§86, where it is more appropriate.velocitatem: ‘rapid brevity.’ It is the quality which Dionysius denotes byτὸ τάχος τῆς ἀπαγγελίαςp. 870 R. Cp. Hor. Sat i. 10, 9 Est brevitate opus ut currat sententia,—quoted on§73brevis et semper instans sibi Thucydides, where see note. Arist. Rhet. iii. 16, 4ταχεῖαν διήγησιν. Soceleritasxii. 10, 65 hanc vim et celeritatem in Pericle miratur Eupolis: Eupolis having said of Periclesταχὺς λέγειν μέν, πρὸς δέ γ᾽ αὐτῷ τῷ τάχει πειθώ τις(Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 535).consecutus est, lit. = ‘equalled in point of fame’: the real object is notvelocitatem, so that the idea is awkwardly expressed. Quintilian means that by other good points (cp.§73diversis virtutibus) Livy obtained a degree of fame not inferior to what Sallust gained by his ‘velocitas.’ It is in fact a brachyology for ‘immortalitatem illius Sallustianae velocitatis.’ Cp. Cic. Phil. xiv. 35 parem virtutis gloriam consecuta est (legio): Quint. iii. 7, 9 quod immortalitatem virtute sint consecuti. See Crit. Notes.Servilius Nonianus. In mentioning his death (A.D.60) along with that of Domitius Afer (§86), Tacitus says that he rivalled the latter’s abilities and surpassed his morals:—summis honoribus et multa eloquentia viguerant, ille orando causas, Servilius diu foro, mox tradendis rebus Romanis celebris et elegantia vitae, quam clariorem effecit, ut par ingenio, ita morum diversus. Cp. Dial. ch. 23 eloquentia ... Servilii Noniani. Like most of the Roman historians, except Livy, he was a man of affairs. Pliny, N. H. xxviii. 2, 5 princeps civitatis. He was the friend—possibly at one time the teacher—of the satirist Persius, who is said to have reverenced him as a father (coluit ut patrem). Pliny tells us (Ep. i. 13, 3) how Claudius, on hearing the thunders of applause that greeted his recitations, entered the building and seated himself unobserved among the audience: memoria parentura Claudium Caesarem ferunt, cum in palatio spatiaretur andissetque clamorem, causam requisisse, cumque dictum esset recitare Nonianum, subitum recitanti inopinantique venisse.et ipse. Quintilian had not only read his works, but had heard him: hewould be between twenty and twenty-five when Servilius died.—Foret ipsesee on§31.clarus vi ingenii: seeCrit. Notes.sententiis creber; cp.§68sententiis densus. Forsententiis(γνώμαις) cp.§60§61:2 §17. He was full of point and matter, but not concise enongh for the dignity of history. Forpressusv.§44.I:103Quam paulum aetate praecedens eumBassus Aufidiusegregie, utique in libris belli Germanici, praestitit genere ipso, probabilis in omnibus, sed in quibusdam suis ipse viribus minor.§ 103.Bassus Aufidius. Tacitus mentions him along with Servilius Nonianus, Dial. 23, where he speaks of antiquarians ‘quibus eloquentia Aufidii Bassi aut Servilii Noniani ex comparatione Sisennae aut Varronis sordet.’ Seneca gives some account of him in his thirtieth letter: §1 Bassum Aufidium, virum optimum, vidi quassum, aetati obluctantem: §3 Bassus tamen noster alacer animo est. hoc philosophia praestat. Cp. §§5, 10, 14. His history probably ended with the reign of Claudius, at which point Pliny the elder took it up: N. H. praef. 20 diximus ... temporum nostrorum historiam, orsi a fine Aufidii Bassi. The ‘libri Belli Germanici’ may have been an independent work.—The practice of placing the cognomen before the gentile name grew under the Empire: many instances are found even in Cicero’s letters, but not in the ordinary prose of the Republic; cp.§86, and Introd.p. lv.genere ipso= ‘gerade durch den Stil’ (Kiderlin)—as being suitable tohistoriae auctoritas. Quintilian often usesgenusin this sense (without dicendi): often with an adj. likerectum, but often also without, e.g.x. 2, 18noveram quosdam &c.:2 §23uni alicui generi. For the reading, seeCrit. Notes.—From the specimens (on the death of Cicero) given by Seneca the rhetorician (Suas. vi. 18 and 23), we should infer that the style of Bassus was rather affected and pretentious.I:104Superest adhuc et exornataetatis nostrae gloriam vir saeculorum memoria dignus, qui olim nominabitur, nunc intellegitur. Habet amatores nec immeritoCremutilibertas, quamquam circumcisis quae dixisse ei nocuerat; sed elatum abunde spiritum et audaces sententias deprehendas etiam in his quae manent. Sunt et alii scriptores boni, sed nos genera degustamus, non bibliothecas excutimus.§ 104.Superest. The fact that Cremutius put an end to his life inA.D.25 is sufficient to disprove the theory that he is referred to here:superestwhen taken along withexornat aetatis nostrae gloriamcannot mean anything butsuperstes est(cp. supersunt2 §28).—The Bonnell-Meister edition (1882) understands the reference to be to Tacitus: but though admirers of Tacitus would like to appropriate for him the phrasevir saeculorum memoria dignus, this can hardly be accepted. In the first place the wordssuperest adhucare, in their natural sense, inapplicable to one who had not published anything when Quintilian wrote (about 93A.D.). He has just spoken of Servilius, who is known to have died inA.D.60, and of Aufidius, who was old and frail in Seneca’s life-time, i.e. beforeA.D.65: and though it may be proposed to takesuperest adhucas meaning simply ‘I have still to refer to (a living writer),’ (cp.supersunt§123), in which sense the words might apply to Tacitus, it seems extremely improbable that after speaking of a youthful contemporary, Quintilian would in the next sentence return to Cremutius, who died as far back asA.D.25. It might be argued that the point of the passage is that, after this indirect eulogy of Tacitus, the writer means to imply that the spirit of Cremutius still survives in him: ‘there is with us now one who will afterwards be famous but of whom we may not speak at present. The independence of Cremutius is still appreciated.’ Buthabet amatoreswill hardly cover this interpretation: it introduces a critique of Cremutius which has no relation to what goes before. And moreover it is doubtful whether Quintilian, who never mentions any living writer, except Domitian, would have hazarded a reference to one whose anti-imperial tendencies must have been so well known in Rome. Krüger’s supposition (3rd ed. p. 97) that afteradhucthe nameTacitushas fallen out, or that we should write ‘superest Tacitus et ornat,’ is altogether out of the question: it would quite destroy the point of the sentence (nominabitur ... intellegitur). It seems safest, therefore, to follow those who with Nipperdey (Philol. vi. p. 193) understand the historian here meant to be Fabius Rusticus. It would have been strange if Quintilian had omitted to mention him, considering his eminence: Livius veterum, Fabius Rusticus recentium eloquentissimiauctores, Tac. Agr. 10. And what he says fits Fabius very well; he was an intimate friend of Seneca (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20 sane Fabius inclinat ad laudes Senecae cuius amicitia floruit), and from the fact that he was made co-heir with Tacitus and Pliny in the will of Dasumius we know that he was still alive 108 or 109A.D.Mommsen thinks that to him also is addressed Pliny, Ep. ix. 29.vir saeculorum memoria dignus: Cp.§80: iii. 7, 18 ingeniorum monumenta, quae saeculis probarentur: xi. 1, 13 perpetua saeculorum admiratione celebrantur.olim, of future time, as§94. The writer referred to will come actually to enjoy the renown of which Quint. here declares him worthy.nunc intellegitur. For Quint.’s rule not to mention living writers cp. iii. 1, 21, quoted at§95; and for the antithesis betweennominabiturandintellegitur, xi. 1, 10 maluit emim vir sapientissimus (Socrates) quod superesset ex vita sibi perire quam quod praeterisset. Et quando ab hominibus sui temporis parum intellegebatur, posterorum se iudiciis reservavit brevi detrimento iam ultimae senectutis aevum saeculorum omnium consecutus.Cremuti libertas:παρρησία,§65,§94. Cremutius Cordus published a history of the Civil Wars and of the reign of Augustus—unius saeculi facta, Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 26, 5. Augustus is said to have read the work, or to have heard it read, without disapproval (Dion. 57, 24, 2; Sueton. Tib. 61). He afterwards incurred the displeasure of Sejanus by some bold remarks, as, for example, when he said in regard to the statue of Sejanus which he was told the Senate had resolved to erect in Pompey’s theatre, restored by Tiberius after a fire, ‘tunc vere theatrum perire’—Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 22, 4. InA.D.25 he was brought to trial ‘novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset’ (Tac. Ann. iv. 34 sq.). Finding his case prejudged, after a spirited defence he went home and starved himself to death. The Senate ordered his books to be burned: ‘sed manserunt,’ says Tacitus, ‘occultati et editi.’ Dion. tells us that ‘afterwards (i.e. under Caligula) they were published again, for they had been preserved by various people, and particularly by his daughter Marcia; and they were esteemed much more highly on account of the fate of Cordus’ (lvii. 24). For Marcia v. Senecae Consolatio ad Marciam c. 1. Suet. Calig. 16 tells us that the suppressed writings of others also (Titus Labienus and Cassius Severus) were allowed by Caligula to come again into circulation, after a process of editing similar to that referred to by Quint. (circumcisis, &c.). Tacitus’s reflections on the ineffectual attempt to destroy Cremutius’s works are interesting in connection with our passage: quo magis socordiam eorum inridere licet, qui praesenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. Nam contra, punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem saevitia usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere, Ann. iv. 35 ad fin.abunde: used here to emphasiseelatum: v. on§94.spiritus,§§44,61;3 §22. The excisions and emendations in regard to matters of detail had evidently not interfered with the independent tone of Cremutius’s writings.alii scriptores,συγγραφεῖς: the word being used specially of historians. He has not mentioned Caesar, or Nepos, or Velleius, or Quintus Curtius.degustamus: ‘dipping into’:5 §23inchoatae et quasi degustatae. The opposite ispersequi:§45genera ipsa lectionum ... persequar.I:105Oratores vero vel praecipue Latinam eloquentiam parem facereGraecae possunt; namCiceronemcuicumque eorum fortiter opposuerim. Nec ignoro quantam mihi concitem pugnam, cumpraesertim non id sit propositi ut eum Demostheni comparem hoc tempore; neque enim attinet, cum Demosthenen in primis legendum vel ediscendum potius putem.§ 105.parem facere. Cicero usesaequarein a passage of the Brutus (§138), in which, speaking of Antonius and Crassus, he says: nam ego sic existimo,hos oratores fuisse maximos et in his primum cum Graecorum gloria Latine dicendi copiam aequatam. In the Silver Age, the phraseparia facerecommonly occurs for ‘settling up’: e.g. nihil differamus. cotidie cum vita paria faciamus Sen. Ep. 101, 7. A near parallel to the passage in the text is ii. 8, 13 ea cura paria faciet iis in quibus eminebat.—Other reff. to Cicero’s pre-eminence are vi. 3, 1 Latinae eloquentiae princeps: xii. 1, 20 stetisse ipsum (Ciceronem) in fastigio eloquentiae fateor.cuicumque,§12. The use ofquicumque(which in classical Latin is joined with a verb) forquivisorquilibet(which are used absolutely) may be noted as a sign of the decay of the language. Cp. note on§12: Roby §2289.—ForeorumAndresen and Jeep proposeGraecorum.fortiter opposuerim. The adv. is not merely one of manner: it conveys the expression of a judgment, ‘nicht die Art und Weise, sondern ein Urteil über die Handlung,’ Becher. So ‘inique Castorem cum Domitio comparo,’ Cicero, pro Deiot. §31. Cp. i, 5, 72 fortiter diceremus: v. 10, 78 fortiter ... iunxerim.—Roby (1540) gives numerous examples of this use of subj. (involving a suppressed condition such as ‘if occasion arose’) with such adverbs as merito, facile, lubenter, citius.quantam ... pugnam: owing to the existing prejudice against the style of Cicero. Cp. Tac. Dial. 12 Plures hodie reperies qui Ciceronis gloriam quam qui Vergilii detrectent: ibid. 18 Satis constat ne Ciceroni quidem obtrectatores defuisse, quibus inflatus et tumens nec satis pressus, sed supra modum exsultans et superfluens et parum Atticus videretur. Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad Ciceronem missas epistulas ex quibus facile est deprehendere Calvum quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et aridum, Brutum autem otiosum atque diiunctum, rursus Ciceronem a Calvo quidem male audisse tamquam solutum et enervem, a Bruto autem, ut ipsius verbis utar, tamquam fractum atque elumbem.—Hortensius had been fromB.C.95 the Latin representative of Asianism. Under the influence of his teachers, the Rhodian eclectics, Cicero emancipated himself from this school without, on the other hand, binding himself by the most rigorous canons of Atticism. His critics, who adhered to severer models, considered the fulness and richness of his style turgidity and bombast, and pointed to his elaborately periodic structure and rhythmical amplitude as proving that he was really an Asianist in disguise. Besides Brutus and Calvus, mentioned above (cp. Quint, xii. 1, 22), there were the Asinii, father and son (etiam inimice, ibid.), and Caelius. Asinius Gallus wrote a workde comparatione patris et Ciceronis, which was controverted by the emperor Claudius: Plin. Epist. vii. 4 §6 libros Galli ... quibus ille parenti ausus de Cicerone dare est palmamque decusque: Sueton. Claud. 41. Cicero, on the other hand, thought that his Atticising critics were too apt to forget (what he asks Atticus to remember) that the ‘thunders of Demosthenes show that the Attic style is quite consistent with the highest degree of grandeur’—si recordabereΔημοσθένουςfulmina, tum intelliges posse etἀττικώταταgravissime dici, ad Att. xv. 1, ad fin. Quintilian denounces them in strong language, xii. 10, §§12-14 A. At L. M. Tullium non illum habemus Euphranorem circa plures artium species praestantem, sed in omnibus quae in quoque laudantur eminentissimum. Quem tamen et suorum homines temporum incessere audebant ut tumidiorem et Asianum et redundantem et in repetitionibus nimium et in salibus aliquando frigidum et in compositione fractum, exultantem ac paene, quod procul absit, viro molliorem: postea vero quam triumvirati proscriptione consumptus est, passim qui oderant, qui invidebant, qui aemulabantur, adulatores etiam praesentis potentiae non responsurum invaserunt. Ille tamen, qui ieiunus a quibusdam et aridus habetur, non aliter ab ipsis inimicis male audire quam nimiis floribus et ingenii adfluentia potuit. Falsum utrumque, sed tamen illa mentiendi propior occasio. Praecipue vero presserunt eum qui videri Atticorum imitatores concupierant. Haec manus quasi quibusdam sacris initiata ut alienigenam et parum superstitiosum devinctumque illis legibus insequebatur, unde nunc quoque aridi et exsuci et exsangues. Hi sunt enim qui suae imbecillitati sanitatis appellationem, quae est maxime contraria, obtendant: qui quia clariorem vim eloquentiae velut solem ferre non possunt, umbra magni nominis (i.e. Athens) delitescunt. In Quintilian’s own day (cp. nunc quoque above) a certainLargius Licinus wrote a work which he calledCiceromastix, repeating the criticisms of Asinius Gallus: cp. Aul. Gell. xvii. 1, 1 nonnulli tam prodigiosi tamque vaecordes exstiterunt in quibus sunt Gallus Asinius et Largius Licinus, cuius liber etiam fertur infando titulo ‘Ciceromastix,’ ut scribere ausi sint M. Ciceronem parum integre atque improprie atque inconsiderate locutum. These rigid Atticists appear to have ignored, as Sandys has pointed out (Introd. to Orator, p. lxii), the ‘difference between the two languages, between the power and breadth and compass of Greek as compared with the more limited resources of Latin.’ Mr. Sandys appends an apt quotation from J. H. Newman (in H. Thompson’s Rom. Lit.—Encyc. Metrop. p. 307, ed. 1852):—‘Greek is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary and perspicuity in its phrases; and the consequent facility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity and plainness were not incompatible with clearness, energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of judgment, an ignorance of the very principles of composition, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and others to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their own defective language, and even to pronounce the opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity. In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally, into a distinct and harmonious order; and from the exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical; and requires considerable skill and management to render it expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is scarcely separable from baldness; and justly as Terence is celebrated for chaste and unadorned diction, yet even he, compared with Attic writers, is flat and heavy (Quint. x. 1, §100).’ Cp. for a similar contrast Quint. xii. 10, §§27-39.cum praesertim: Krüger (3rd ed.) gives the sense as follows, ‘especially since I do not intend to prove my statement by a detailed comparison’: following Becher (but seeCrit. Notes), who thinks that Quint. means to say that thepugnawill be all the more violent because he does not intend to go into a detailed comparison. Such a comparison would be out of place (neque enim attinet), as he is not denying the supreme excellence of Demosthenes.Cum praesertimmeans that there is all the less reason for controversy as he does not intend to compare the two: it gives an additional ground for what is really, if not formally, the main idea in the writer’s mind, viz. the needlessness of apugnaat this point. Hence it comes to have the force ofquamvis, oridque cum tamen: tr. ‘and that though,’ ‘though indeed,’ ‘which is all the less necessary because,’ etc. Cp. Cic. de Fin. ii. 8, 25 cum praesertim in eo omne studium poneret,—where see Madvig’s note: in Verr. ii. 113 ut ex oppido Thermis nihil ex sacro, nihil de publico attingeres, cum praesertim essent multa praeclara, &c., i.e. ‘which is all the more wonderful because’—very much as in our text: Philipp. viii. 2, 5 C. quidem Caesar non expectavit vestra decreta, praesertim cum illud aetatis erat—i.e. as he might well have done at his age: ibid. ii. 64 inventus est nemo praeter Antonium, praesertim cum tot essent, &c.: i.e. which was all the more remarkable as, &c.: Brutus, §267 M. Bibulus qui et scriptitavit adcurate, cum praesertim non esset orator, et, &c., i.e. ‘and that too though’: de Off. ii. 56: Orator §32 nec vero si historiam non scripsisset (Thucydides) nomen eius exstaret, cum praesertim fuisset honoratus et nobilis. Roby §1732: Nägelsbach8, pp. 695-6.propositi: for the gen. cp. iv. 2, 21 quid acti sit: quid tui consilii sit (Cic. ad Att. xii. 29, 2: Caes. B. G. i. 21, 2): quid offici sui sit Cic. Acad. Pr. ii. §25, with Dr. Reid’s note.hoc tempore: Demosthenes and Cicero are eulogised together, xii. 1, §§14-22.neque enim attinet, i.e. nor would there be any point in such a controversy. They have no need to draw the sword against me, for I too give Demosthenes the highest place. In exalting Cicero I do not mean to depreciate Demosthenes. Cp. Tac. Dial. 25 quo modo inter Atticos primae Demostheni tribuuntur ... sic apud nos Cicero quidem ceteros eorundem temporum disertos antecessit.I:106Quorum ego virtutesplerasque arbitror similes, consilium, ordinem, dividendi, praeparandi, probandi rationem, [omnia] denique quae sunt inventionis.In eloquendo est aliqua diversitas: densior ille hic copiosior, ille concludit adstrictius hic latius, pugnat ille acumine semper hic frequenter et pondere, illi nihil detrahi potest huic nihil adici, curae plus in illo in hoc naturae.§ 106.consilium: vi. 5 §3 consilium vero ratio est quaedam alte petita et plerumque plura perpendens et comparans habensque in se et inventionem et iudicationem: §11 illud dicere satis habeo, nihil esse non modo in orando, sed in omni vita prius consilio, and the whole passage from §9 to end: ii. 13, 2 res in oratore praecipua consilium est, quia varie et ad rerum momenta convertitur. This ‘tact’ or ‘judgment’ would be specially shown ininventioand indispositio, here made a part of inventio:elocutiois a higher gift. Cp. viii, Pr. §14 M. Tullius inventionem quidem ac dispositionem prudentis hominis putat, eloquentiam oratoris: Cicero, de Orat. ii. 120 cum haec duo nobis quaerenda sint in causis, primum quid [inventio], deinde quomodo [elocutio] dicamus, alterum ... prudentiae est paene mediocris [quid dicendum sit videre]: alterum est, in quo oratoris vis illa divina virtusque cernitur, ea quae dicenda sunt ornate copiose varieque dicere; Orator §44 nam et invenire et iudicare quid dicas magna illa quidem sunt et tamquam animi instar in corpore, sed propria magis prudentiae quam eloquentiae.ordinem(τάξιν):ordocorresponds todispositioiii. 3, 8. In vii. 1, 1 the two are separately defined:ordorecta quaedam collocatio prioribus sequentia adnectens:dispositioutilis rerum ac partium in locos distributio.dividendi.Divisiois defined, along withpartitio, in vii. 1, 1:divisiorerum plurium in singulas,partitiosingularum in partes discretio. Heredividendi ratiois used in a more general sense, as equivalent topartitioin iv. 5: i.e. nostrarum aut adversarii propositionum aut utrarumque ordine collocata enumeratio. Of this useful process Quintilian says (iv. 5, 22): neque enim solum id efficit ut clariora fiant quae dicuntur, rebus velut ex turba extractis et in conspectu iudicum positis, sed reficit quoque audientem certo singularum partium fine, non aliter quam facientibus iter multum detrahunt fatigationis notata inscriptis lapidibus spatia.—Kiderlin (Hermes 23, p. 176) thinks it remarkable thatdivisioshould here be ranked alongside ofpraeparandi,probandi rationem, whereas in iii. 3, 1 it stands independently alongside ofinventioitself. He sees no difference betweenordinemanddividendi rationem(iii. 3, 8), and suggests that in the MSS. readings (videndi and indicendi) there may be concealed some noun to correspond withordinem: e.g.viam dicendi(‘der Gang der Reden’): cp. iv. 5, 3:x. 7, 5. But inx. 7, 9we have bothordoanddispositio, in spite of iii. 3, 8, and so it is here.praeparandi: iii. 9, 7 expositio enim probationum est praeparatio, nec esse utilis potest nisi prius constiterit, quid debeat de probatione promittere. A less formal use occursx. 1 §21: cp. iv. 2 §55.probandi rationem=confirmationem, the establishment of the case. Understanding the passage to contain an enumeration of the five parts of an oration (exordium, narratio, probatio, refutatio, and peroratio), Kiderlin takesprobandihere as covering the third and fourth, which were often considered one part.Praeparandi= exordium, and theperoratiois omitted, because here Demosthenes and Cicero were unlike, for the reason given below (§107). In order to includenarratio, he proposes to insertnarrandiafterpraeparandi: it may easily, he thinks, have fallen out after-arandi. It is always included in similar enumerations: ii. 5, 7-8: ii. 13, 1: iv. pr. 6:x. 2, 27.[omnia] denique quae sunt inventionis: seeCrit. Notes. ‘Inventio,’ the orator’s first requisite, may of course be shown in all the various parts of a speech, e.g. narratio, divisio, confirmatio, as here. But in the antithesis betweeninventionisandin eloquendoQuintilian is thinking of that fundamental distinction between substance and form on which he based his treatment of his subject. Applying a rough division to his work, we may say that Books iii. to vii. deal withinventioincludingdispositio, i.e.εὕρεσιςandτάξις: while Books viii-xi. treat ofelocutio(λέξις), includingactioorpronuntiatio, ‘delivery’ (ὑπόκρισις). So Cicero in the Orator §43 introduces a description of the ideal orator in the three relations of (1) inventio—quid dicat (εὕρεσις): (2) collocatio or dispositio—quo quidque loco (τάξις), and (3) actio or pronuntiatio (ὑπόκρισις): and elocutio (λέξις)—quo modo. Quintilian in iii. 3 gives in more detail the traditional parts of rhetoric: inventio, dispositio, elocutio, memoria, pronuntiatio (or actio). See §§1-9. For the division here cp. also xii. 10, 27 Latina mihi facundia, ut inventione, dispositione, consilio, ceteris huius generis artibus similis Graecae ac prorsus discipula eius videtur, ita circarationem eloquendi vix habere imitationis locum.aliqua diversitas: Morawski (Quaest. p. 33) thinks that this passage may be founded on a tractate by Caecilius (contemporary with Dion. Hal.), which is mentioned by Plutarch, Dem. 3σύγκρισις τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος. A parallel passage is found in theπερὶ ὕψους(Sp. i. p. 261), the author of which may also have borrowed from Caecilius:—ὁ μὲν γὰρ (Δημοσθένης) ἐν ὕψει τὸ πλέον ἀποτόμῳ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἐν χύσει, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἡμέτερος διὰ τὸ μετὰ βίας ἕκαστα, ἔτι δὲ τάχους, ῥώμης, δεινότητος οἷον καίειν τε ἅμα καὶ διαρπάζειν, σκηπτῷ τινι παρεικάζοιτ᾽ ἂν ἢ κεραυνῷ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ὡς ἀμφιλαφής τις ἐμπρησμὸς οἶμαι πάντη νέμεται καὶ ἀνειλεῖται....Cp. Introd.p. xxxviii.densior:§76tam densa omnia: so of Thucydides§73densus et brevis.concludit, not, as Bonnell = ratiocinatur (xii. 2, 25), but of the ‘rounding off’ of a period: ix. 4, 22,περίοδονquae est vel ambitus vel circumductum vel continuatio vel conclusio. Cp. Cic. Brutus §33 verborum ... quaedam ad numerum conclusio: cp. §34 below, concluditque sententiam: Orator §20 conclusa oratio: §177 concluse apteque dicere: §§200, 220, 230, 231: de Orat. ii. §34 quod carmen artificiosa verborum conclusione (‘artistic period’) aptius? Hor. Sat. i. 4, 40 concludere versum. The opposite is membratim caesimque dicere, Quint. ix. 4, 126: cp. Cic. Orat. §212 incise membratimve: de Orat. iii. 49, 190 carpere membris minutioribus orationem. For a contrast cp. Brutus §120 ut Stoicorum adstrictior est oratio aliquantoque contractior quam aures populi requirunt, sic illorum (Peripateticorum Academicorumque) liberior et latior quam patitur consuetudo iudiciorum et fori: §162 quin etiam comprehensio et ambitus ille verborum, si sicπερίοδονappellari placet, erat apud illum (i.e. Crassum) contractus et brevis, et in membra quaedam, quaeκῶλαGraeci vocant, dispertiebat orationem libentius.astrictius ... latius: there is more compactness about the periodic structure in Demosthenes, greater breadth in that of Cicero. This could hardly be said of Demosthenes’s periods as a whole: it rather refers to the care which Cicero and Roman orators generally bestowed on the closing syllables of a period (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 117). It was this liking for a sonorous and copious diction that seemed to Cicero’s critics to justify the epithets (inflatus, tumens, &c.) applied to him in Dial. de Orat. 18 (quoted above,§105); he himself tells us in the Orator, §104, that his ears craved for something more full and sonorous even than Demosthenes: ‘non semper implet aures meas: ita sunt avidae et capaces et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant.’pugnat: used figuratively fordicit: cp.§4.acumine: the word is used in§§81and 83 of ‘power of thought,’ ‘intellectual penetration’: viii. 2, 21:x. 1, §81and§83. See on acutus§77. So Cic. de Orat. i. §128 acumen dialecticorum. Here it includes the idea of ‘point’ in expression: following up the metaphor contained in ‘pugnat,’ we might render, ‘Demosthenes always thrusts with the rapier, Cicero often uses the bludgeon too.’ (Landor, speaking of Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke, as compared with Lord Brougham, said that they had ‘more of the rapier than the bludgeon.’) Cp. de Orat. ii. §158 ipsi se compungunt suis acuminibus. The contrast is something like that implied in xii. 10, 36 subtilitate vincimur (a Graecis): valeamus pondere: cp. ibid. §11 gravitatem Bruti acumen Sulpici.nihil detrahi: cp.§76is dicendi modus ut nec quod desit in eo nec quod redundet invenias.curae ... naturae: v. Jebb’s Attic Orators, i. Introd. p. cvi, where it is remarked that this paradox is true in this sense alone, ‘that Cicero is an inferior artist, and indulges more freely the taste of the natural man for ornament.’ Quintilian may also refer to the laborious training which Demosthenes imposed on himself, and in consequence of which, says Plutarch,δόξαν εἶχεν ὡς οὐκ εὐφυὴς ὤν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πόνου συγκειμένῃ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει χρώμενος(Vit. Demosth. viii.). Cp. the taunt of Pytheas, that his work ‘smelled of the lamp’:ἐλλυχνίων ὄζειν, ibid.; alsoParallel. ch. i. It was the rule with Demosthenes never to speak without preparation: Cicero may have relied at times on the faculty of extemporising at need.I:107Salibus certe etcommiseratione, quae duo plurimum in adfectibus valent, vincimus. Et fortasse epilogos illi mos civitatis abstulerit, sed et nobis illa, quae Attici mirantur, diversa Latini sermonis ratiominus permiserit. In epistulis quidem, quamquam sunt utriusque, dialogisve, quibus nihil ille, nulla contentio est.§ 107.salibus: cp. vi. 3, 2 plerique Demostheni facultatem defuisse huic rei credunt, Ciceroni modum, nec videri potest noluisse Demosthenes, cuius pauca admodum dicta nec sane ceteris eius virtutibus respondentia palam ostendunt non displicuisse illi iocos sed non contigisse ... mihi quidem ... mira quaedam in eo (Cicerone) videtur fuisse urbanitas. So §21 Demosthenem urbanum fuisse dicunt, dicacem negant: Cic. Orat. §90 non tam dicax quam facetus: Dion. Hal. Dem. c. 54πάσας ἔχουσα τὰς ἀρετὰς ἡ Δημοσθένους λέξις ... λείπεται εὐτραπελίας. Cp.περὶ ὕψους, 34, where the judgment is unduly severe,ἔνθα μέντοι γελοῖος εἶναι βιάζεται καὶ ἀστεῖος οὐ γέλωτα κινεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ καταγελᾶται. Cp. Sandys’ note on Orat. §90, “Though not obtrusively witty, Demosthenes nevertheless is not wanting in humour, as is proved by the speech on the Chersonesus §§5, 11 ff. and esp. 23 (characterized by Brougham as ‘full of refined and almost playful wit’): Plut. iii. §66: de Cor. §§198, 234 (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 163-6).” For a criticism of Cicero’s wit, on the other hand, v. Plut. Parallel. §1Κικέρων δὲ πολλαχοῦ τῷ σκωπτικῷ πρὸς τὸ βωμολόχον ἐκφερόμενος καὶ πράγματα σπουδῆς ἄξια γέλωτι καὶ παιδιᾷ κατειρωνευόμενος ἐν ταῖς δίκαις εἰς τὸ χρειῶδες ἠφείδει τοῦ πρέποντος, and below, Cato’sὡς γελοῖον, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἔχομεν ὕπατον. Δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ γέλωτος οἰκεῖος ὁ Κικέρων γεγονέναι καὶ φιλοσκώπτης κ.τ.λ.commiseratione, ‘pathos.’ See Orator §130 in quo ut viderer excellere non ingenio, sed dolore adsequebar; i.e. it was real sympathy more than any special talent that enabled him to excel in this respect.in adfectibus, ‘where the feelings are concerned.’ Underadfectus(vi. 2) is included everything that makes an impression on the judges: §1 opus ... movendi iudicum animos: among other things laughter itself, virtus quae risum iudicis movendo et illos tristes solvit adfectus et animum ab intentione rerum frequenter avertit et aliquando etiam reficit et a satietate vel a fatigatione renovat.vincimus: for the present cp.§§93,101,105.epilogos, ‘perorations.’ The peroration was looked on as giving a great opportunity for moving the feelings: Arist. Rhet. iii. 19 says one of its parts isεἰς τὰ πάθη τὸν ἀκροατὴν καταστῆσαι. So Quint. iv. 1, 28 quod in ingressu parcius et modestius praetemptanda sit iudicis misericordia: in epilogo vero liceat totos effundere adfectus. The word is common in this sense in Quintilian: vi. 1, 37, sq. esp. §52 at hic, si usquam, totos eloquentiae aperire fontes licet. Nam et, si bene diximus reliqua, possidebimus iam iudicum animos, et e confragosis atque asperis evecti tota pandere possumus vela, et, cum sit maxima pars epilogi amplificatio, verbis atque sententiis uti licet magnificis et ornatis. Tunc est commovendum theatrum cum ventum est ad ipsum illud, quo veteres tragoediae comoediaeque cluduntur, plodite: cp. also Cicero, Brutus §33 exstat eius peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: de Orat. ii. §278: ad Att. iv. 15, 4.mos civitatis: ii. 16 §4 Athenis ubi actor movere adfectus vetabatur velut recisam orandi potestatem: vi. 1, 7, where he says that with the Attic orators theepilogusgenerally took the form of recapitulation (ἀνακεφαλαίωσις= enumeratio) ‘quia Athenis adfectus movere etiam per praeconem prohibebatur orator.’ Cp. xii. 10, 26. This would be especially the case in trials before the Areopagus. But it was the Hellenic instinct for moderation that imposed its own law. Lord Brougham, in his Dissertation on the Eloquence of the Ancients (p. 25), remarks on the calmness of the Greek peroration: cp. his Essay on Demosthenes (p. 184): ‘It seems to have been a rule enjoined by the severe taste of those times, that after being wrought up to a great pitch of emotion, the speaker should, in quitting his audience, leave an impression of dignity, which cannot be maintained without composure.’ Cp. Jebb, i. ciii-civ: ‘Cicero has now and then an Attic peroration, as in the Second Philippic and the Pro Milone; more often he breaks off in a burst of eloquence—as in the First Catilinarian, the Pro Flacco, and the Pro Cluentio.’illa quae Attici mirantur: cp.§65,§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: xii. 10 §35 illam gratiam sermonis Attici.epistulis. If it were not for the ineptitude of the comparison which follows (in quibusnihilille) we might be inclined to imagine that Quintilian knew of more letters of Demosthenes than the six which are still extant, and which are generally considered apocryphal.dialogis: comprising most of Cicero’s philosophical works, and the Brutus and De Oratore among his rhetorical.nihil ille, sc. effecit, consecutus est: cp.§§56,123:2 §§6,24:3 §25:7 §§7,23.I:108Cedendum vero in hoc, quod et prior fuit et ex magna parte Ciceronem quantus est fecit. Nam mihi videtur M. Tullius, cum se totum ad imitationem Graecorum contulisset, effinxisse vim Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, iucunditatem Isocratis.§ 108.effinxisse, ‘artistically reproduced.’iucunditatem. ‘The idea which Cicero got from Isocrates was that of number. See esp. de Orat. iii. 44 §173.’ Jebb. So ‘suavitatem Isocrates ... vim Demosthenes habuit’ de Orat. iii. §28.I:109Nec vero quod in quoque optimum fuit studio consecutus est tantum, sed plurimas vel potius omnes ex se ipso virtutes extulit immortalis ingenii beatissima ubertate. Non enim ‘pluvias,’ ut ait Pindarus, ‘aquas colligit, sed vivo gurgite exundat,’ dono quodam providentiae genitus, in quo totas vires suas eloquentia experiretur.§ 109.ex se ipso ... extulit: cp. Cic. Acad. ii. 8, 23 artem vivendi quae ipsa ex sese habeat constantiam, where Dr. Reid cites this passage, along with many others, e.g. Sen. Ep. 52, 3 hos quibus ex se impetus fuit: Cic. N. D. iii. 88 a se sumere.beatissima: cp.§61beatissima rerum verborumque copia:3, §22beatiorem spiritum. Cp. the eulogy by Caesar, in his Analogia (written as he was crossing the Alps, and dedicated to Cicero himself): ac si ut cogitata praeclare eloqui possent non nulli studio et usu elaboraverunt, cuius te paene principem copiae atque inventorem bene de nomine ac dignitate populi Romani meritum esse existimare debemus, &c.—quoted in Brutus §253. Hild adds Pliny H. N. vii. 30 Facundiae Latiarumque litterarum parens atque ... omnium triumphorum gloria maior, quanto plus est ingenii Romani terminos in tantum promovisse quam imperii,—where the language has a close resemblance to that of Cicero himself in Brutus §255.ut ait Pindarus. We get thepluvias aquasin theοὐρανίων ὑδάτων ὀμβρίωνof Olymp. xi, but there is nothing in Pindar’s extant works that corresponds to the quotation.exundat: cp. Tac. Dial. 30 ex multa eruditione et plurimis artibus et omnium rerum scientia exundat et exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia.providentiais used very frequently by itself in Quintilian, e.g. i. 10, 7 oratio qua nihil praestantius homini dedit providentia (v. Bonn. Lex.); also in xi. i, 23 with deorum immortalium.eloquentia: cp. Sen. Ep. 40, 11 Cicero quoque noster, a quo Romana eloquentia exsiluit.I:110Nam quis docere diligentius, movere vehementius potest? Cui tanta umquam iucunditas adfuit? ut ipsa illa quae extorquetimpetrare eum credas, et cum transversum vi sua iudicem ferat, tamen ille non rapi videatur, sed sequi.
§ 102.immortalem: so§86, where it is more appropriate.velocitatem: ‘rapid brevity.’ It is the quality which Dionysius denotes byτὸ τάχος τῆς ἀπαγγελίαςp. 870 R. Cp. Hor. Sat i. 10, 9 Est brevitate opus ut currat sententia,—quoted on§73brevis et semper instans sibi Thucydides, where see note. Arist. Rhet. iii. 16, 4ταχεῖαν διήγησιν. Soceleritasxii. 10, 65 hanc vim et celeritatem in Pericle miratur Eupolis: Eupolis having said of Periclesταχὺς λέγειν μέν, πρὸς δέ γ᾽ αὐτῷ τῷ τάχει πειθώ τις(Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 535).consecutus est, lit. = ‘equalled in point of fame’: the real object is notvelocitatem, so that the idea is awkwardly expressed. Quintilian means that by other good points (cp.§73diversis virtutibus) Livy obtained a degree of fame not inferior to what Sallust gained by his ‘velocitas.’ It is in fact a brachyology for ‘immortalitatem illius Sallustianae velocitatis.’ Cp. Cic. Phil. xiv. 35 parem virtutis gloriam consecuta est (legio): Quint. iii. 7, 9 quod immortalitatem virtute sint consecuti. See Crit. Notes.Servilius Nonianus. In mentioning his death (A.D.60) along with that of Domitius Afer (§86), Tacitus says that he rivalled the latter’s abilities and surpassed his morals:—summis honoribus et multa eloquentia viguerant, ille orando causas, Servilius diu foro, mox tradendis rebus Romanis celebris et elegantia vitae, quam clariorem effecit, ut par ingenio, ita morum diversus. Cp. Dial. ch. 23 eloquentia ... Servilii Noniani. Like most of the Roman historians, except Livy, he was a man of affairs. Pliny, N. H. xxviii. 2, 5 princeps civitatis. He was the friend—possibly at one time the teacher—of the satirist Persius, who is said to have reverenced him as a father (coluit ut patrem). Pliny tells us (Ep. i. 13, 3) how Claudius, on hearing the thunders of applause that greeted his recitations, entered the building and seated himself unobserved among the audience: memoria parentura Claudium Caesarem ferunt, cum in palatio spatiaretur andissetque clamorem, causam requisisse, cumque dictum esset recitare Nonianum, subitum recitanti inopinantique venisse.et ipse. Quintilian had not only read his works, but had heard him: hewould be between twenty and twenty-five when Servilius died.—Foret ipsesee on§31.clarus vi ingenii: seeCrit. Notes.sententiis creber; cp.§68sententiis densus. Forsententiis(γνώμαις) cp.§60§61:2 §17. He was full of point and matter, but not concise enongh for the dignity of history. Forpressusv.§44.
§ 102.immortalem: so§86, where it is more appropriate.
velocitatem: ‘rapid brevity.’ It is the quality which Dionysius denotes byτὸ τάχος τῆς ἀπαγγελίαςp. 870 R. Cp. Hor. Sat i. 10, 9 Est brevitate opus ut currat sententia,—quoted on§73brevis et semper instans sibi Thucydides, where see note. Arist. Rhet. iii. 16, 4ταχεῖαν διήγησιν. Soceleritasxii. 10, 65 hanc vim et celeritatem in Pericle miratur Eupolis: Eupolis having said of Periclesταχὺς λέγειν μέν, πρὸς δέ γ᾽ αὐτῷ τῷ τάχει πειθώ τις(Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 535).
consecutus est, lit. = ‘equalled in point of fame’: the real object is notvelocitatem, so that the idea is awkwardly expressed. Quintilian means that by other good points (cp.§73diversis virtutibus) Livy obtained a degree of fame not inferior to what Sallust gained by his ‘velocitas.’ It is in fact a brachyology for ‘immortalitatem illius Sallustianae velocitatis.’ Cp. Cic. Phil. xiv. 35 parem virtutis gloriam consecuta est (legio): Quint. iii. 7, 9 quod immortalitatem virtute sint consecuti. See Crit. Notes.
Servilius Nonianus. In mentioning his death (A.D.60) along with that of Domitius Afer (§86), Tacitus says that he rivalled the latter’s abilities and surpassed his morals:—summis honoribus et multa eloquentia viguerant, ille orando causas, Servilius diu foro, mox tradendis rebus Romanis celebris et elegantia vitae, quam clariorem effecit, ut par ingenio, ita morum diversus. Cp. Dial. ch. 23 eloquentia ... Servilii Noniani. Like most of the Roman historians, except Livy, he was a man of affairs. Pliny, N. H. xxviii. 2, 5 princeps civitatis. He was the friend—possibly at one time the teacher—of the satirist Persius, who is said to have reverenced him as a father (coluit ut patrem). Pliny tells us (Ep. i. 13, 3) how Claudius, on hearing the thunders of applause that greeted his recitations, entered the building and seated himself unobserved among the audience: memoria parentura Claudium Caesarem ferunt, cum in palatio spatiaretur andissetque clamorem, causam requisisse, cumque dictum esset recitare Nonianum, subitum recitanti inopinantique venisse.
et ipse. Quintilian had not only read his works, but had heard him: hewould be between twenty and twenty-five when Servilius died.—Foret ipsesee on§31.
clarus vi ingenii: seeCrit. Notes.
sententiis creber; cp.§68sententiis densus. Forsententiis(γνώμαις) cp.§60§61:2 §17. He was full of point and matter, but not concise enongh for the dignity of history. Forpressusv.§44.
I:103Quam paulum aetate praecedens eumBassus Aufidiusegregie, utique in libris belli Germanici, praestitit genere ipso, probabilis in omnibus, sed in quibusdam suis ipse viribus minor.
§ 103.Bassus Aufidius. Tacitus mentions him along with Servilius Nonianus, Dial. 23, where he speaks of antiquarians ‘quibus eloquentia Aufidii Bassi aut Servilii Noniani ex comparatione Sisennae aut Varronis sordet.’ Seneca gives some account of him in his thirtieth letter: §1 Bassum Aufidium, virum optimum, vidi quassum, aetati obluctantem: §3 Bassus tamen noster alacer animo est. hoc philosophia praestat. Cp. §§5, 10, 14. His history probably ended with the reign of Claudius, at which point Pliny the elder took it up: N. H. praef. 20 diximus ... temporum nostrorum historiam, orsi a fine Aufidii Bassi. The ‘libri Belli Germanici’ may have been an independent work.—The practice of placing the cognomen before the gentile name grew under the Empire: many instances are found even in Cicero’s letters, but not in the ordinary prose of the Republic; cp.§86, and Introd.p. lv.genere ipso= ‘gerade durch den Stil’ (Kiderlin)—as being suitable tohistoriae auctoritas. Quintilian often usesgenusin this sense (without dicendi): often with an adj. likerectum, but often also without, e.g.x. 2, 18noveram quosdam &c.:2 §23uni alicui generi. For the reading, seeCrit. Notes.—From the specimens (on the death of Cicero) given by Seneca the rhetorician (Suas. vi. 18 and 23), we should infer that the style of Bassus was rather affected and pretentious.
§ 103.Bassus Aufidius. Tacitus mentions him along with Servilius Nonianus, Dial. 23, where he speaks of antiquarians ‘quibus eloquentia Aufidii Bassi aut Servilii Noniani ex comparatione Sisennae aut Varronis sordet.’ Seneca gives some account of him in his thirtieth letter: §1 Bassum Aufidium, virum optimum, vidi quassum, aetati obluctantem: §3 Bassus tamen noster alacer animo est. hoc philosophia praestat. Cp. §§5, 10, 14. His history probably ended with the reign of Claudius, at which point Pliny the elder took it up: N. H. praef. 20 diximus ... temporum nostrorum historiam, orsi a fine Aufidii Bassi. The ‘libri Belli Germanici’ may have been an independent work.—The practice of placing the cognomen before the gentile name grew under the Empire: many instances are found even in Cicero’s letters, but not in the ordinary prose of the Republic; cp.§86, and Introd.p. lv.
genere ipso= ‘gerade durch den Stil’ (Kiderlin)—as being suitable tohistoriae auctoritas. Quintilian often usesgenusin this sense (without dicendi): often with an adj. likerectum, but often also without, e.g.x. 2, 18noveram quosdam &c.:2 §23uni alicui generi. For the reading, seeCrit. Notes.—From the specimens (on the death of Cicero) given by Seneca the rhetorician (Suas. vi. 18 and 23), we should infer that the style of Bassus was rather affected and pretentious.
I:104Superest adhuc et exornataetatis nostrae gloriam vir saeculorum memoria dignus, qui olim nominabitur, nunc intellegitur. Habet amatores nec immeritoCremutilibertas, quamquam circumcisis quae dixisse ei nocuerat; sed elatum abunde spiritum et audaces sententias deprehendas etiam in his quae manent. Sunt et alii scriptores boni, sed nos genera degustamus, non bibliothecas excutimus.
§ 104.Superest. The fact that Cremutius put an end to his life inA.D.25 is sufficient to disprove the theory that he is referred to here:superestwhen taken along withexornat aetatis nostrae gloriamcannot mean anything butsuperstes est(cp. supersunt2 §28).—The Bonnell-Meister edition (1882) understands the reference to be to Tacitus: but though admirers of Tacitus would like to appropriate for him the phrasevir saeculorum memoria dignus, this can hardly be accepted. In the first place the wordssuperest adhucare, in their natural sense, inapplicable to one who had not published anything when Quintilian wrote (about 93A.D.). He has just spoken of Servilius, who is known to have died inA.D.60, and of Aufidius, who was old and frail in Seneca’s life-time, i.e. beforeA.D.65: and though it may be proposed to takesuperest adhucas meaning simply ‘I have still to refer to (a living writer),’ (cp.supersunt§123), in which sense the words might apply to Tacitus, it seems extremely improbable that after speaking of a youthful contemporary, Quintilian would in the next sentence return to Cremutius, who died as far back asA.D.25. It might be argued that the point of the passage is that, after this indirect eulogy of Tacitus, the writer means to imply that the spirit of Cremutius still survives in him: ‘there is with us now one who will afterwards be famous but of whom we may not speak at present. The independence of Cremutius is still appreciated.’ Buthabet amatoreswill hardly cover this interpretation: it introduces a critique of Cremutius which has no relation to what goes before. And moreover it is doubtful whether Quintilian, who never mentions any living writer, except Domitian, would have hazarded a reference to one whose anti-imperial tendencies must have been so well known in Rome. Krüger’s supposition (3rd ed. p. 97) that afteradhucthe nameTacitushas fallen out, or that we should write ‘superest Tacitus et ornat,’ is altogether out of the question: it would quite destroy the point of the sentence (nominabitur ... intellegitur). It seems safest, therefore, to follow those who with Nipperdey (Philol. vi. p. 193) understand the historian here meant to be Fabius Rusticus. It would have been strange if Quintilian had omitted to mention him, considering his eminence: Livius veterum, Fabius Rusticus recentium eloquentissimiauctores, Tac. Agr. 10. And what he says fits Fabius very well; he was an intimate friend of Seneca (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20 sane Fabius inclinat ad laudes Senecae cuius amicitia floruit), and from the fact that he was made co-heir with Tacitus and Pliny in the will of Dasumius we know that he was still alive 108 or 109A.D.Mommsen thinks that to him also is addressed Pliny, Ep. ix. 29.vir saeculorum memoria dignus: Cp.§80: iii. 7, 18 ingeniorum monumenta, quae saeculis probarentur: xi. 1, 13 perpetua saeculorum admiratione celebrantur.olim, of future time, as§94. The writer referred to will come actually to enjoy the renown of which Quint. here declares him worthy.nunc intellegitur. For Quint.’s rule not to mention living writers cp. iii. 1, 21, quoted at§95; and for the antithesis betweennominabiturandintellegitur, xi. 1, 10 maluit emim vir sapientissimus (Socrates) quod superesset ex vita sibi perire quam quod praeterisset. Et quando ab hominibus sui temporis parum intellegebatur, posterorum se iudiciis reservavit brevi detrimento iam ultimae senectutis aevum saeculorum omnium consecutus.Cremuti libertas:παρρησία,§65,§94. Cremutius Cordus published a history of the Civil Wars and of the reign of Augustus—unius saeculi facta, Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 26, 5. Augustus is said to have read the work, or to have heard it read, without disapproval (Dion. 57, 24, 2; Sueton. Tib. 61). He afterwards incurred the displeasure of Sejanus by some bold remarks, as, for example, when he said in regard to the statue of Sejanus which he was told the Senate had resolved to erect in Pompey’s theatre, restored by Tiberius after a fire, ‘tunc vere theatrum perire’—Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 22, 4. InA.D.25 he was brought to trial ‘novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset’ (Tac. Ann. iv. 34 sq.). Finding his case prejudged, after a spirited defence he went home and starved himself to death. The Senate ordered his books to be burned: ‘sed manserunt,’ says Tacitus, ‘occultati et editi.’ Dion. tells us that ‘afterwards (i.e. under Caligula) they were published again, for they had been preserved by various people, and particularly by his daughter Marcia; and they were esteemed much more highly on account of the fate of Cordus’ (lvii. 24). For Marcia v. Senecae Consolatio ad Marciam c. 1. Suet. Calig. 16 tells us that the suppressed writings of others also (Titus Labienus and Cassius Severus) were allowed by Caligula to come again into circulation, after a process of editing similar to that referred to by Quint. (circumcisis, &c.). Tacitus’s reflections on the ineffectual attempt to destroy Cremutius’s works are interesting in connection with our passage: quo magis socordiam eorum inridere licet, qui praesenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. Nam contra, punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem saevitia usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere, Ann. iv. 35 ad fin.abunde: used here to emphasiseelatum: v. on§94.spiritus,§§44,61;3 §22. The excisions and emendations in regard to matters of detail had evidently not interfered with the independent tone of Cremutius’s writings.alii scriptores,συγγραφεῖς: the word being used specially of historians. He has not mentioned Caesar, or Nepos, or Velleius, or Quintus Curtius.degustamus: ‘dipping into’:5 §23inchoatae et quasi degustatae. The opposite ispersequi:§45genera ipsa lectionum ... persequar.
§ 104.Superest. The fact that Cremutius put an end to his life inA.D.25 is sufficient to disprove the theory that he is referred to here:superestwhen taken along withexornat aetatis nostrae gloriamcannot mean anything butsuperstes est(cp. supersunt2 §28).—The Bonnell-Meister edition (1882) understands the reference to be to Tacitus: but though admirers of Tacitus would like to appropriate for him the phrasevir saeculorum memoria dignus, this can hardly be accepted. In the first place the wordssuperest adhucare, in their natural sense, inapplicable to one who had not published anything when Quintilian wrote (about 93A.D.). He has just spoken of Servilius, who is known to have died inA.D.60, and of Aufidius, who was old and frail in Seneca’s life-time, i.e. beforeA.D.65: and though it may be proposed to takesuperest adhucas meaning simply ‘I have still to refer to (a living writer),’ (cp.supersunt§123), in which sense the words might apply to Tacitus, it seems extremely improbable that after speaking of a youthful contemporary, Quintilian would in the next sentence return to Cremutius, who died as far back asA.D.25. It might be argued that the point of the passage is that, after this indirect eulogy of Tacitus, the writer means to imply that the spirit of Cremutius still survives in him: ‘there is with us now one who will afterwards be famous but of whom we may not speak at present. The independence of Cremutius is still appreciated.’ Buthabet amatoreswill hardly cover this interpretation: it introduces a critique of Cremutius which has no relation to what goes before. And moreover it is doubtful whether Quintilian, who never mentions any living writer, except Domitian, would have hazarded a reference to one whose anti-imperial tendencies must have been so well known in Rome. Krüger’s supposition (3rd ed. p. 97) that afteradhucthe nameTacitushas fallen out, or that we should write ‘superest Tacitus et ornat,’ is altogether out of the question: it would quite destroy the point of the sentence (nominabitur ... intellegitur). It seems safest, therefore, to follow those who with Nipperdey (Philol. vi. p. 193) understand the historian here meant to be Fabius Rusticus. It would have been strange if Quintilian had omitted to mention him, considering his eminence: Livius veterum, Fabius Rusticus recentium eloquentissimiauctores, Tac. Agr. 10. And what he says fits Fabius very well; he was an intimate friend of Seneca (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20 sane Fabius inclinat ad laudes Senecae cuius amicitia floruit), and from the fact that he was made co-heir with Tacitus and Pliny in the will of Dasumius we know that he was still alive 108 or 109A.D.Mommsen thinks that to him also is addressed Pliny, Ep. ix. 29.
vir saeculorum memoria dignus: Cp.§80: iii. 7, 18 ingeniorum monumenta, quae saeculis probarentur: xi. 1, 13 perpetua saeculorum admiratione celebrantur.
olim, of future time, as§94. The writer referred to will come actually to enjoy the renown of which Quint. here declares him worthy.
nunc intellegitur. For Quint.’s rule not to mention living writers cp. iii. 1, 21, quoted at§95; and for the antithesis betweennominabiturandintellegitur, xi. 1, 10 maluit emim vir sapientissimus (Socrates) quod superesset ex vita sibi perire quam quod praeterisset. Et quando ab hominibus sui temporis parum intellegebatur, posterorum se iudiciis reservavit brevi detrimento iam ultimae senectutis aevum saeculorum omnium consecutus.
Cremuti libertas:παρρησία,§65,§94. Cremutius Cordus published a history of the Civil Wars and of the reign of Augustus—unius saeculi facta, Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 26, 5. Augustus is said to have read the work, or to have heard it read, without disapproval (Dion. 57, 24, 2; Sueton. Tib. 61). He afterwards incurred the displeasure of Sejanus by some bold remarks, as, for example, when he said in regard to the statue of Sejanus which he was told the Senate had resolved to erect in Pompey’s theatre, restored by Tiberius after a fire, ‘tunc vere theatrum perire’—Sen. Cons. ad Marc. 22, 4. InA.D.25 he was brought to trial ‘novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset’ (Tac. Ann. iv. 34 sq.). Finding his case prejudged, after a spirited defence he went home and starved himself to death. The Senate ordered his books to be burned: ‘sed manserunt,’ says Tacitus, ‘occultati et editi.’ Dion. tells us that ‘afterwards (i.e. under Caligula) they were published again, for they had been preserved by various people, and particularly by his daughter Marcia; and they were esteemed much more highly on account of the fate of Cordus’ (lvii. 24). For Marcia v. Senecae Consolatio ad Marciam c. 1. Suet. Calig. 16 tells us that the suppressed writings of others also (Titus Labienus and Cassius Severus) were allowed by Caligula to come again into circulation, after a process of editing similar to that referred to by Quint. (circumcisis, &c.). Tacitus’s reflections on the ineffectual attempt to destroy Cremutius’s works are interesting in connection with our passage: quo magis socordiam eorum inridere licet, qui praesenti potentia credunt extingui posse etiam sequentis aevi memoriam. Nam contra, punitis ingeniis gliscit auctoritas, neque aliud externi reges aut qui eadem saevitia usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere, Ann. iv. 35 ad fin.
abunde: used here to emphasiseelatum: v. on§94.
spiritus,§§44,61;3 §22. The excisions and emendations in regard to matters of detail had evidently not interfered with the independent tone of Cremutius’s writings.
alii scriptores,συγγραφεῖς: the word being used specially of historians. He has not mentioned Caesar, or Nepos, or Velleius, or Quintus Curtius.
degustamus: ‘dipping into’:5 §23inchoatae et quasi degustatae. The opposite ispersequi:§45genera ipsa lectionum ... persequar.
I:105Oratores vero vel praecipue Latinam eloquentiam parem facereGraecae possunt; namCiceronemcuicumque eorum fortiter opposuerim. Nec ignoro quantam mihi concitem pugnam, cumpraesertim non id sit propositi ut eum Demostheni comparem hoc tempore; neque enim attinet, cum Demosthenen in primis legendum vel ediscendum potius putem.
§ 105.parem facere. Cicero usesaequarein a passage of the Brutus (§138), in which, speaking of Antonius and Crassus, he says: nam ego sic existimo,hos oratores fuisse maximos et in his primum cum Graecorum gloria Latine dicendi copiam aequatam. In the Silver Age, the phraseparia facerecommonly occurs for ‘settling up’: e.g. nihil differamus. cotidie cum vita paria faciamus Sen. Ep. 101, 7. A near parallel to the passage in the text is ii. 8, 13 ea cura paria faciet iis in quibus eminebat.—Other reff. to Cicero’s pre-eminence are vi. 3, 1 Latinae eloquentiae princeps: xii. 1, 20 stetisse ipsum (Ciceronem) in fastigio eloquentiae fateor.cuicumque,§12. The use ofquicumque(which in classical Latin is joined with a verb) forquivisorquilibet(which are used absolutely) may be noted as a sign of the decay of the language. Cp. note on§12: Roby §2289.—ForeorumAndresen and Jeep proposeGraecorum.fortiter opposuerim. The adv. is not merely one of manner: it conveys the expression of a judgment, ‘nicht die Art und Weise, sondern ein Urteil über die Handlung,’ Becher. So ‘inique Castorem cum Domitio comparo,’ Cicero, pro Deiot. §31. Cp. i, 5, 72 fortiter diceremus: v. 10, 78 fortiter ... iunxerim.—Roby (1540) gives numerous examples of this use of subj. (involving a suppressed condition such as ‘if occasion arose’) with such adverbs as merito, facile, lubenter, citius.quantam ... pugnam: owing to the existing prejudice against the style of Cicero. Cp. Tac. Dial. 12 Plures hodie reperies qui Ciceronis gloriam quam qui Vergilii detrectent: ibid. 18 Satis constat ne Ciceroni quidem obtrectatores defuisse, quibus inflatus et tumens nec satis pressus, sed supra modum exsultans et superfluens et parum Atticus videretur. Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad Ciceronem missas epistulas ex quibus facile est deprehendere Calvum quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et aridum, Brutum autem otiosum atque diiunctum, rursus Ciceronem a Calvo quidem male audisse tamquam solutum et enervem, a Bruto autem, ut ipsius verbis utar, tamquam fractum atque elumbem.—Hortensius had been fromB.C.95 the Latin representative of Asianism. Under the influence of his teachers, the Rhodian eclectics, Cicero emancipated himself from this school without, on the other hand, binding himself by the most rigorous canons of Atticism. His critics, who adhered to severer models, considered the fulness and richness of his style turgidity and bombast, and pointed to his elaborately periodic structure and rhythmical amplitude as proving that he was really an Asianist in disguise. Besides Brutus and Calvus, mentioned above (cp. Quint, xii. 1, 22), there were the Asinii, father and son (etiam inimice, ibid.), and Caelius. Asinius Gallus wrote a workde comparatione patris et Ciceronis, which was controverted by the emperor Claudius: Plin. Epist. vii. 4 §6 libros Galli ... quibus ille parenti ausus de Cicerone dare est palmamque decusque: Sueton. Claud. 41. Cicero, on the other hand, thought that his Atticising critics were too apt to forget (what he asks Atticus to remember) that the ‘thunders of Demosthenes show that the Attic style is quite consistent with the highest degree of grandeur’—si recordabereΔημοσθένουςfulmina, tum intelliges posse etἀττικώταταgravissime dici, ad Att. xv. 1, ad fin. Quintilian denounces them in strong language, xii. 10, §§12-14 A. At L. M. Tullium non illum habemus Euphranorem circa plures artium species praestantem, sed in omnibus quae in quoque laudantur eminentissimum. Quem tamen et suorum homines temporum incessere audebant ut tumidiorem et Asianum et redundantem et in repetitionibus nimium et in salibus aliquando frigidum et in compositione fractum, exultantem ac paene, quod procul absit, viro molliorem: postea vero quam triumvirati proscriptione consumptus est, passim qui oderant, qui invidebant, qui aemulabantur, adulatores etiam praesentis potentiae non responsurum invaserunt. Ille tamen, qui ieiunus a quibusdam et aridus habetur, non aliter ab ipsis inimicis male audire quam nimiis floribus et ingenii adfluentia potuit. Falsum utrumque, sed tamen illa mentiendi propior occasio. Praecipue vero presserunt eum qui videri Atticorum imitatores concupierant. Haec manus quasi quibusdam sacris initiata ut alienigenam et parum superstitiosum devinctumque illis legibus insequebatur, unde nunc quoque aridi et exsuci et exsangues. Hi sunt enim qui suae imbecillitati sanitatis appellationem, quae est maxime contraria, obtendant: qui quia clariorem vim eloquentiae velut solem ferre non possunt, umbra magni nominis (i.e. Athens) delitescunt. In Quintilian’s own day (cp. nunc quoque above) a certainLargius Licinus wrote a work which he calledCiceromastix, repeating the criticisms of Asinius Gallus: cp. Aul. Gell. xvii. 1, 1 nonnulli tam prodigiosi tamque vaecordes exstiterunt in quibus sunt Gallus Asinius et Largius Licinus, cuius liber etiam fertur infando titulo ‘Ciceromastix,’ ut scribere ausi sint M. Ciceronem parum integre atque improprie atque inconsiderate locutum. These rigid Atticists appear to have ignored, as Sandys has pointed out (Introd. to Orator, p. lxii), the ‘difference between the two languages, between the power and breadth and compass of Greek as compared with the more limited resources of Latin.’ Mr. Sandys appends an apt quotation from J. H. Newman (in H. Thompson’s Rom. Lit.—Encyc. Metrop. p. 307, ed. 1852):—‘Greek is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary and perspicuity in its phrases; and the consequent facility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity and plainness were not incompatible with clearness, energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of judgment, an ignorance of the very principles of composition, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and others to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their own defective language, and even to pronounce the opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity. In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally, into a distinct and harmonious order; and from the exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical; and requires considerable skill and management to render it expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is scarcely separable from baldness; and justly as Terence is celebrated for chaste and unadorned diction, yet even he, compared with Attic writers, is flat and heavy (Quint. x. 1, §100).’ Cp. for a similar contrast Quint. xii. 10, §§27-39.cum praesertim: Krüger (3rd ed.) gives the sense as follows, ‘especially since I do not intend to prove my statement by a detailed comparison’: following Becher (but seeCrit. Notes), who thinks that Quint. means to say that thepugnawill be all the more violent because he does not intend to go into a detailed comparison. Such a comparison would be out of place (neque enim attinet), as he is not denying the supreme excellence of Demosthenes.Cum praesertimmeans that there is all the less reason for controversy as he does not intend to compare the two: it gives an additional ground for what is really, if not formally, the main idea in the writer’s mind, viz. the needlessness of apugnaat this point. Hence it comes to have the force ofquamvis, oridque cum tamen: tr. ‘and that though,’ ‘though indeed,’ ‘which is all the less necessary because,’ etc. Cp. Cic. de Fin. ii. 8, 25 cum praesertim in eo omne studium poneret,—where see Madvig’s note: in Verr. ii. 113 ut ex oppido Thermis nihil ex sacro, nihil de publico attingeres, cum praesertim essent multa praeclara, &c., i.e. ‘which is all the more wonderful because’—very much as in our text: Philipp. viii. 2, 5 C. quidem Caesar non expectavit vestra decreta, praesertim cum illud aetatis erat—i.e. as he might well have done at his age: ibid. ii. 64 inventus est nemo praeter Antonium, praesertim cum tot essent, &c.: i.e. which was all the more remarkable as, &c.: Brutus, §267 M. Bibulus qui et scriptitavit adcurate, cum praesertim non esset orator, et, &c., i.e. ‘and that too though’: de Off. ii. 56: Orator §32 nec vero si historiam non scripsisset (Thucydides) nomen eius exstaret, cum praesertim fuisset honoratus et nobilis. Roby §1732: Nägelsbach8, pp. 695-6.propositi: for the gen. cp. iv. 2, 21 quid acti sit: quid tui consilii sit (Cic. ad Att. xii. 29, 2: Caes. B. G. i. 21, 2): quid offici sui sit Cic. Acad. Pr. ii. §25, with Dr. Reid’s note.hoc tempore: Demosthenes and Cicero are eulogised together, xii. 1, §§14-22.neque enim attinet, i.e. nor would there be any point in such a controversy. They have no need to draw the sword against me, for I too give Demosthenes the highest place. In exalting Cicero I do not mean to depreciate Demosthenes. Cp. Tac. Dial. 25 quo modo inter Atticos primae Demostheni tribuuntur ... sic apud nos Cicero quidem ceteros eorundem temporum disertos antecessit.
§ 105.parem facere. Cicero usesaequarein a passage of the Brutus (§138), in which, speaking of Antonius and Crassus, he says: nam ego sic existimo,hos oratores fuisse maximos et in his primum cum Graecorum gloria Latine dicendi copiam aequatam. In the Silver Age, the phraseparia facerecommonly occurs for ‘settling up’: e.g. nihil differamus. cotidie cum vita paria faciamus Sen. Ep. 101, 7. A near parallel to the passage in the text is ii. 8, 13 ea cura paria faciet iis in quibus eminebat.—Other reff. to Cicero’s pre-eminence are vi. 3, 1 Latinae eloquentiae princeps: xii. 1, 20 stetisse ipsum (Ciceronem) in fastigio eloquentiae fateor.
cuicumque,§12. The use ofquicumque(which in classical Latin is joined with a verb) forquivisorquilibet(which are used absolutely) may be noted as a sign of the decay of the language. Cp. note on§12: Roby §2289.—ForeorumAndresen and Jeep proposeGraecorum.
fortiter opposuerim. The adv. is not merely one of manner: it conveys the expression of a judgment, ‘nicht die Art und Weise, sondern ein Urteil über die Handlung,’ Becher. So ‘inique Castorem cum Domitio comparo,’ Cicero, pro Deiot. §31. Cp. i, 5, 72 fortiter diceremus: v. 10, 78 fortiter ... iunxerim.—Roby (1540) gives numerous examples of this use of subj. (involving a suppressed condition such as ‘if occasion arose’) with such adverbs as merito, facile, lubenter, citius.
quantam ... pugnam: owing to the existing prejudice against the style of Cicero. Cp. Tac. Dial. 12 Plures hodie reperies qui Ciceronis gloriam quam qui Vergilii detrectent: ibid. 18 Satis constat ne Ciceroni quidem obtrectatores defuisse, quibus inflatus et tumens nec satis pressus, sed supra modum exsultans et superfluens et parum Atticus videretur. Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad Ciceronem missas epistulas ex quibus facile est deprehendere Calvum quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et aridum, Brutum autem otiosum atque diiunctum, rursus Ciceronem a Calvo quidem male audisse tamquam solutum et enervem, a Bruto autem, ut ipsius verbis utar, tamquam fractum atque elumbem.—Hortensius had been fromB.C.95 the Latin representative of Asianism. Under the influence of his teachers, the Rhodian eclectics, Cicero emancipated himself from this school without, on the other hand, binding himself by the most rigorous canons of Atticism. His critics, who adhered to severer models, considered the fulness and richness of his style turgidity and bombast, and pointed to his elaborately periodic structure and rhythmical amplitude as proving that he was really an Asianist in disguise. Besides Brutus and Calvus, mentioned above (cp. Quint, xii. 1, 22), there were the Asinii, father and son (etiam inimice, ibid.), and Caelius. Asinius Gallus wrote a workde comparatione patris et Ciceronis, which was controverted by the emperor Claudius: Plin. Epist. vii. 4 §6 libros Galli ... quibus ille parenti ausus de Cicerone dare est palmamque decusque: Sueton. Claud. 41. Cicero, on the other hand, thought that his Atticising critics were too apt to forget (what he asks Atticus to remember) that the ‘thunders of Demosthenes show that the Attic style is quite consistent with the highest degree of grandeur’—si recordabereΔημοσθένουςfulmina, tum intelliges posse etἀττικώταταgravissime dici, ad Att. xv. 1, ad fin. Quintilian denounces them in strong language, xii. 10, §§12-14 A. At L. M. Tullium non illum habemus Euphranorem circa plures artium species praestantem, sed in omnibus quae in quoque laudantur eminentissimum. Quem tamen et suorum homines temporum incessere audebant ut tumidiorem et Asianum et redundantem et in repetitionibus nimium et in salibus aliquando frigidum et in compositione fractum, exultantem ac paene, quod procul absit, viro molliorem: postea vero quam triumvirati proscriptione consumptus est, passim qui oderant, qui invidebant, qui aemulabantur, adulatores etiam praesentis potentiae non responsurum invaserunt. Ille tamen, qui ieiunus a quibusdam et aridus habetur, non aliter ab ipsis inimicis male audire quam nimiis floribus et ingenii adfluentia potuit. Falsum utrumque, sed tamen illa mentiendi propior occasio. Praecipue vero presserunt eum qui videri Atticorum imitatores concupierant. Haec manus quasi quibusdam sacris initiata ut alienigenam et parum superstitiosum devinctumque illis legibus insequebatur, unde nunc quoque aridi et exsuci et exsangues. Hi sunt enim qui suae imbecillitati sanitatis appellationem, quae est maxime contraria, obtendant: qui quia clariorem vim eloquentiae velut solem ferre non possunt, umbra magni nominis (i.e. Athens) delitescunt. In Quintilian’s own day (cp. nunc quoque above) a certainLargius Licinus wrote a work which he calledCiceromastix, repeating the criticisms of Asinius Gallus: cp. Aul. Gell. xvii. 1, 1 nonnulli tam prodigiosi tamque vaecordes exstiterunt in quibus sunt Gallus Asinius et Largius Licinus, cuius liber etiam fertur infando titulo ‘Ciceromastix,’ ut scribere ausi sint M. Ciceronem parum integre atque improprie atque inconsiderate locutum. These rigid Atticists appear to have ignored, as Sandys has pointed out (Introd. to Orator, p. lxii), the ‘difference between the two languages, between the power and breadth and compass of Greek as compared with the more limited resources of Latin.’ Mr. Sandys appends an apt quotation from J. H. Newman (in H. Thompson’s Rom. Lit.—Encyc. Metrop. p. 307, ed. 1852):—‘Greek is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary and perspicuity in its phrases; and the consequent facility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity and plainness were not incompatible with clearness, energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of judgment, an ignorance of the very principles of composition, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and others to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their own defective language, and even to pronounce the opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity. In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally, into a distinct and harmonious order; and from the exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical; and requires considerable skill and management to render it expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is scarcely separable from baldness; and justly as Terence is celebrated for chaste and unadorned diction, yet even he, compared with Attic writers, is flat and heavy (Quint. x. 1, §100).’ Cp. for a similar contrast Quint. xii. 10, §§27-39.
cum praesertim: Krüger (3rd ed.) gives the sense as follows, ‘especially since I do not intend to prove my statement by a detailed comparison’: following Becher (but seeCrit. Notes), who thinks that Quint. means to say that thepugnawill be all the more violent because he does not intend to go into a detailed comparison. Such a comparison would be out of place (neque enim attinet), as he is not denying the supreme excellence of Demosthenes.Cum praesertimmeans that there is all the less reason for controversy as he does not intend to compare the two: it gives an additional ground for what is really, if not formally, the main idea in the writer’s mind, viz. the needlessness of apugnaat this point. Hence it comes to have the force ofquamvis, oridque cum tamen: tr. ‘and that though,’ ‘though indeed,’ ‘which is all the less necessary because,’ etc. Cp. Cic. de Fin. ii. 8, 25 cum praesertim in eo omne studium poneret,—where see Madvig’s note: in Verr. ii. 113 ut ex oppido Thermis nihil ex sacro, nihil de publico attingeres, cum praesertim essent multa praeclara, &c., i.e. ‘which is all the more wonderful because’—very much as in our text: Philipp. viii. 2, 5 C. quidem Caesar non expectavit vestra decreta, praesertim cum illud aetatis erat—i.e. as he might well have done at his age: ibid. ii. 64 inventus est nemo praeter Antonium, praesertim cum tot essent, &c.: i.e. which was all the more remarkable as, &c.: Brutus, §267 M. Bibulus qui et scriptitavit adcurate, cum praesertim non esset orator, et, &c., i.e. ‘and that too though’: de Off. ii. 56: Orator §32 nec vero si historiam non scripsisset (Thucydides) nomen eius exstaret, cum praesertim fuisset honoratus et nobilis. Roby §1732: Nägelsbach8, pp. 695-6.
propositi: for the gen. cp. iv. 2, 21 quid acti sit: quid tui consilii sit (Cic. ad Att. xii. 29, 2: Caes. B. G. i. 21, 2): quid offici sui sit Cic. Acad. Pr. ii. §25, with Dr. Reid’s note.
hoc tempore: Demosthenes and Cicero are eulogised together, xii. 1, §§14-22.
neque enim attinet, i.e. nor would there be any point in such a controversy. They have no need to draw the sword against me, for I too give Demosthenes the highest place. In exalting Cicero I do not mean to depreciate Demosthenes. Cp. Tac. Dial. 25 quo modo inter Atticos primae Demostheni tribuuntur ... sic apud nos Cicero quidem ceteros eorundem temporum disertos antecessit.
I:106Quorum ego virtutesplerasque arbitror similes, consilium, ordinem, dividendi, praeparandi, probandi rationem, [omnia] denique quae sunt inventionis.In eloquendo est aliqua diversitas: densior ille hic copiosior, ille concludit adstrictius hic latius, pugnat ille acumine semper hic frequenter et pondere, illi nihil detrahi potest huic nihil adici, curae plus in illo in hoc naturae.
§ 106.consilium: vi. 5 §3 consilium vero ratio est quaedam alte petita et plerumque plura perpendens et comparans habensque in se et inventionem et iudicationem: §11 illud dicere satis habeo, nihil esse non modo in orando, sed in omni vita prius consilio, and the whole passage from §9 to end: ii. 13, 2 res in oratore praecipua consilium est, quia varie et ad rerum momenta convertitur. This ‘tact’ or ‘judgment’ would be specially shown ininventioand indispositio, here made a part of inventio:elocutiois a higher gift. Cp. viii, Pr. §14 M. Tullius inventionem quidem ac dispositionem prudentis hominis putat, eloquentiam oratoris: Cicero, de Orat. ii. 120 cum haec duo nobis quaerenda sint in causis, primum quid [inventio], deinde quomodo [elocutio] dicamus, alterum ... prudentiae est paene mediocris [quid dicendum sit videre]: alterum est, in quo oratoris vis illa divina virtusque cernitur, ea quae dicenda sunt ornate copiose varieque dicere; Orator §44 nam et invenire et iudicare quid dicas magna illa quidem sunt et tamquam animi instar in corpore, sed propria magis prudentiae quam eloquentiae.ordinem(τάξιν):ordocorresponds todispositioiii. 3, 8. In vii. 1, 1 the two are separately defined:ordorecta quaedam collocatio prioribus sequentia adnectens:dispositioutilis rerum ac partium in locos distributio.dividendi.Divisiois defined, along withpartitio, in vii. 1, 1:divisiorerum plurium in singulas,partitiosingularum in partes discretio. Heredividendi ratiois used in a more general sense, as equivalent topartitioin iv. 5: i.e. nostrarum aut adversarii propositionum aut utrarumque ordine collocata enumeratio. Of this useful process Quintilian says (iv. 5, 22): neque enim solum id efficit ut clariora fiant quae dicuntur, rebus velut ex turba extractis et in conspectu iudicum positis, sed reficit quoque audientem certo singularum partium fine, non aliter quam facientibus iter multum detrahunt fatigationis notata inscriptis lapidibus spatia.—Kiderlin (Hermes 23, p. 176) thinks it remarkable thatdivisioshould here be ranked alongside ofpraeparandi,probandi rationem, whereas in iii. 3, 1 it stands independently alongside ofinventioitself. He sees no difference betweenordinemanddividendi rationem(iii. 3, 8), and suggests that in the MSS. readings (videndi and indicendi) there may be concealed some noun to correspond withordinem: e.g.viam dicendi(‘der Gang der Reden’): cp. iv. 5, 3:x. 7, 5. But inx. 7, 9we have bothordoanddispositio, in spite of iii. 3, 8, and so it is here.praeparandi: iii. 9, 7 expositio enim probationum est praeparatio, nec esse utilis potest nisi prius constiterit, quid debeat de probatione promittere. A less formal use occursx. 1 §21: cp. iv. 2 §55.probandi rationem=confirmationem, the establishment of the case. Understanding the passage to contain an enumeration of the five parts of an oration (exordium, narratio, probatio, refutatio, and peroratio), Kiderlin takesprobandihere as covering the third and fourth, which were often considered one part.Praeparandi= exordium, and theperoratiois omitted, because here Demosthenes and Cicero were unlike, for the reason given below (§107). In order to includenarratio, he proposes to insertnarrandiafterpraeparandi: it may easily, he thinks, have fallen out after-arandi. It is always included in similar enumerations: ii. 5, 7-8: ii. 13, 1: iv. pr. 6:x. 2, 27.[omnia] denique quae sunt inventionis: seeCrit. Notes. ‘Inventio,’ the orator’s first requisite, may of course be shown in all the various parts of a speech, e.g. narratio, divisio, confirmatio, as here. But in the antithesis betweeninventionisandin eloquendoQuintilian is thinking of that fundamental distinction between substance and form on which he based his treatment of his subject. Applying a rough division to his work, we may say that Books iii. to vii. deal withinventioincludingdispositio, i.e.εὕρεσιςandτάξις: while Books viii-xi. treat ofelocutio(λέξις), includingactioorpronuntiatio, ‘delivery’ (ὑπόκρισις). So Cicero in the Orator §43 introduces a description of the ideal orator in the three relations of (1) inventio—quid dicat (εὕρεσις): (2) collocatio or dispositio—quo quidque loco (τάξις), and (3) actio or pronuntiatio (ὑπόκρισις): and elocutio (λέξις)—quo modo. Quintilian in iii. 3 gives in more detail the traditional parts of rhetoric: inventio, dispositio, elocutio, memoria, pronuntiatio (or actio). See §§1-9. For the division here cp. also xii. 10, 27 Latina mihi facundia, ut inventione, dispositione, consilio, ceteris huius generis artibus similis Graecae ac prorsus discipula eius videtur, ita circarationem eloquendi vix habere imitationis locum.aliqua diversitas: Morawski (Quaest. p. 33) thinks that this passage may be founded on a tractate by Caecilius (contemporary with Dion. Hal.), which is mentioned by Plutarch, Dem. 3σύγκρισις τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος. A parallel passage is found in theπερὶ ὕψους(Sp. i. p. 261), the author of which may also have borrowed from Caecilius:—ὁ μὲν γὰρ (Δημοσθένης) ἐν ὕψει τὸ πλέον ἀποτόμῳ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἐν χύσει, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἡμέτερος διὰ τὸ μετὰ βίας ἕκαστα, ἔτι δὲ τάχους, ῥώμης, δεινότητος οἷον καίειν τε ἅμα καὶ διαρπάζειν, σκηπτῷ τινι παρεικάζοιτ᾽ ἂν ἢ κεραυνῷ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ὡς ἀμφιλαφής τις ἐμπρησμὸς οἶμαι πάντη νέμεται καὶ ἀνειλεῖται....Cp. Introd.p. xxxviii.densior:§76tam densa omnia: so of Thucydides§73densus et brevis.concludit, not, as Bonnell = ratiocinatur (xii. 2, 25), but of the ‘rounding off’ of a period: ix. 4, 22,περίοδονquae est vel ambitus vel circumductum vel continuatio vel conclusio. Cp. Cic. Brutus §33 verborum ... quaedam ad numerum conclusio: cp. §34 below, concluditque sententiam: Orator §20 conclusa oratio: §177 concluse apteque dicere: §§200, 220, 230, 231: de Orat. ii. §34 quod carmen artificiosa verborum conclusione (‘artistic period’) aptius? Hor. Sat. i. 4, 40 concludere versum. The opposite is membratim caesimque dicere, Quint. ix. 4, 126: cp. Cic. Orat. §212 incise membratimve: de Orat. iii. 49, 190 carpere membris minutioribus orationem. For a contrast cp. Brutus §120 ut Stoicorum adstrictior est oratio aliquantoque contractior quam aures populi requirunt, sic illorum (Peripateticorum Academicorumque) liberior et latior quam patitur consuetudo iudiciorum et fori: §162 quin etiam comprehensio et ambitus ille verborum, si sicπερίοδονappellari placet, erat apud illum (i.e. Crassum) contractus et brevis, et in membra quaedam, quaeκῶλαGraeci vocant, dispertiebat orationem libentius.astrictius ... latius: there is more compactness about the periodic structure in Demosthenes, greater breadth in that of Cicero. This could hardly be said of Demosthenes’s periods as a whole: it rather refers to the care which Cicero and Roman orators generally bestowed on the closing syllables of a period (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 117). It was this liking for a sonorous and copious diction that seemed to Cicero’s critics to justify the epithets (inflatus, tumens, &c.) applied to him in Dial. de Orat. 18 (quoted above,§105); he himself tells us in the Orator, §104, that his ears craved for something more full and sonorous even than Demosthenes: ‘non semper implet aures meas: ita sunt avidae et capaces et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant.’pugnat: used figuratively fordicit: cp.§4.acumine: the word is used in§§81and 83 of ‘power of thought,’ ‘intellectual penetration’: viii. 2, 21:x. 1, §81and§83. See on acutus§77. So Cic. de Orat. i. §128 acumen dialecticorum. Here it includes the idea of ‘point’ in expression: following up the metaphor contained in ‘pugnat,’ we might render, ‘Demosthenes always thrusts with the rapier, Cicero often uses the bludgeon too.’ (Landor, speaking of Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke, as compared with Lord Brougham, said that they had ‘more of the rapier than the bludgeon.’) Cp. de Orat. ii. §158 ipsi se compungunt suis acuminibus. The contrast is something like that implied in xii. 10, 36 subtilitate vincimur (a Graecis): valeamus pondere: cp. ibid. §11 gravitatem Bruti acumen Sulpici.nihil detrahi: cp.§76is dicendi modus ut nec quod desit in eo nec quod redundet invenias.curae ... naturae: v. Jebb’s Attic Orators, i. Introd. p. cvi, where it is remarked that this paradox is true in this sense alone, ‘that Cicero is an inferior artist, and indulges more freely the taste of the natural man for ornament.’ Quintilian may also refer to the laborious training which Demosthenes imposed on himself, and in consequence of which, says Plutarch,δόξαν εἶχεν ὡς οὐκ εὐφυὴς ὤν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πόνου συγκειμένῃ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει χρώμενος(Vit. Demosth. viii.). Cp. the taunt of Pytheas, that his work ‘smelled of the lamp’:ἐλλυχνίων ὄζειν, ibid.; alsoParallel. ch. i. It was the rule with Demosthenes never to speak without preparation: Cicero may have relied at times on the faculty of extemporising at need.
§ 106.consilium: vi. 5 §3 consilium vero ratio est quaedam alte petita et plerumque plura perpendens et comparans habensque in se et inventionem et iudicationem: §11 illud dicere satis habeo, nihil esse non modo in orando, sed in omni vita prius consilio, and the whole passage from §9 to end: ii. 13, 2 res in oratore praecipua consilium est, quia varie et ad rerum momenta convertitur. This ‘tact’ or ‘judgment’ would be specially shown ininventioand indispositio, here made a part of inventio:elocutiois a higher gift. Cp. viii, Pr. §14 M. Tullius inventionem quidem ac dispositionem prudentis hominis putat, eloquentiam oratoris: Cicero, de Orat. ii. 120 cum haec duo nobis quaerenda sint in causis, primum quid [inventio], deinde quomodo [elocutio] dicamus, alterum ... prudentiae est paene mediocris [quid dicendum sit videre]: alterum est, in quo oratoris vis illa divina virtusque cernitur, ea quae dicenda sunt ornate copiose varieque dicere; Orator §44 nam et invenire et iudicare quid dicas magna illa quidem sunt et tamquam animi instar in corpore, sed propria magis prudentiae quam eloquentiae.
ordinem(τάξιν):ordocorresponds todispositioiii. 3, 8. In vii. 1, 1 the two are separately defined:ordorecta quaedam collocatio prioribus sequentia adnectens:dispositioutilis rerum ac partium in locos distributio.
dividendi.Divisiois defined, along withpartitio, in vii. 1, 1:divisiorerum plurium in singulas,partitiosingularum in partes discretio. Heredividendi ratiois used in a more general sense, as equivalent topartitioin iv. 5: i.e. nostrarum aut adversarii propositionum aut utrarumque ordine collocata enumeratio. Of this useful process Quintilian says (iv. 5, 22): neque enim solum id efficit ut clariora fiant quae dicuntur, rebus velut ex turba extractis et in conspectu iudicum positis, sed reficit quoque audientem certo singularum partium fine, non aliter quam facientibus iter multum detrahunt fatigationis notata inscriptis lapidibus spatia.—Kiderlin (Hermes 23, p. 176) thinks it remarkable thatdivisioshould here be ranked alongside ofpraeparandi,probandi rationem, whereas in iii. 3, 1 it stands independently alongside ofinventioitself. He sees no difference betweenordinemanddividendi rationem(iii. 3, 8), and suggests that in the MSS. readings (videndi and indicendi) there may be concealed some noun to correspond withordinem: e.g.viam dicendi(‘der Gang der Reden’): cp. iv. 5, 3:x. 7, 5. But inx. 7, 9we have bothordoanddispositio, in spite of iii. 3, 8, and so it is here.
praeparandi: iii. 9, 7 expositio enim probationum est praeparatio, nec esse utilis potest nisi prius constiterit, quid debeat de probatione promittere. A less formal use occursx. 1 §21: cp. iv. 2 §55.
probandi rationem=confirmationem, the establishment of the case. Understanding the passage to contain an enumeration of the five parts of an oration (exordium, narratio, probatio, refutatio, and peroratio), Kiderlin takesprobandihere as covering the third and fourth, which were often considered one part.Praeparandi= exordium, and theperoratiois omitted, because here Demosthenes and Cicero were unlike, for the reason given below (§107). In order to includenarratio, he proposes to insertnarrandiafterpraeparandi: it may easily, he thinks, have fallen out after-arandi. It is always included in similar enumerations: ii. 5, 7-8: ii. 13, 1: iv. pr. 6:x. 2, 27.
[omnia] denique quae sunt inventionis: seeCrit. Notes. ‘Inventio,’ the orator’s first requisite, may of course be shown in all the various parts of a speech, e.g. narratio, divisio, confirmatio, as here. But in the antithesis betweeninventionisandin eloquendoQuintilian is thinking of that fundamental distinction between substance and form on which he based his treatment of his subject. Applying a rough division to his work, we may say that Books iii. to vii. deal withinventioincludingdispositio, i.e.εὕρεσιςandτάξις: while Books viii-xi. treat ofelocutio(λέξις), includingactioorpronuntiatio, ‘delivery’ (ὑπόκρισις). So Cicero in the Orator §43 introduces a description of the ideal orator in the three relations of (1) inventio—quid dicat (εὕρεσις): (2) collocatio or dispositio—quo quidque loco (τάξις), and (3) actio or pronuntiatio (ὑπόκρισις): and elocutio (λέξις)—quo modo. Quintilian in iii. 3 gives in more detail the traditional parts of rhetoric: inventio, dispositio, elocutio, memoria, pronuntiatio (or actio). See §§1-9. For the division here cp. also xii. 10, 27 Latina mihi facundia, ut inventione, dispositione, consilio, ceteris huius generis artibus similis Graecae ac prorsus discipula eius videtur, ita circarationem eloquendi vix habere imitationis locum.
aliqua diversitas: Morawski (Quaest. p. 33) thinks that this passage may be founded on a tractate by Caecilius (contemporary with Dion. Hal.), which is mentioned by Plutarch, Dem. 3σύγκρισις τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος. A parallel passage is found in theπερὶ ὕψους(Sp. i. p. 261), the author of which may also have borrowed from Caecilius:—ὁ μὲν γὰρ (Δημοσθένης) ἐν ὕψει τὸ πλέον ἀποτόμῳ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἐν χύσει, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἡμέτερος διὰ τὸ μετὰ βίας ἕκαστα, ἔτι δὲ τάχους, ῥώμης, δεινότητος οἷον καίειν τε ἅμα καὶ διαρπάζειν, σκηπτῷ τινι παρεικάζοιτ᾽ ἂν ἢ κεραυνῷ, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ὡς ἀμφιλαφής τις ἐμπρησμὸς οἶμαι πάντη νέμεται καὶ ἀνειλεῖται....Cp. Introd.p. xxxviii.
densior:§76tam densa omnia: so of Thucydides§73densus et brevis.
concludit, not, as Bonnell = ratiocinatur (xii. 2, 25), but of the ‘rounding off’ of a period: ix. 4, 22,περίοδονquae est vel ambitus vel circumductum vel continuatio vel conclusio. Cp. Cic. Brutus §33 verborum ... quaedam ad numerum conclusio: cp. §34 below, concluditque sententiam: Orator §20 conclusa oratio: §177 concluse apteque dicere: §§200, 220, 230, 231: de Orat. ii. §34 quod carmen artificiosa verborum conclusione (‘artistic period’) aptius? Hor. Sat. i. 4, 40 concludere versum. The opposite is membratim caesimque dicere, Quint. ix. 4, 126: cp. Cic. Orat. §212 incise membratimve: de Orat. iii. 49, 190 carpere membris minutioribus orationem. For a contrast cp. Brutus §120 ut Stoicorum adstrictior est oratio aliquantoque contractior quam aures populi requirunt, sic illorum (Peripateticorum Academicorumque) liberior et latior quam patitur consuetudo iudiciorum et fori: §162 quin etiam comprehensio et ambitus ille verborum, si sicπερίοδονappellari placet, erat apud illum (i.e. Crassum) contractus et brevis, et in membra quaedam, quaeκῶλαGraeci vocant, dispertiebat orationem libentius.
astrictius ... latius: there is more compactness about the periodic structure in Demosthenes, greater breadth in that of Cicero. This could hardly be said of Demosthenes’s periods as a whole: it rather refers to the care which Cicero and Roman orators generally bestowed on the closing syllables of a period (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 117). It was this liking for a sonorous and copious diction that seemed to Cicero’s critics to justify the epithets (inflatus, tumens, &c.) applied to him in Dial. de Orat. 18 (quoted above,§105); he himself tells us in the Orator, §104, that his ears craved for something more full and sonorous even than Demosthenes: ‘non semper implet aures meas: ita sunt avidae et capaces et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant.’
pugnat: used figuratively fordicit: cp.§4.
acumine: the word is used in§§81and 83 of ‘power of thought,’ ‘intellectual penetration’: viii. 2, 21:x. 1, §81and§83. See on acutus§77. So Cic. de Orat. i. §128 acumen dialecticorum. Here it includes the idea of ‘point’ in expression: following up the metaphor contained in ‘pugnat,’ we might render, ‘Demosthenes always thrusts with the rapier, Cicero often uses the bludgeon too.’ (Landor, speaking of Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke, as compared with Lord Brougham, said that they had ‘more of the rapier than the bludgeon.’) Cp. de Orat. ii. §158 ipsi se compungunt suis acuminibus. The contrast is something like that implied in xii. 10, 36 subtilitate vincimur (a Graecis): valeamus pondere: cp. ibid. §11 gravitatem Bruti acumen Sulpici.
nihil detrahi: cp.§76is dicendi modus ut nec quod desit in eo nec quod redundet invenias.
curae ... naturae: v. Jebb’s Attic Orators, i. Introd. p. cvi, where it is remarked that this paradox is true in this sense alone, ‘that Cicero is an inferior artist, and indulges more freely the taste of the natural man for ornament.’ Quintilian may also refer to the laborious training which Demosthenes imposed on himself, and in consequence of which, says Plutarch,δόξαν εἶχεν ὡς οὐκ εὐφυὴς ὤν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πόνου συγκειμένῃ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει χρώμενος(Vit. Demosth. viii.). Cp. the taunt of Pytheas, that his work ‘smelled of the lamp’:ἐλλυχνίων ὄζειν, ibid.; alsoParallel. ch. i. It was the rule with Demosthenes never to speak without preparation: Cicero may have relied at times on the faculty of extemporising at need.
I:107Salibus certe etcommiseratione, quae duo plurimum in adfectibus valent, vincimus. Et fortasse epilogos illi mos civitatis abstulerit, sed et nobis illa, quae Attici mirantur, diversa Latini sermonis ratiominus permiserit. In epistulis quidem, quamquam sunt utriusque, dialogisve, quibus nihil ille, nulla contentio est.
§ 107.salibus: cp. vi. 3, 2 plerique Demostheni facultatem defuisse huic rei credunt, Ciceroni modum, nec videri potest noluisse Demosthenes, cuius pauca admodum dicta nec sane ceteris eius virtutibus respondentia palam ostendunt non displicuisse illi iocos sed non contigisse ... mihi quidem ... mira quaedam in eo (Cicerone) videtur fuisse urbanitas. So §21 Demosthenem urbanum fuisse dicunt, dicacem negant: Cic. Orat. §90 non tam dicax quam facetus: Dion. Hal. Dem. c. 54πάσας ἔχουσα τὰς ἀρετὰς ἡ Δημοσθένους λέξις ... λείπεται εὐτραπελίας. Cp.περὶ ὕψους, 34, where the judgment is unduly severe,ἔνθα μέντοι γελοῖος εἶναι βιάζεται καὶ ἀστεῖος οὐ γέλωτα κινεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ καταγελᾶται. Cp. Sandys’ note on Orat. §90, “Though not obtrusively witty, Demosthenes nevertheless is not wanting in humour, as is proved by the speech on the Chersonesus §§5, 11 ff. and esp. 23 (characterized by Brougham as ‘full of refined and almost playful wit’): Plut. iii. §66: de Cor. §§198, 234 (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 163-6).” For a criticism of Cicero’s wit, on the other hand, v. Plut. Parallel. §1Κικέρων δὲ πολλαχοῦ τῷ σκωπτικῷ πρὸς τὸ βωμολόχον ἐκφερόμενος καὶ πράγματα σπουδῆς ἄξια γέλωτι καὶ παιδιᾷ κατειρωνευόμενος ἐν ταῖς δίκαις εἰς τὸ χρειῶδες ἠφείδει τοῦ πρέποντος, and below, Cato’sὡς γελοῖον, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἔχομεν ὕπατον. Δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ γέλωτος οἰκεῖος ὁ Κικέρων γεγονέναι καὶ φιλοσκώπτης κ.τ.λ.commiseratione, ‘pathos.’ See Orator §130 in quo ut viderer excellere non ingenio, sed dolore adsequebar; i.e. it was real sympathy more than any special talent that enabled him to excel in this respect.in adfectibus, ‘where the feelings are concerned.’ Underadfectus(vi. 2) is included everything that makes an impression on the judges: §1 opus ... movendi iudicum animos: among other things laughter itself, virtus quae risum iudicis movendo et illos tristes solvit adfectus et animum ab intentione rerum frequenter avertit et aliquando etiam reficit et a satietate vel a fatigatione renovat.vincimus: for the present cp.§§93,101,105.epilogos, ‘perorations.’ The peroration was looked on as giving a great opportunity for moving the feelings: Arist. Rhet. iii. 19 says one of its parts isεἰς τὰ πάθη τὸν ἀκροατὴν καταστῆσαι. So Quint. iv. 1, 28 quod in ingressu parcius et modestius praetemptanda sit iudicis misericordia: in epilogo vero liceat totos effundere adfectus. The word is common in this sense in Quintilian: vi. 1, 37, sq. esp. §52 at hic, si usquam, totos eloquentiae aperire fontes licet. Nam et, si bene diximus reliqua, possidebimus iam iudicum animos, et e confragosis atque asperis evecti tota pandere possumus vela, et, cum sit maxima pars epilogi amplificatio, verbis atque sententiis uti licet magnificis et ornatis. Tunc est commovendum theatrum cum ventum est ad ipsum illud, quo veteres tragoediae comoediaeque cluduntur, plodite: cp. also Cicero, Brutus §33 exstat eius peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: de Orat. ii. §278: ad Att. iv. 15, 4.mos civitatis: ii. 16 §4 Athenis ubi actor movere adfectus vetabatur velut recisam orandi potestatem: vi. 1, 7, where he says that with the Attic orators theepilogusgenerally took the form of recapitulation (ἀνακεφαλαίωσις= enumeratio) ‘quia Athenis adfectus movere etiam per praeconem prohibebatur orator.’ Cp. xii. 10, 26. This would be especially the case in trials before the Areopagus. But it was the Hellenic instinct for moderation that imposed its own law. Lord Brougham, in his Dissertation on the Eloquence of the Ancients (p. 25), remarks on the calmness of the Greek peroration: cp. his Essay on Demosthenes (p. 184): ‘It seems to have been a rule enjoined by the severe taste of those times, that after being wrought up to a great pitch of emotion, the speaker should, in quitting his audience, leave an impression of dignity, which cannot be maintained without composure.’ Cp. Jebb, i. ciii-civ: ‘Cicero has now and then an Attic peroration, as in the Second Philippic and the Pro Milone; more often he breaks off in a burst of eloquence—as in the First Catilinarian, the Pro Flacco, and the Pro Cluentio.’illa quae Attici mirantur: cp.§65,§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: xii. 10 §35 illam gratiam sermonis Attici.epistulis. If it were not for the ineptitude of the comparison which follows (in quibusnihilille) we might be inclined to imagine that Quintilian knew of more letters of Demosthenes than the six which are still extant, and which are generally considered apocryphal.dialogis: comprising most of Cicero’s philosophical works, and the Brutus and De Oratore among his rhetorical.nihil ille, sc. effecit, consecutus est: cp.§§56,123:2 §§6,24:3 §25:7 §§7,23.
§ 107.salibus: cp. vi. 3, 2 plerique Demostheni facultatem defuisse huic rei credunt, Ciceroni modum, nec videri potest noluisse Demosthenes, cuius pauca admodum dicta nec sane ceteris eius virtutibus respondentia palam ostendunt non displicuisse illi iocos sed non contigisse ... mihi quidem ... mira quaedam in eo (Cicerone) videtur fuisse urbanitas. So §21 Demosthenem urbanum fuisse dicunt, dicacem negant: Cic. Orat. §90 non tam dicax quam facetus: Dion. Hal. Dem. c. 54πάσας ἔχουσα τὰς ἀρετὰς ἡ Δημοσθένους λέξις ... λείπεται εὐτραπελίας. Cp.περὶ ὕψους, 34, where the judgment is unduly severe,ἔνθα μέντοι γελοῖος εἶναι βιάζεται καὶ ἀστεῖος οὐ γέλωτα κινεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ καταγελᾶται. Cp. Sandys’ note on Orat. §90, “Though not obtrusively witty, Demosthenes nevertheless is not wanting in humour, as is proved by the speech on the Chersonesus §§5, 11 ff. and esp. 23 (characterized by Brougham as ‘full of refined and almost playful wit’): Plut. iii. §66: de Cor. §§198, 234 (Blass, Att. Ber. iii. 163-6).” For a criticism of Cicero’s wit, on the other hand, v. Plut. Parallel. §1Κικέρων δὲ πολλαχοῦ τῷ σκωπτικῷ πρὸς τὸ βωμολόχον ἐκφερόμενος καὶ πράγματα σπουδῆς ἄξια γέλωτι καὶ παιδιᾷ κατειρωνευόμενος ἐν ταῖς δίκαις εἰς τὸ χρειῶδες ἠφείδει τοῦ πρέποντος, and below, Cato’sὡς γελοῖον, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἔχομεν ὕπατον. Δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ γέλωτος οἰκεῖος ὁ Κικέρων γεγονέναι καὶ φιλοσκώπτης κ.τ.λ.
commiseratione, ‘pathos.’ See Orator §130 in quo ut viderer excellere non ingenio, sed dolore adsequebar; i.e. it was real sympathy more than any special talent that enabled him to excel in this respect.
in adfectibus, ‘where the feelings are concerned.’ Underadfectus(vi. 2) is included everything that makes an impression on the judges: §1 opus ... movendi iudicum animos: among other things laughter itself, virtus quae risum iudicis movendo et illos tristes solvit adfectus et animum ab intentione rerum frequenter avertit et aliquando etiam reficit et a satietate vel a fatigatione renovat.
vincimus: for the present cp.§§93,101,105.
epilogos, ‘perorations.’ The peroration was looked on as giving a great opportunity for moving the feelings: Arist. Rhet. iii. 19 says one of its parts isεἰς τὰ πάθη τὸν ἀκροατὴν καταστῆσαι. So Quint. iv. 1, 28 quod in ingressu parcius et modestius praetemptanda sit iudicis misericordia: in epilogo vero liceat totos effundere adfectus. The word is common in this sense in Quintilian: vi. 1, 37, sq. esp. §52 at hic, si usquam, totos eloquentiae aperire fontes licet. Nam et, si bene diximus reliqua, possidebimus iam iudicum animos, et e confragosis atque asperis evecti tota pandere possumus vela, et, cum sit maxima pars epilogi amplificatio, verbis atque sententiis uti licet magnificis et ornatis. Tunc est commovendum theatrum cum ventum est ad ipsum illud, quo veteres tragoediae comoediaeque cluduntur, plodite: cp. also Cicero, Brutus §33 exstat eius peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: de Orat. ii. §278: ad Att. iv. 15, 4.
mos civitatis: ii. 16 §4 Athenis ubi actor movere adfectus vetabatur velut recisam orandi potestatem: vi. 1, 7, where he says that with the Attic orators theepilogusgenerally took the form of recapitulation (ἀνακεφαλαίωσις= enumeratio) ‘quia Athenis adfectus movere etiam per praeconem prohibebatur orator.’ Cp. xii. 10, 26. This would be especially the case in trials before the Areopagus. But it was the Hellenic instinct for moderation that imposed its own law. Lord Brougham, in his Dissertation on the Eloquence of the Ancients (p. 25), remarks on the calmness of the Greek peroration: cp. his Essay on Demosthenes (p. 184): ‘It seems to have been a rule enjoined by the severe taste of those times, that after being wrought up to a great pitch of emotion, the speaker should, in quitting his audience, leave an impression of dignity, which cannot be maintained without composure.’ Cp. Jebb, i. ciii-civ: ‘Cicero has now and then an Attic peroration, as in the Second Philippic and the Pro Milone; more often he breaks off in a burst of eloquence—as in the First Catilinarian, the Pro Flacco, and the Pro Cluentio.’
illa quae Attici mirantur: cp.§65,§100illam solis concessam Atticis venerem: xii. 10 §35 illam gratiam sermonis Attici.
epistulis. If it were not for the ineptitude of the comparison which follows (in quibusnihilille) we might be inclined to imagine that Quintilian knew of more letters of Demosthenes than the six which are still extant, and which are generally considered apocryphal.
dialogis: comprising most of Cicero’s philosophical works, and the Brutus and De Oratore among his rhetorical.
nihil ille, sc. effecit, consecutus est: cp.§§56,123:2 §§6,24:3 §25:7 §§7,23.
I:108Cedendum vero in hoc, quod et prior fuit et ex magna parte Ciceronem quantus est fecit. Nam mihi videtur M. Tullius, cum se totum ad imitationem Graecorum contulisset, effinxisse vim Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, iucunditatem Isocratis.
§ 108.effinxisse, ‘artistically reproduced.’iucunditatem. ‘The idea which Cicero got from Isocrates was that of number. See esp. de Orat. iii. 44 §173.’ Jebb. So ‘suavitatem Isocrates ... vim Demosthenes habuit’ de Orat. iii. §28.
§ 108.effinxisse, ‘artistically reproduced.’
iucunditatem. ‘The idea which Cicero got from Isocrates was that of number. See esp. de Orat. iii. 44 §173.’ Jebb. So ‘suavitatem Isocrates ... vim Demosthenes habuit’ de Orat. iii. §28.
I:109Nec vero quod in quoque optimum fuit studio consecutus est tantum, sed plurimas vel potius omnes ex se ipso virtutes extulit immortalis ingenii beatissima ubertate. Non enim ‘pluvias,’ ut ait Pindarus, ‘aquas colligit, sed vivo gurgite exundat,’ dono quodam providentiae genitus, in quo totas vires suas eloquentia experiretur.§ 109.ex se ipso ... extulit: cp. Cic. Acad. ii. 8, 23 artem vivendi quae ipsa ex sese habeat constantiam, where Dr. Reid cites this passage, along with many others, e.g. Sen. Ep. 52, 3 hos quibus ex se impetus fuit: Cic. N. D. iii. 88 a se sumere.beatissima: cp.§61beatissima rerum verborumque copia:3, §22beatiorem spiritum. Cp. the eulogy by Caesar, in his Analogia (written as he was crossing the Alps, and dedicated to Cicero himself): ac si ut cogitata praeclare eloqui possent non nulli studio et usu elaboraverunt, cuius te paene principem copiae atque inventorem bene de nomine ac dignitate populi Romani meritum esse existimare debemus, &c.—quoted in Brutus §253. Hild adds Pliny H. N. vii. 30 Facundiae Latiarumque litterarum parens atque ... omnium triumphorum gloria maior, quanto plus est ingenii Romani terminos in tantum promovisse quam imperii,—where the language has a close resemblance to that of Cicero himself in Brutus §255.ut ait Pindarus. We get thepluvias aquasin theοὐρανίων ὑδάτων ὀμβρίωνof Olymp. xi, but there is nothing in Pindar’s extant works that corresponds to the quotation.exundat: cp. Tac. Dial. 30 ex multa eruditione et plurimis artibus et omnium rerum scientia exundat et exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia.providentiais used very frequently by itself in Quintilian, e.g. i. 10, 7 oratio qua nihil praestantius homini dedit providentia (v. Bonn. Lex.); also in xi. i, 23 with deorum immortalium.eloquentia: cp. Sen. Ep. 40, 11 Cicero quoque noster, a quo Romana eloquentia exsiluit.
I:109Nec vero quod in quoque optimum fuit studio consecutus est tantum, sed plurimas vel potius omnes ex se ipso virtutes extulit immortalis ingenii beatissima ubertate. Non enim ‘pluvias,’ ut ait Pindarus, ‘aquas colligit, sed vivo gurgite exundat,’ dono quodam providentiae genitus, in quo totas vires suas eloquentia experiretur.
§ 109.ex se ipso ... extulit: cp. Cic. Acad. ii. 8, 23 artem vivendi quae ipsa ex sese habeat constantiam, where Dr. Reid cites this passage, along with many others, e.g. Sen. Ep. 52, 3 hos quibus ex se impetus fuit: Cic. N. D. iii. 88 a se sumere.beatissima: cp.§61beatissima rerum verborumque copia:3, §22beatiorem spiritum. Cp. the eulogy by Caesar, in his Analogia (written as he was crossing the Alps, and dedicated to Cicero himself): ac si ut cogitata praeclare eloqui possent non nulli studio et usu elaboraverunt, cuius te paene principem copiae atque inventorem bene de nomine ac dignitate populi Romani meritum esse existimare debemus, &c.—quoted in Brutus §253. Hild adds Pliny H. N. vii. 30 Facundiae Latiarumque litterarum parens atque ... omnium triumphorum gloria maior, quanto plus est ingenii Romani terminos in tantum promovisse quam imperii,—where the language has a close resemblance to that of Cicero himself in Brutus §255.ut ait Pindarus. We get thepluvias aquasin theοὐρανίων ὑδάτων ὀμβρίωνof Olymp. xi, but there is nothing in Pindar’s extant works that corresponds to the quotation.exundat: cp. Tac. Dial. 30 ex multa eruditione et plurimis artibus et omnium rerum scientia exundat et exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia.providentiais used very frequently by itself in Quintilian, e.g. i. 10, 7 oratio qua nihil praestantius homini dedit providentia (v. Bonn. Lex.); also in xi. i, 23 with deorum immortalium.eloquentia: cp. Sen. Ep. 40, 11 Cicero quoque noster, a quo Romana eloquentia exsiluit.
§ 109.ex se ipso ... extulit: cp. Cic. Acad. ii. 8, 23 artem vivendi quae ipsa ex sese habeat constantiam, where Dr. Reid cites this passage, along with many others, e.g. Sen. Ep. 52, 3 hos quibus ex se impetus fuit: Cic. N. D. iii. 88 a se sumere.
beatissima: cp.§61beatissima rerum verborumque copia:3, §22beatiorem spiritum. Cp. the eulogy by Caesar, in his Analogia (written as he was crossing the Alps, and dedicated to Cicero himself): ac si ut cogitata praeclare eloqui possent non nulli studio et usu elaboraverunt, cuius te paene principem copiae atque inventorem bene de nomine ac dignitate populi Romani meritum esse existimare debemus, &c.—quoted in Brutus §253. Hild adds Pliny H. N. vii. 30 Facundiae Latiarumque litterarum parens atque ... omnium triumphorum gloria maior, quanto plus est ingenii Romani terminos in tantum promovisse quam imperii,—where the language has a close resemblance to that of Cicero himself in Brutus §255.
ut ait Pindarus. We get thepluvias aquasin theοὐρανίων ὑδάτων ὀμβρίωνof Olymp. xi, but there is nothing in Pindar’s extant works that corresponds to the quotation.
exundat: cp. Tac. Dial. 30 ex multa eruditione et plurimis artibus et omnium rerum scientia exundat et exuberat illa admirabilis eloquentia.
providentiais used very frequently by itself in Quintilian, e.g. i. 10, 7 oratio qua nihil praestantius homini dedit providentia (v. Bonn. Lex.); also in xi. i, 23 with deorum immortalium.
eloquentia: cp. Sen. Ep. 40, 11 Cicero quoque noster, a quo Romana eloquentia exsiluit.
I:110Nam quis docere diligentius, movere vehementius potest? Cui tanta umquam iucunditas adfuit? ut ipsa illa quae extorquetimpetrare eum credas, et cum transversum vi sua iudicem ferat, tamen ille non rapi videatur, sed sequi.