FOOTNOTES:

Religion.

Religious conceptions were based on a belief inWakondaorManito[834], an all-pervading spirit force, whose cult involved various shamanistic ceremonials consisting of dancing, chanting, feasting and fasting. Most distinctive of these is the Sun dance, practised by almost all the tribes of the plains except the Comanche. It is an annual festival lasting several days, in honour of the sun, for the purpose of obtaining abundant produce throughout the year.

The Sun Dance.

The Sun dance was not only the greatest ceremony of the Plains tribes but was a condition of their existence. More than any other ceremony or occasion, it furnished the tribe the opportunity for the expression of emotion in rhythm, and was the occasion of the tribe becoming more closely united. It gave opportunity for the making and renewing of common interests, the inauguration of tribal policies, and the renewing of the rank of the chiefs; for the exhibition, by means of mourning feasts, of grief over the loss of members of families; for the fulfilment of social obligations by means of feasts; and, finally, for the exercise and gratification of the emotions of love on the part of the young in the various social dances which always formed an interesting feature of the ceremony[835].

Being strongly opposed by the missionaries because it was utterly misunderstood[836], and finding no favour in official circles, the Sun dance has been for many years an object of persecution, and in consequence is extinct among the Dakota, Crows, Mandan, Pawnee, and Kiowa, but it is still performed by the Cree, Siksika (Blackfoot), Arapaho, Cheyenne, Assiniboin, Ponca, Shoshoni and Ute, though in many of these tribes its disappearance is near at hand, for it has lost part of its rites andhas become largely a spectacle for gain rather than a great religious ceremony[837].

The Pawnee.

The Pawnee do not differ at all widely from the Dakota, but have a somewhat finer cast of features. They are more given to agriculture, raising crops of maize, pumpkins, etc. The Pawnee type of hut is characteristic, consisting of a circular framework of poles or logs, covered with brush, bark and earth. Their religious ceremonies were connected with the cosmic forces and the heavenly bodies. The dominating power was Tirawa generally spoken of as "Father." The winds, thunder, lightning and rain were his messengers. Among the Skidi the morning and evening stars represented the masculine and feminine elements, and were connected with the advent and perpetuation on earth of all living forms. A series of ceremonies relative to the bringing of life and its increase began with the first thunder in the spring and culminated at the summer solstice in human sacrifice, but the series did not close until the maize, called "mother corn," was harvested. At every stage of the series certain shrines or "bundles" became the centre of a ceremony. Each shrine was in charge of an hereditary keeper, but its rituals and ceremonies were in the keeping of a priesthood open to all proper aspirants. Through the sacred and symbolic articles of the shrines and their rituals and ceremonies a medium of communication was believed to be opened between the people and the supernatural powers, by which food, long life and prosperity were obtained. The mythology of the Pawnee is remarkably rich in symbolism and poetic fancy and their religious system is elaborate and cogent. The secret societies, of which there were several in each tribe, were connected with the belief in supernatural animals. The functions of these societies were to call the game, to heal diseases, and to give occult powers. Their rites were elaborate and their ceremonies dramatic[838].

The Blackfeet.

The Blackfeet or Siksika[839], an Algonquian confederacy of the northern plains, agree in culture with the Plains tribes generally, though there is evidence of an earlier culture, approximately that of the eastern woodland tribes. They are divided into the Siksika proper, or Blackfeet, the Kainah or Bloods, and the Piegan, the whole being popularly known as Blackfoot or Blackfeet. Formerly bison and deer were their chief food and there is no evidence that they ever practised agriculture, though tobacco was grown and used entirely for ceremonial purposes. The doors of their tipis always faced east. They have a great number of dances—religious, war and social—besides secret societies for various purposes, together with many "sacred bundles" around every one of which centres a ritual. Practically every adult has his personal "medicine." The principal deities are the Sun, and a supernatural being known asNapi"Old Man," who may be an incarnation of the same idea. The religious activity of a Blackfoot consists in putting himself into a position where the cosmic power will take pity upon him and give him something in return. There was no conception of a single personal god[840].

The Arapaho.

The Arapaho, another Algonquian Plains tribe, were once according to their own traditions a sedentary agricultural people far to the north of their present range, apparently in North Minnesota. They have been closely associated with the Cheyenne for many generations[841]. The annual Sun Dance is their greatest tribal ceremony, and they were active propagators of the ghost-dance religion of the last century which centred in the belief in the coming of a messiah and the restoration of the country to the Indians[842].

The Cheyenne.

The Cheyenne, also of agricultural origin, have been for generations a typical prairie tribe, living in skin tipis, following the bison over large areas, travelling and fighting on horseback. In character they are proud, contentious, and brave to desperation, with an exceptionally high standard for women. Under the old system they had a council of 44 elective chiefs, of whom four constituted a higher body,with power to elect one of their number as head chief of the tribe. In all councils that concerned the relations with other tribes, one member of the council was appointed to argue as proxy or "devil's advocate" for the alien people. The council of 44 is still symbolised by a bundle of 44 invitation sticks, kept with the sacred medicine-arrows, and formerly sent round when occasion arose to convene the assembly. The four medicine-arrows constitute the tribal palladium which they claim to have had from the beginning of the world. It was exposed once a year with appropriate rites, and is still religiously preserved. No woman, white man, or even mixed blood of the tribe has ever been allowed to come near the sacred arrows. In priestly dignity the keepers of the medicine-arrows and the priests of the Sun dance rites stood first and equal[843].

Eastern Woodlands: Material Culture.

VII. Eastern Woodland Area[844]. The culture north of the Great Lakes and east of the St Lawrence is comparable to that of the Déné (see p. 361), the main traits being: the taking of caribou in pens; the snaring of game; the importance of small game and fish, also of berries; the weaving of rabbit-skins; the birch canoe; the toboggan; the conical skin or bark-covered shelter; the absence of basketry and pottery and the use of bark and wooden utensils. To this northern group belong the Ojibway north of the lakes, including the Saulteaux, the Wood Cree, the Montagnais and the Naskapi. Further south the main body falls into three large divisions: Iroquoian tribes (Huron, Wyandot, Erie, Susquehanna and Five Nations); Central Algonquian to the west of the Iroquois (some Ojibway, Ottawa, Menomini, Sauk and Fox[845], Potawatomi, Peoria, Illinois, Kickapoo, Miami, Piankashaw, Shawnee and Siouan Winnebago); Eastern Algonquian (Abnaki group and Micmac).

Central Group.

The Central group west of the Iroquois appears to be the most typical and the best known and the following are the main culture traits: maize, squashes and bean were cultivated, wild rice where available was a great staple, and maple sugar was manufactured; deer, bear and even bison were hunted; also wild fowl; fishing was fairly developed, especially sturgeon fishing on the lakes; pottery poor, but formerly used for cooking vessels, vessels of wood and bark common; some splint basketry; two types of shelter prevailed, a dome-shaped bark or mat-covered lodge for winter and a rectangular bark house for summer, though the Ojibway used the conical type of the northern border group; dug-out and bark canoes and snowshoes were used, occasionally the toboggan and dog traction; weaving was of bark fibre (downward with fingers), and soft bags, pack lines and fish nets were made; clothing was of skins; soft-soled moccasins with drooping flaps, leggings, breech-cloth and sleeved shirts for men, for women a skirt and jacket, though a one-piece dress was known; robes of skin or woven rabbit-skin; no armour or lances; bows of plain wood and clubs; in trade days, the tomahawk; work in wood, stone and bone weakly developed; probably considerable use of copper in prehistoric times; feather-work rare.

Eastern Group.

In the eastern group agriculture was more intensive (except in the north) and pottery was more highly developed. Woven feather cloaks were common, there was a special development of work in steatite, and more use was made of edible roots.

Iroquoian Tribes.

The Iroquoian tribes were even more intensive agriculturalists and potters. They made some use of the blow-gun, developed cornhusk weaving, carved elaborate masks from wood, lived in rectangular houses of peculiar pattern, built fortifications and were superior in bone work[846].

The Ojibway.

In physical type the Ojibways[847], who may be taken as typical of the central Algonquians, were 1.73 m. (5 ft. 8 in.) in height, with brachycephalic heads (82 in the east, 80 in the west, but variable), heavy strongly developed cheek-bones and heavy and prominent nose. They were hard fighters and beat back the raids of the Iroquois on the east and of the Foxes on the south, and drove the Sioux before themout upon the Plains. According to Schoolcraft, who was personally acquainted with them and married a woman of the tribe, the warriors equalled in physical appearance the best formed of the North-West Indians, with the possible exception of the Foxes.

They were organised in many exogamous clans; descent was patrilineal although it was matrilineal in most Algonquian tribes. The clan system was totemic. There was a clan chief and generally a tribal chief as well, chosen from one clan in which the office was hereditary. His authority was rather indefinite.

Religion.

As regards religion W. Jones[848]notes their belief in a cosmic mystery present throughout all Nature, called "Manito." It was natural to identify the Manito with both animate and inanimate objects and the impulse was strong to enter into personal relations with the mystic power. There was one personification of the cosmic mystery; and this was an animate being called the Great Manito. Although they have long been in friendly relations with the whites Christianity has had but little effect on them, largely owing to the conservatism of the native medicine-men. TheMedewiwin, or grand medicine society, was a powerful organisation, which controlled all the movements of the tribe[849].

The Iroquois.

The Iroquois[850]are not much differentiated in general culture from the stocks around them, but in political development they stand unique. The Five Nations, Mohawk, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga and Seneca (subsequently joined by the Tuscarora), formed the famous League of the Iroquois about the year 1570. Each tribe remained independent in matters of local concern, but supreme authority was delegated to a council of elected sachems. They were second to no other Indian people north of Mexico in political organisation, statecraft and military prowess, and their astute diplomats were a match for the wily French and English statesmen with whom they treated. So successful was this confederacy that for centuries it enjoyed complete supremacy over its neighbours, until it controlled the country from Hudson Bay to North Carolina. The powerful Ojibway at the end ofLake Superior checked their north-west expansion, and their own kindred the Cherokee stopped their progress southwards.

The social organisation was as a rule much more complex and cohesive than that of any other Indians, and the most notable difference was in regard to the important position accorded to the women. Among the Cherokee, the Iroquois and the Hurons the women performed important and essential functions in their government. Every chief was chosen and retained his position and every important measure was enacted by the consent and cooperation of the child-bearing women, and the candidate for a chieftainship was nominated by the suffrages of the matrons of this group. His selection from among their sons had to be confirmed by the tribal and the federal councils respectively, and finally he was installed into office by federal officers. Lands and the "long houses" of related families belonged solely to the women.

South-eastern Area: Material Culture.

VIII. South-eastern Area. This area is conveniently divided by the Mississippi, the typical culture occurring in the east. The Powhatan group and the Shawnee are intermediate, and the chief tribes are the Muskhogean (Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Seminole, etc.) and Iroquoian tribes (Cherokee and Tuscarora) with the Yuchi, Eastern Siouan, Tunican and Quapaw. The main culture traits are: great use of vegetable food and intensive agriculture; maize, cane (a kind of millet), pumpkins, watermelons and tobacco being raised. Large use of wild vegetables, the dog, the only domestic animal, eaten; later chickens, hogs, horses and cattle quickly adopted; large game, deer, bear and bison, in the west; turkeys and small game also hunted; some fishing (with fish poison); of manufactured foods bears' oil, hickory-nut oil, persimmon bread and hominy are noteworthy, together with the famous black drink[851]; houses generally rectangular with curved roofs, covered with thatch or bark, often with plaster walls, reinforced with wicker work; towns were fortified with palisades; dug-out canoes were used for transport. Clothing chiefly of deerskins and bison robes, shirt-like garments for men, skirts and toga-like, upper garments for women, boot-like moccasins in winter;there were woven fabrics of bark fibre, fine netted feather cloaks, and some bison hair weaving in the west (the weaving being downwards with the fingers); baskets of cane and splints, the double or netted basket and the basket meal sieve being special forms; knives of cane, darts of cane and bone; blow-guns in general use; pottery good, coil process, with paddle decorations; a particular method of skin dressing (macerated in mortars), good work in stone, but little in metal[852].

The Creeks.

The Creek women were short though well formed, while the warrior according to Pickett[853]was "larger than the ordinary race of Europeans, often above 6 ft. in height, but was invariably well formed, erect in his carriage, and graceful in every movement. They were proud, haughty and arrogant, brave and valiant in war." As a people they were more than usually devoted to decoration and ornament; they were fond of music and ball play was their most important game. Each Creek town had its independent government, under an elected chief who was advised by the council of the town in all important matters. Certain towns were consecrated to peace ceremonies and were known as "white towns," while others, set apart for war ceremonials, were known as "red towns." The solemn annual festival of the Creeks was the "busk" orpuskita, a rejoicing over the first-fruits of the year. Each town celebrated its busk whenever the crops had come to maturity. All the worn-out clothes, household furniture, pots and pans and refuse, grain and other provisions were gathered together into a heap and consumed. After a fast, all the fires in the town were extinguished and a priest kindled a new fire from which were made all the fires in the town. A general amnesty was proclaimed, all malefactors might return to their towns and their offences were forgiven. Indeed the new fire meant the new life, physical and moral, which had to begin with the new year[854].

The Yuchi.

The Yuchi houses are grouped round a square plot of ground which is held as sacred, and here the religious ceremonies and social gatherings take place. On the edges stand four ceremonial lodges, in conformity with the four cardinal points, in which the different clan groupshave assigned places. The square ground symbolises the rainbow, where in the sky-world, Sun, the mythical culture-hero, underwent the ceremonial ordeals which he handed down to the first Yuchi. The Sun, as chief of the sky-world, author of the life, the ceremonies and the culture of the people, is by far the most important figure in their religious life. Various animals in the sky-world and vegetation spirits are recognised, besides the totemic ancestral spirits, who play an important part.

According to Speck[855]"the members of each clan believe that they are relatives and, in some vague way, the descendants of certain pre-existing animals whose names and identity they now bear. The animal ancestors are accordingly totemic. In regard to the living animals, they, too, are the earthly types and descendants of the pre-existing ones, hence, since they trace their descent from the same sources as the human clans, the two are consanguinely related." Thus the members of a clan feel obliged not to do violence to the wild animals having the form or name of their tutelaries, though the flesh and fur may be obtained from the members of other clans who are under no such obligations. The different individuals of the clan inherit the protection of the clan totems at the initiatory rites, and thenceforth retain them as their protectors through life.

Public religious worship centres in the complex annual ceremony connected with the corn harvest and includes the making of new fire, clan dances impersonating totemic ancestors, dances to propitiate maleficent spirits and acknowledge the assistance of beneficent ones in the hope of a continuance of their benefits, scarification of the males for sacrifice and purification, taking an emetic as a purifier, the partaking of the first green corn of the season, and the performance of a characteristic ball game with two sticks.

Mound Builders.

The middle and lower portions of the Mississippi valley with out-lying territories exhibit archaeological evidence of a remarkable culture, higher than that of any other area north of Mexico. This culture was characterised by "well established sedentary life, extensive practice of agricultural pursuits, and construction ofpermanent works—domiciliary, religious, civic, defensive and mortuary, of great magnitude and much diversity of form." The people, some, if not all of whom were mound-builders, were of numerous linguistic stocks, Siouan, Algonquian, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Tunican, Chitimachan, Caddoan and others, and "these historic peoples, remnants of which are still found within the area, were doubtless preceded by other groups not of a distinct race but probably of the same or related linguistic families. This view, in recent years, has gradually taken the place of the early assumption that the mound culture belonged to a people of high cultural attainments who had been succeeded by Indian tribes. That mound building continued down to the period of European occupancy is a well established fact, and many of the burial mounds contain as original inclusions articles of European make[856]."

These general conclusions are in no way opposed to De Nadaillac's suggestion that the mounds were certainly the work of Indians, but of more civilised tribes than the present Algonquians, by whom they were driven south to Florida, and there found with their towns, council-houses, and other structures by the first white settlers[857]. It would appear, however, from F. H. Cushing's investigations, that these tribal council-houses of the Seminole Indians were a local development, growing up on the spot under conditions quite different from those prevailing in the north. Many of the vast shell-mounds, especially between Tampa and Cape Sable, are clearly of artificial structure, that is, made with definite purpose, and carried up symmetrically into large mounds comparable in dimensions with the Indian mounds of the interior. They originated with pile dwellings in shallow water, where the kitchen refuse, chiefly shells, accumulates and rises above the surface, when the building appears to stand on posts in a low mound. Then this type of structure comes to be regarded as the normal for house-building everywhere. "Through this natural series of changes in type there is a tendency to the development of mounds as sites for habitations and for the council-house of the clan or tribe, the sites being either separate mounds or single large mounds, according to circumstances. Thus the study of the living Seminole Indians and of the shell-mounds in the samevicinity ... suggests a possible origin for a custom of mound-building at one time so prevalent among the North American Indians[858]." But if this be the genesis of such structures, the custom must have spread from the shores of the Gulf inland, and not from the Ohio valley southwards to Florida.

South-western Area: Material Culture.

IX. South-western Area. On account of its highly developed state and its prehistoric antecedents, the Pueblo culture appears as the type, though this is by no means uniform in the different villages. Three geographical groups may be recognised, the Hopi[859], the Zuñi[860]and the Rio Grande[861].

The culture of the whole may be characterised by: main dependence upon maize and other cultivated foods (men doing the cultivating and cloth-weaving instead of women); use of a grinding stone instead of a mortar; the art of masonry; loom or upward weaving; cultivated cotton as a textile material; pottery decorated in colour; unique style of building and the domestication of the turkey. Though the main dependence was on vegetable food there was some hunting; the eastern villages hunted bison and deer, especially Taos. Drives of rabbits and antelopes were practised, the unique hunting weapon being the curved rabbit stick. Woven robes were usual. Men wore aprons and a robe when needed. Women wore a garment reaching from shoulder to knee fastened on the right shoulder only. In addition to cloth robes some were woven of rabbit-skin and some netted with turkey feathers. Hard-soled moccasins were worn, those for women having long strips of deerskin wound round the leg. Pottery was highly developed, not only for practical use. Basketry was known but not so highly developed as among the non-Pueblo tribes. The dog was not used for transportation and there were no boats. Work in stone and wood not superior to that of other areas; some work in turquoise, but none in metal.

Transitional or Intermediate Tribes.

Many tribes appear to be transitional to the Pueblo type. Thus the Pima once lived in adobe houses, though not of Pueblo type, they developed irrigation but also madeextensive use of wild plants, raised cotton, wove cloth, were indifferent potters but experts in basketry. The Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Maricopa and Yavapai built a square flat-roofed house of wood, had no irrigation, were not good basket-makers (except the Yavapai) but otherwise resembled the Pima. The Walapai and Havasupai were somewhat more nomadic.

The Athapascan tribes to the east show intermediate cultures. The Jicarilla and Mescalero used the Plains tipi, gathered wild vegetable food, hunted bison, had no agriculture or weaving, but dressed in skins, and had the glass-bead technique of the Plains. The western Apache differed little from these, but rarely used tipis and gave a little more attention to agriculture. In general the Apache have certain undoubted Pueblo traits, they also remind one of the Plains, the Plateaus, and, in a lean-to like shelter, of the Mackenzie area. The Navaho seem to have taken their most striking features from European influence, but their shelter is of the northern type, while costume, pottery and feeble attempts at basketry and formerly at agriculture suggest Pueblo influence[862].

The Pueblos.

Pueblo culture takes its name from the towns or villages of stone or adobe houses which form the characteristic feature of the area. These vary according to the locality, those in the north being generally of sandstone, while adobe or sun-dried brick was employed to the south. The groups of dwellings were generally compact structures of several stories, with many small rooms, built in terrace fashion, the roof of one storey forming a promenade for the storey next above. Thus from the front the structure is like a gigantic staircase, from the back a perpendicular wall. The upper houses were and still are reached by means of movable ladders and a hatchway in the roof. Mainly in the north but scattered throughout the area are the remains of dwellings built in natural recesses of cliffs, while in some places the cliff face is honeycombed with masonry to provide habitations.

Cliff Dwellings.

Although doubtless designed for purposes of hiding anddefence, many of the cliff houses were near streams and fields and were occupied because they afforded shelter and were natural dwelling places; many were storage places for maize and other property: others again were places for outlook from which the fields could be watched or the approach of strangers observed. In some districts evidence of post-Spanish occupancy exists. From intensive investigation of the cliff dwellings it is evident that the inhabitants had the same material culture as that of existing Pueblo Indians, and from the ceremonial objects which have been discovered and the symbolic decoration that was employed it is equally clear that their religion was essentially similar. Moreover the various types of skulls that have been recovered are similar to those of the present population of the district. It may therefore be safely said that there is no evidence of the former general occupancy of the region by peoples other than those now classed as Pueblo Indians or their neighbours.

J. W. Fewkes points out that the district is one of arid plateaus, separated and dissected by deep cañons, frequently composed of flat-lying rock strata forming ledge-marked cliffs by the erosive action of the rare storms. "Only along the few streams heading in the mountains does permanent water exist, and along the cliff lines slabs of rock suitable for building abound; and the primitive ancients, dependent as they were on environment, naturally produced the cliff dwellings. The tendency toward this type was strengthened by intertribal relations; the cliff dwellers were probably descended from agricultural or semi-agricultural villagers who sought protection against enemies, and the control of land and water through aggregation in communities.... Locally the ancient villages of Canyon de Chelly are known as Aztec ruins, and this designation is just so far as it implies relationship with the aborigines of moderately advanced culture in Mexico and Central America, though it would be misleading if regarded as indicating essential difference between the ancient villagers and their modern descendants and neighbours still occupying the pueblos[863]."

Religion.

Each pueblo contains at least onekiva, either wholly or partly underground, entered by means of a ladder and hatchway, forming a sacred chamber for the transaction of civil orreligious affairs, and also a club for the men. In some villages each totemic clan has its ownkiva. The Indians are eminently a religious people and much time is devoted to complicated rites to ensure a supply of rain, their main concern, and the growth of crops. Among the Hopi from four to sixteen days in every month are employed by one society or another in the carrying out of religious rites. The secret portions of these complicated ceremonies take place in thekiva, while the so-called "dances" are performed in the open.

The clan ancestors may be impersonated by masked men, calledkatcinas, the name being also applied to the religious dramas in which they appear[864].

Snake Dances.

In reference to J. Walter Fewkes' account of the "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies," it is pointed out that "the Pueblo Indians adore a plurality of deities, to which various potencies are ascribed. These zoic deities, or beast gods, are worshipped by means of ceremonies which are sometimes highly elaborate; and, so far as practicable, the mystic zoic potency is represented in the ceremony by a living animal of similar species or by an artificial symbol. Prominent among the animate representatives of the zoic pantheon throughout the arid region is the serpent, especially the venomous and hence mysteriously potent rattlesnake. To the primitive mind there is intimate association, too, between the swift-striking and deadly viper and the lightning, with its attendant rain and thunder; there is intimate association, too, between the moisture-loving reptile of the subdeserts and the life-giving storms and freshets; and so the native rattlesnake plays an important rôle in the ceremonies, especially in the invocations for rain, which characterize the entire arid region[865]."

Fewkes pursues the same fruitful line of thought in his monograph onThe Feather Symbol in Ancient Hopi Designs[866], showing how amongst the Tusayan Pueblos, although they have left no written records, there survives an elaborate paleography, the feathermotifin the pottery found in the old ruins, which is in fact "a picture writing often highly symbolic and complicated," revealing certain phases of Hopi thought in remote times. "Thus we come back to a belief, taught by other reasoning, that ornamentation of ancient pottery was something higher than simple effort to beautify ceramic wares. The ruling motive was a religious one, for in their system everything was under the same sway. Esthetic and religious feelings were not differentiated, the one implied the other, and to elaborately decorate a vessel without introducing a religious symbol was to the ancient potter an impossibility[867]."

Physical Type.

Social Life.

Physically the Pueblo Indians are of short stature, with long, low head, delicate face and dark skin. They are muscular and of great endurance, able to carry heavy burdens up steep and difficult trails, and to walk or even run great distances. It is said to be no uncommon thing for a Hopi to run 40 miles over a burning desert to his cornfield, hoe his corn, and return home within 24 hours. Distances of 140 miles are frequently made within 36 hours[868]. In disposition they are mild and peaceable, industrious, and extraordinarily conservative, a trait shown in the fidelity with which they retain and perpetuate their ancient customs[869]. Labour is more evenly divided than among most Indian tribes. The men help the women with the heavier work of house-building, they collect the fuel, weave blankets and make moccasins, occupations usually regarded as women's work. The women carry the water, and make the pottery for which the region is famous[870].

A. L. Kroeber has made a careful study of Zuñi sociology[871]and come to the conclusion that the family is fundamental and the clan secondary, though kinship terms are applied to clan mates in a random fashion, and even the true kinshipterms are applied loosely. In view of the obvious preëminence of the woman, who receives the husband into her and her mother's house, it is worthy of note that she and her children recognise her husband's relatives as their kin as fully as he adopts hers. The Zuñi are not a woman-ruled people. As regards government, women neither claim nor have any voice whatever, nor are there women priests, nor fraternity officers. Even within the house, so long as a man is a legitimate inmate thereof, he is master of it and of its affairs. They are a monogamous people. Divorce is more easy than marriage, and most men and women of middle age have been married to several partners. Marriage in the mother's clan is forbidden; in the father's clan, disapproved. The phratries have no social significance, there is no central clan house, no recognised head, no meeting, council or any organisation, nor does the clan as such ever act as a body. The clans have little connection with the religious societies or fraternities. There are no totemic tabus nor is there worship of the clan totem. People are reckoned as belonging to the father's clan almost as much as to that of the mother. If one of the family of a person who belongs to a fraternity falls sick the fraternity is called in to cure the patient, who is subsequently received into its ranks. The Zuñi fraternity is largely a body of religious physicians, membership is voluntary and not limited by sex. At Hopi we hear of rain-making more than of doctoring, more of "priests" than of "theurgists." The religious functions of the Zuñi are most marked in the ceremonies of the Ko-tikkyanne, the "god-society" or "masked-dancer society," and it is with these that thekivasare associated. They are almost wholly concerned with rain. Only men can become members and entrance is compulsory. Kroeber believes that "the truest understanding of Zuñi life, other than its purely practical manifestation, can be had by setting the ettowe ['fetish'] as a centre. Around these, priesthoods, fraternities, clan organisation, as well as most esoteric thinking and sacred tradition, group themselves; while, in turn, kivas, dances, and acts of public worship can be construed as but the outward means of expression of the inner activities that radiate around the nucleus of the physical fetishes and the ideas attached to them[872]."

FOOTNOTES:[737]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, 1911, p. 72.[738]R. F. Scharff,The History of the European Fauna, 1899, pp. 155, 186.[739]D. G. Brinton,The American Race, 1891.[740]K. Haebler,The World's History(ed. Helmolt),I. 1901, p. 181.[741]A. Hrdlička, "Skeletal Remains suggesting or attributed to Early Man in North America,"Bureau Am. Eth. Bull.33, 1907, p. 98.[742]A. Hrdlička, "Early Man in South America,"Bureau Am. Eth. Bull.52, 1912.[743]Loc. cit.pp. 385-6.[744]American Anthropologist,XIV.1912, p. 22.[745]P. Rivet, "La Race de Lagoa-Santa chez les populations précolombiennes de l'Équateur,"Bull. Soc. d'Anth.V.2, 1908, p. 264.[746]J. Deniker,The Races of Man, 1900, p. 512.[747]Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.52, 1912, pp. 183-4.[748]Loc. cit.p. 267.[749]A. Hrdlička,Am. Anth.XIV.1912, p. 10.[750]Ibid.p. 12.[751]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, 1911, pp. 78-9.[752]W. Bogoras,Am. Anth.IV.1902, p. 577.[753]Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.28, 1904, p. 535.[754]Globus,LXX.No. 3.[755]Mexican Archaeology, 1914, p. 7 ff.[756]"The Social Organization, etc. of the Kwakiutl Indians,"Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus.1895, Washington (1897), p. 321 sq. andAnn. Arch. Rep.1905, Toronto, 1906, p. 84.[757]W. L. H. Duckworth,Journ. Anthr. Inst., August, 1895.[758]The Stone Age in North America, 1911.[759]On the other hand there are a few American archaeologists who believe in the occurrence of implements of palaeolithic type in the United States, but there is no corroborative evidence on the part of contemporaneous fossils. See N. H. Winchell, "The weathering of aboriginal stone artifacts," No. 1.Collection of the Minnesota Hist. Soc.Vol.XVI.1913.[760]Am. Anth.XIV.1912, p. 55.[761]Such disintegration is clearly seen in the Carib still surviving in Dominica, of which J. Numa Rat contributed a somewhat full account to theJourn. Anthr. Inst.for Nov. 1897, p. 293 sq. Here the broken formarametakuahátina bukaappears to represent the polysyntheticarametakuanientibubuka(rootarameta, to hide), as in Père Breton'sGrammaire Caraibe, p. 45, where we have also the formarametakualubatibubasubutuiruni= know that he will conceal thee (p. 48). It may at the same time be allowed that great inroads have been made on the principle of polysynthesis even in the continental (South American) Carib, as well as in the Colombian Chibcha, the Mexican Otomi and Pima, and no doubt in some other linguistic groups. But that the system must have formerly been continuous over the whole of America seems proved by the persistence of extremely polysynthetic tongues in such widely separated regions as Greenland (Eskimo), Mexico (Aztec), Peru (Quichuan), and Chili (Araucanian).[762]R. de la Grasserie and N. Léon,Langue Tarasque, Paris, 1896.[763]J. E. R. Polak,Ipurina Grammar, etc., London, 1894.[764]The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and Characteristics, Copenhagen, 1887, I. p. 62 sq.[765]In fact this very word was first given "as an ordinary example" by Kleinschmidt,Gram. d. Grönlandischen Sprache, Sect. 99, and is also quoted by Byrne, who translates: "They disapproved of him, because he did not give to him, when he heard that he would go off, because he had nothing" (Principles, etc.,I.p. 140).[766]"Indian Linguistic Families of America north of Mexico,"Seventh Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology, 1885-6 (1891). See also the "Handbook of American Indian Languages," PartIby Franz Boas and others,Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40, 1911. The Introduction by F. Boas gives a good general idea of the characteristics of these languages and deals shortly with related problems.[767]Following this ethnologist's convenient precedent, I use both inEthnologyand here the final syllableanto indicate stock races and languages in America. ThusAlgonquin= the particular tribe and language of that name;Algonquian= the whole family;Iroquois,Iroquoian,Carib,Cariban, etc.[768]Forum, Feb. 1898, p. 683.[769]Studies of these languages by Kroeber and others will be found inUniversity of California Publications; American Archaeology and Ethnology,L.1903 onwards. Cf. also A. L. Kroeber, "The Languages of the American Indians,"Pop. Sci. Monthly,LXXVIII.1911.[770]Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.XL. 1910, p. 73.[771]Urbewohner Brasiliens, 1897, p. 46.[772]Karl v. d. Steinen,Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, 1894, p. 215.[773]Aborigines of South America, 1912.[774]Loc. cit.p. 75.[775]Indian Linguistic Families, p. 141.[776]"Whence came the American Indians?"Forum, Feb. 1898.[777]J. Walter Fewkes, "Great Stone Monuments in History and Geography,"Pres. Add. Anthrop. Soc., Washington, 1912.[778]F. Graebner,Anthropos,IV.1909, esp. pp. 1013-24. Cf. also hisEthnologie, 1914.[779]W. Schmidt, "Kulturkreise und Kulturschichten in Südamerika,"Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Jg. 45, 1913, p. 1014 ff.[780]Loc. cit.pp. 1020, 1021.[781]Ibid.p. 1093; cf. also p. 1098 where the Peruvian sailing balsa is traced to Polynesia, sailing rafts being still used in the Eastern Paumotu islands.[782]Am. Anth.XIV.1912, pp. 34-6.[783]Loc. cit.p. 39.[784]Loc. cit.p. 43.[785]G. Elliot Smith,The Migrations of Early Culture, 1915.[786]G. Elliot Smith, "The Influence of Ancient Egyptian Civilization in the East and in America,"Bull. of the John Rylands Library, Jany.—March, 1916, pp. 3, 4.[787]Cf. W. J. Perry, "The Relationship between the Geographical Distribution of Megalithic Monuments and Ancient Mines," reprinted fromManchester Memoirs, Vol.LX.(1915), pt. 1.[788]W. J. Perry,Mem. and Proc. Manchester Lit. and Phil. Soc.LX.1916, No. 6.[789]Loc. cit.No. 5.[790]Loc. cit.No. 4.[791]Loc. cit.No. 8.[792]Loc. cit.No. 7.[793]Putnam Anniversary Volume, 1909, p. 365.[794]Nature, Nov. 25 and Dec. 16, 1915.[795]H. H. Bancroft,The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America, 1875.[796]E. B. Tylor, "On the game of Patolli in Ancient Mexico and its probably Asiatic origin,"Journ. Anthr. Inst.VIII.1878, p. 116.Rep. Brit. Ass.1894, p. 774.[797]Zelia Nuttall, "The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civilisations,"Arch. and Eth. Papers, Peabody Mus. Cambridge, Mass.II.1901.[798]J. Macmillan Brown,Maori and Polynesian, 1907.[799]C. R. Enoch,The Secret of the Pacific, 1912.[800]Livingston Farrand,Basis of American History, 1904, pp. 88-9.[801]7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1885-6(1891).[802]"Primitive American History,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, pp. 410-11.[803]Roland B. Dixon,Am. Anth.XV.1913, pp. 538-9.[804]"Areas of American culture characterization tentatively outlined as an aid in the study of the Antiquities,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, pp. 413-46.[805]Clark Wissler, "Material Cultures of the North American Indians,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, pp. 447-505.[806]"The Central Eskimo,"6th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1884-5(1888), p. 419.[807]The name is said to come from the AbnakiEsquimantsic, or fromAshkimeq, the Ojibway equivalent, meaning "eaters of raw flesh." They call themselves Innuit, meaning "people."[808]H. Rink, "The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and Characteristics,"Meddelelser om Grönland,II.1887.[809]F. Boas, "Ethnological Problems in Canada,"Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.XL.1910, p. 529.[810]H. P. Steensby, "Contributions to the Ethnology and Anthropogeography of the Polar Eskimos,"Meddelelser om Grönland,XXXIV.1910.[811]H. P. Steensby,loc. cit.p. 384.[812]Loc. cit. pp. 366, 376.[813]V. Stefánsson,My life with the Eskimo, 1913, p. 194 ff.[814]F. Boas, "The Eskimo,"Annual Archaeological Report, 1905, Toronto (1906), p. 112 ff.[815]A. G. Morice, "Notes on the Western Dénés,"Trans. Canadian Inst.IV.1895; "The Western Dénés,"Proc. Canadian Inst.XXV.(3rd Series,VII.) 1890; "The Canadian Dénés,"Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905(1906), p. 187.[816]From the Nootka wordpotlatsh, "giving" or "a gift," so called because these great winter ceremonials were especially marked by the giving away of quantities of goods, commonly blankets. Cf. J. R. Swanton inHandbook of American Indians(F. W. Hodge, editor), 1910.[817]Besides C. Wissler,loc. cit.p. 457 and A. G. Morice,loc. cit., cf. J. Jette,Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.XXXVII.1907, p. 157; C. Hill-Tout,British North America, 1907; and G. T. Emmons, "The Tahltan Indians,"Anthr. Pub. University of Pennsylvania,IV.1, 1911.[818]C. Wissler,loc. cit.p. 454.[819]J. G. Frazer,Totemism and Exogamy,III.1910, p. 319.[820]Loc. cit.p. 333.[821]See p. 367.[822]F. Boas,Brit. Ass. Reports, 1885-98;Social Organisation of the Kwakiutl Indians, 1897; A. P. Niblack, "The Coast Indians,"U.S. Nat. Mus. Report, 1898.[823]For this area consult J. Teit, "The Thompson Indians of British Columbia," "The Lillooet Indians," and "The Shushwap," inMemoirs, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.Vol.II.4, 1900; Vol.IV.5, 1906; and Vol.IV.7, 1909; F. Boas, "The Salish Tribes of the Interior of British Columbia,"Ann. Arch. Rep.1905 (Toronto, 1906); C. Hill-Tout, "The Salish Tribes of the Coast and Lower Fraser Delta,"Ann. Arch. Rep.1905 (Toronto, 1906); H. J. Spinden, "The Nez Percés Indians,"Memoirs, Am. Anth. Ass.II.3, 1908; R. H. Lowie, "The Northern Shoshone,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.II.2, 1908; A. B. Lewis, "Tribes of the Columbia Valley," etc.,Memoirs, Am. Anth. Ass.I.2, 1906.[824]C. Hill-Tout,British North America, 1907, p. 37.[825]Loc. cit.p. 50.[826]Loc. cit.pp. 158-9.[827]A. L. Kroeber, "Types of Indian Culture in California,"University of California Publications Am. Arch. and Eth.II.3, 1904; cf. also the special anthropological publications of the University of California.[828]Loc. cit.p. 81 ff.[829]P. S. Spartman,University of California Publications, Am. Arch. and Eth.VIII.1908, p. 221 ff.; A. L. Kroeber, "Types of Indian Culture in California,"ibid.II.1904, p. 81 ff.[830]A. L. Kroeber,ibid.VIII.1908, p. 72.[831]C. G. DuBois, "The Religion of the Luiseño Indians,"tom. cit.p. 73 ff.[832]Dakota is the name of the largest division of the Siouan linguistic family, commonly called Sioux; Santee, Yankton and Teton constituting, with the Assiniboin, the four main dialects.[833]See note 4, p. 370.[834]Wakondais the term employed "when the power believed to animate all natural forms is spoken to or spoken of in supplications or rituals" by many tribes of the Siouan family.Manitois the Algonquian name for "the mysterious and unknown potencies and powers of life and of the universe." "Wakonda," says Miss Fletcher, "is difficult to define, for exact terms change it from its native uncrystallized condition to something foreign to aboriginal thought. Vague as the concept seems to be to one of another race, to the Indian it is as real and as mysterious as the starry night or the flush of the coming day," "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.30, 1907.[835]See G. A. Dorsey, "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.30, 1907.[836]G. B. Grinnell points out that the personal torture often associated with the ceremonies has no connection with them, but represents the fulfilment of individual vows. "The Cheyenne Medicine Lodge,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, p. 245.[837]See G. A. Dorsey, "Arapaho Sun Dance,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.IV.4 (Chicago), 1903; "The Cheyenne,"tom. cit.IX.1905.[838]A. C. Fletcher, in "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth.,Bull. 30, 1907;Am. Anth.IV.4, 1902; "The Hako, a Pawnee Ceremony,"22nd Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1900-1, 2 (1904); G. A. Dorsey, "Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee,"Mem. Am. Folklore Soc.VIII.1904.[839]Fromsiksinam"black," andka, the root ofoqkatsh"foot." The origin of the name is commonly given as referring to the blackening of their moccasins by the ashes of the prairie fires.[840]J. Mooney, "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth., Bull. 30, 1907; C. Wissler, "Material culture of the Blackfoot Indians,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.V.1, 1910; J. W. Schultz,My Life as an Indian, 1907.[841]A. L. Kroeber. "The Arapaho,"Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.XVIII.1900; G. A. Dorsey and A. L. Kroeber, "Traditions of the Arapaho,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.V.1903; G. A. Dorsey, "Arapaho Sun Dance,"ib.IV.1903.[842]J. Mooney, "The Ghost Dance Religion,"14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1896.[843]G. A. Dorsey, "The Cheyenne,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.IX.1905; G. B. Grinnell, "Social organisation of the Cheyennes,"Rep. Int. Cong. Am.XIII.1902.[844]Consult the following: A. C. Parker, "Iroquois uses of Maize and other Food Plants," Bull. 144,University of California Pub., Arch. and Eth.VII.4, 1909; W. J. Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians,"14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1892-3,I.(1896); A. E. Jenks, "The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes,"19th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1897-8,II.(1912); A. F. Chamberlain, "The Kootenay Indians and Indians of the Eastern Provinces of Canada,"Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905(1906); A. Skinner, "Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.IX.1, 1911;The Indians of Greater New York, 1914; J. N. B. Hewitt, "Iroquoian Cosmology,"21st Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1899-1900 (1903), etc.[845]For the Foxes (properly Musquakie) see M. A. Owen,Folklore of the Musquakie Indians, 1904.[846]C. Wissler,loc. cit.p. 459.[847]Ojibway, meaning "to roast till puckered up," referred to the puckered seam on the moccasins. Chippewa is the popular adaptation of the word.[848]W. Jones,Ann. Arch. Rep.1905 (Toronto), 1906, p. 144. Cf. note on p. 372.[849]W. J. Hoffman, "The Midewiwin or 'grand medicine society' of the Ojibwa,"7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1886 (1891).[850]From the Algonkin word meaning "real adders" with French suffix.[851]A decoction made by boiling the leaves ofIlex cassinein water, employed as "medicine" for ceremonial purification. It was a powerful agent for the production of the nervous state and disordered imagination necessary to "spiritual" power.[852]C. Wissler,loc. cit.pp. 462-3.[853]A. J. Pickett,Hist. of Alabama, 1851 (ed. 1896), p. 87.[854]Cf. A. S. Gatschet, "A migration legend of the Creek Indians,"Trans. Acad. Sci. St Louis,V.1888.[855]F. G. Speck, "Some outlines of Aboriginal Culture in the S. E. States,"Am. Anth.N. S.IX.1907; "Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians,"Anth. Pub. Mus. Univ. Pa.I.1, 1909.[856]W. H. Holmes, "Areas of American Culture," etc.,Am. Anth.XVI.1914, p. 424.[857]L'Anthropologie, 1897, p. 702 sq.[858]16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth., Washington, 1897, p. lvi sq.[859]Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano (Tewa), Shipaulovi, Mishongnovi, Shunopovi and Oraibi.[860]Zuñi proper, Pescado, Nutria and Ojo Caliente.[861]Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Pojoaque, Nambe, Jemez, Pecos, Sandia, Isleta, all of Tanoan stock; San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Sia Laguna and Acoma, of Keresan stock.[862]For this area see A. F. Bandelier, "Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the S. W. United States,"Arch. Inst. of Am. Papers, 1890-2; P. E. Goddard, "Indians of the Southwest,"Handbook Series, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.2, 1913; F. Russell, "The Pima Indians,"26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1904-5 (1908); G. Nordenskiöld,The Cliff Dwellers of Mesa Verde, S. W. Colorado, 1893; C. Mindeleff, "Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona,"13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1891-2 (1896). For chronology cf. L. Spier,Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. Anth.XVIII.[863]16th Ann. Report, p. xciv. Cf. E. Huntington, "Desiccation in Arizona,"Geog. Journ., Sept. and Oct. 1912.[864]For the religion consult F. H. Cushing, "Zuñi Creation Myths,"13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1891-2 (1896);Zuñi Folk Tales, 1901; Matilda C. Stevenson, "The Religious Life of the Zuñi Child,"5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1887; "The Zuñi Indians, their mythology, esoteric fraternities, and ceremonies,"23rd Rep.1904; J. W. Fewkes, "Tusayan Katcinas,"15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1893-4 (1897); "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies,"16th Rep.1894-5 (1897); "Tusayan Flute and Snake Ceremonies,"19th Rep.1897-8, 11. (1900); "Hopi Katcinas,"21st Rep.1899-1900 (1903), and other papers. For dances see W. Hough,Moki Snake dance, 1898; G. A. Dorsey and H. R. Voth, "Mishongnovi Ceremonies of the Snake and Antelope Fraternities,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.III.3, 1902; J. W. Fewkes, "Snake Ceremonials at Walpi,"Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch.IV.1894 and "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies,"16th Ann, Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1897; H. Hodge, "Pueblo Snake Ceremonies,"Am. Anth.IX.1896.[865]p. xcvii.[866]Amer. Anthropologist, Jan. 1898.[867]p. 13.[868]G. W. James,Indians of the Painted Desert Region, 1903, p. 90.[869]L. Farrand,Basis of American History, 1904, p. 184.[870]W. H. Holmes, "Pottery of the ancient Pueblos,"4th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1882-3(1886); F. H. Cushing, "A study of Pueblo Pottery," etc.,ib,; J. W. Fewkes, "Archaeological expedition to Arizona,"17th Rep. 1895-6(1898); W. Hough, "Archaeological field work in N.E. Arizona" (1901),Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus.1903.[871]"Zuñi Kin and Clan,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.XVIII.1917, p. 39.[872]p. 167.

[737]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, 1911, p. 72.

[738]R. F. Scharff,The History of the European Fauna, 1899, pp. 155, 186.

[739]D. G. Brinton,The American Race, 1891.

[740]K. Haebler,The World's History(ed. Helmolt),I. 1901, p. 181.

[741]A. Hrdlička, "Skeletal Remains suggesting or attributed to Early Man in North America,"Bureau Am. Eth. Bull.33, 1907, p. 98.

[742]A. Hrdlička, "Early Man in South America,"Bureau Am. Eth. Bull.52, 1912.

[743]Loc. cit.pp. 385-6.

[744]American Anthropologist,XIV.1912, p. 22.

[745]P. Rivet, "La Race de Lagoa-Santa chez les populations précolombiennes de l'Équateur,"Bull. Soc. d'Anth.V.2, 1908, p. 264.

[746]J. Deniker,The Races of Man, 1900, p. 512.

[747]Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.52, 1912, pp. 183-4.

[748]Loc. cit.p. 267.

[749]A. Hrdlička,Am. Anth.XIV.1912, p. 10.

[750]Ibid.p. 12.

[751]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, 1911, pp. 78-9.

[752]W. Bogoras,Am. Anth.IV.1902, p. 577.

[753]Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.28, 1904, p. 535.

[754]Globus,LXX.No. 3.

[755]Mexican Archaeology, 1914, p. 7 ff.

[756]"The Social Organization, etc. of the Kwakiutl Indians,"Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus.1895, Washington (1897), p. 321 sq. andAnn. Arch. Rep.1905, Toronto, 1906, p. 84.

[757]W. L. H. Duckworth,Journ. Anthr. Inst., August, 1895.

[758]The Stone Age in North America, 1911.

[759]On the other hand there are a few American archaeologists who believe in the occurrence of implements of palaeolithic type in the United States, but there is no corroborative evidence on the part of contemporaneous fossils. See N. H. Winchell, "The weathering of aboriginal stone artifacts," No. 1.Collection of the Minnesota Hist. Soc.Vol.XVI.1913.

[760]Am. Anth.XIV.1912, p. 55.

[761]Such disintegration is clearly seen in the Carib still surviving in Dominica, of which J. Numa Rat contributed a somewhat full account to theJourn. Anthr. Inst.for Nov. 1897, p. 293 sq. Here the broken formarametakuahátina bukaappears to represent the polysyntheticarametakuanientibubuka(rootarameta, to hide), as in Père Breton'sGrammaire Caraibe, p. 45, where we have also the formarametakualubatibubasubutuiruni= know that he will conceal thee (p. 48). It may at the same time be allowed that great inroads have been made on the principle of polysynthesis even in the continental (South American) Carib, as well as in the Colombian Chibcha, the Mexican Otomi and Pima, and no doubt in some other linguistic groups. But that the system must have formerly been continuous over the whole of America seems proved by the persistence of extremely polysynthetic tongues in such widely separated regions as Greenland (Eskimo), Mexico (Aztec), Peru (Quichuan), and Chili (Araucanian).

[762]R. de la Grasserie and N. Léon,Langue Tarasque, Paris, 1896.

[763]J. E. R. Polak,Ipurina Grammar, etc., London, 1894.

[764]The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and Characteristics, Copenhagen, 1887, I. p. 62 sq.

[765]In fact this very word was first given "as an ordinary example" by Kleinschmidt,Gram. d. Grönlandischen Sprache, Sect. 99, and is also quoted by Byrne, who translates: "They disapproved of him, because he did not give to him, when he heard that he would go off, because he had nothing" (Principles, etc.,I.p. 140).

[766]"Indian Linguistic Families of America north of Mexico,"Seventh Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology, 1885-6 (1891). See also the "Handbook of American Indian Languages," PartIby Franz Boas and others,Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40, 1911. The Introduction by F. Boas gives a good general idea of the characteristics of these languages and deals shortly with related problems.

[767]Following this ethnologist's convenient precedent, I use both inEthnologyand here the final syllableanto indicate stock races and languages in America. ThusAlgonquin= the particular tribe and language of that name;Algonquian= the whole family;Iroquois,Iroquoian,Carib,Cariban, etc.

[768]Forum, Feb. 1898, p. 683.

[769]Studies of these languages by Kroeber and others will be found inUniversity of California Publications; American Archaeology and Ethnology,L.1903 onwards. Cf. also A. L. Kroeber, "The Languages of the American Indians,"Pop. Sci. Monthly,LXXVIII.1911.

[770]Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.XL. 1910, p. 73.

[771]Urbewohner Brasiliens, 1897, p. 46.

[772]Karl v. d. Steinen,Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, 1894, p. 215.

[773]Aborigines of South America, 1912.

[774]Loc. cit.p. 75.

[775]Indian Linguistic Families, p. 141.

[776]"Whence came the American Indians?"Forum, Feb. 1898.

[777]J. Walter Fewkes, "Great Stone Monuments in History and Geography,"Pres. Add. Anthrop. Soc., Washington, 1912.

[778]F. Graebner,Anthropos,IV.1909, esp. pp. 1013-24. Cf. also hisEthnologie, 1914.

[779]W. Schmidt, "Kulturkreise und Kulturschichten in Südamerika,"Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Jg. 45, 1913, p. 1014 ff.

[780]Loc. cit.pp. 1020, 1021.

[781]Ibid.p. 1093; cf. also p. 1098 where the Peruvian sailing balsa is traced to Polynesia, sailing rafts being still used in the Eastern Paumotu islands.

[782]Am. Anth.XIV.1912, pp. 34-6.

[783]Loc. cit.p. 39.

[784]Loc. cit.p. 43.

[785]G. Elliot Smith,The Migrations of Early Culture, 1915.

[786]G. Elliot Smith, "The Influence of Ancient Egyptian Civilization in the East and in America,"Bull. of the John Rylands Library, Jany.—March, 1916, pp. 3, 4.

[787]Cf. W. J. Perry, "The Relationship between the Geographical Distribution of Megalithic Monuments and Ancient Mines," reprinted fromManchester Memoirs, Vol.LX.(1915), pt. 1.

[788]W. J. Perry,Mem. and Proc. Manchester Lit. and Phil. Soc.LX.1916, No. 6.

[789]Loc. cit.No. 5.

[790]Loc. cit.No. 4.

[791]Loc. cit.No. 8.

[792]Loc. cit.No. 7.

[793]Putnam Anniversary Volume, 1909, p. 365.

[794]Nature, Nov. 25 and Dec. 16, 1915.

[795]H. H. Bancroft,The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America, 1875.

[796]E. B. Tylor, "On the game of Patolli in Ancient Mexico and its probably Asiatic origin,"Journ. Anthr. Inst.VIII.1878, p. 116.Rep. Brit. Ass.1894, p. 774.

[797]Zelia Nuttall, "The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civilisations,"Arch. and Eth. Papers, Peabody Mus. Cambridge, Mass.II.1901.

[798]J. Macmillan Brown,Maori and Polynesian, 1907.

[799]C. R. Enoch,The Secret of the Pacific, 1912.

[800]Livingston Farrand,Basis of American History, 1904, pp. 88-9.

[801]7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1885-6(1891).

[802]"Primitive American History,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, pp. 410-11.

[803]Roland B. Dixon,Am. Anth.XV.1913, pp. 538-9.

[804]"Areas of American culture characterization tentatively outlined as an aid in the study of the Antiquities,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, pp. 413-46.

[805]Clark Wissler, "Material Cultures of the North American Indians,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, pp. 447-505.

[806]"The Central Eskimo,"6th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1884-5(1888), p. 419.

[807]The name is said to come from the AbnakiEsquimantsic, or fromAshkimeq, the Ojibway equivalent, meaning "eaters of raw flesh." They call themselves Innuit, meaning "people."

[808]H. Rink, "The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and Characteristics,"Meddelelser om Grönland,II.1887.

[809]F. Boas, "Ethnological Problems in Canada,"Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.XL.1910, p. 529.

[810]H. P. Steensby, "Contributions to the Ethnology and Anthropogeography of the Polar Eskimos,"Meddelelser om Grönland,XXXIV.1910.

[811]H. P. Steensby,loc. cit.p. 384.

[812]Loc. cit. pp. 366, 376.

[813]V. Stefánsson,My life with the Eskimo, 1913, p. 194 ff.

[814]F. Boas, "The Eskimo,"Annual Archaeological Report, 1905, Toronto (1906), p. 112 ff.

[815]A. G. Morice, "Notes on the Western Dénés,"Trans. Canadian Inst.IV.1895; "The Western Dénés,"Proc. Canadian Inst.XXV.(3rd Series,VII.) 1890; "The Canadian Dénés,"Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905(1906), p. 187.

[816]From the Nootka wordpotlatsh, "giving" or "a gift," so called because these great winter ceremonials were especially marked by the giving away of quantities of goods, commonly blankets. Cf. J. R. Swanton inHandbook of American Indians(F. W. Hodge, editor), 1910.

[817]Besides C. Wissler,loc. cit.p. 457 and A. G. Morice,loc. cit., cf. J. Jette,Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst.XXXVII.1907, p. 157; C. Hill-Tout,British North America, 1907; and G. T. Emmons, "The Tahltan Indians,"Anthr. Pub. University of Pennsylvania,IV.1, 1911.

[818]C. Wissler,loc. cit.p. 454.

[819]J. G. Frazer,Totemism and Exogamy,III.1910, p. 319.

[820]Loc. cit.p. 333.

[821]See p. 367.

[822]F. Boas,Brit. Ass. Reports, 1885-98;Social Organisation of the Kwakiutl Indians, 1897; A. P. Niblack, "The Coast Indians,"U.S. Nat. Mus. Report, 1898.

[823]For this area consult J. Teit, "The Thompson Indians of British Columbia," "The Lillooet Indians," and "The Shushwap," inMemoirs, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.Vol.II.4, 1900; Vol.IV.5, 1906; and Vol.IV.7, 1909; F. Boas, "The Salish Tribes of the Interior of British Columbia,"Ann. Arch. Rep.1905 (Toronto, 1906); C. Hill-Tout, "The Salish Tribes of the Coast and Lower Fraser Delta,"Ann. Arch. Rep.1905 (Toronto, 1906); H. J. Spinden, "The Nez Percés Indians,"Memoirs, Am. Anth. Ass.II.3, 1908; R. H. Lowie, "The Northern Shoshone,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.II.2, 1908; A. B. Lewis, "Tribes of the Columbia Valley," etc.,Memoirs, Am. Anth. Ass.I.2, 1906.

[824]C. Hill-Tout,British North America, 1907, p. 37.

[825]Loc. cit.p. 50.

[826]Loc. cit.pp. 158-9.

[827]A. L. Kroeber, "Types of Indian Culture in California,"University of California Publications Am. Arch. and Eth.II.3, 1904; cf. also the special anthropological publications of the University of California.

[828]Loc. cit.p. 81 ff.

[829]P. S. Spartman,University of California Publications, Am. Arch. and Eth.VIII.1908, p. 221 ff.; A. L. Kroeber, "Types of Indian Culture in California,"ibid.II.1904, p. 81 ff.

[830]A. L. Kroeber,ibid.VIII.1908, p. 72.

[831]C. G. DuBois, "The Religion of the Luiseño Indians,"tom. cit.p. 73 ff.

[832]Dakota is the name of the largest division of the Siouan linguistic family, commonly called Sioux; Santee, Yankton and Teton constituting, with the Assiniboin, the four main dialects.

[833]See note 4, p. 370.

[834]Wakondais the term employed "when the power believed to animate all natural forms is spoken to or spoken of in supplications or rituals" by many tribes of the Siouan family.Manitois the Algonquian name for "the mysterious and unknown potencies and powers of life and of the universe." "Wakonda," says Miss Fletcher, "is difficult to define, for exact terms change it from its native uncrystallized condition to something foreign to aboriginal thought. Vague as the concept seems to be to one of another race, to the Indian it is as real and as mysterious as the starry night or the flush of the coming day," "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.30, 1907.

[835]See G. A. Dorsey, "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.30, 1907.

[836]G. B. Grinnell points out that the personal torture often associated with the ceremonies has no connection with them, but represents the fulfilment of individual vows. "The Cheyenne Medicine Lodge,"Am. Anth.XVI.1914, p. 245.

[837]See G. A. Dorsey, "Arapaho Sun Dance,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.IV.4 (Chicago), 1903; "The Cheyenne,"tom. cit.IX.1905.

[838]A. C. Fletcher, in "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth.,Bull. 30, 1907;Am. Anth.IV.4, 1902; "The Hako, a Pawnee Ceremony,"22nd Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1900-1, 2 (1904); G. A. Dorsey, "Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee,"Mem. Am. Folklore Soc.VIII.1904.

[839]Fromsiksinam"black," andka, the root ofoqkatsh"foot." The origin of the name is commonly given as referring to the blackening of their moccasins by the ashes of the prairie fires.

[840]J. Mooney, "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge),Bur. Am. Eth., Bull. 30, 1907; C. Wissler, "Material culture of the Blackfoot Indians,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.V.1, 1910; J. W. Schultz,My Life as an Indian, 1907.

[841]A. L. Kroeber. "The Arapaho,"Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.XVIII.1900; G. A. Dorsey and A. L. Kroeber, "Traditions of the Arapaho,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.V.1903; G. A. Dorsey, "Arapaho Sun Dance,"ib.IV.1903.

[842]J. Mooney, "The Ghost Dance Religion,"14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1896.

[843]G. A. Dorsey, "The Cheyenne,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.IX.1905; G. B. Grinnell, "Social organisation of the Cheyennes,"Rep. Int. Cong. Am.XIII.1902.

[844]Consult the following: A. C. Parker, "Iroquois uses of Maize and other Food Plants," Bull. 144,University of California Pub., Arch. and Eth.VII.4, 1909; W. J. Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians,"14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1892-3,I.(1896); A. E. Jenks, "The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes,"19th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1897-8,II.(1912); A. F. Chamberlain, "The Kootenay Indians and Indians of the Eastern Provinces of Canada,"Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905(1906); A. Skinner, "Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.IX.1, 1911;The Indians of Greater New York, 1914; J. N. B. Hewitt, "Iroquoian Cosmology,"21st Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1899-1900 (1903), etc.

[845]For the Foxes (properly Musquakie) see M. A. Owen,Folklore of the Musquakie Indians, 1904.

[846]C. Wissler,loc. cit.p. 459.

[847]Ojibway, meaning "to roast till puckered up," referred to the puckered seam on the moccasins. Chippewa is the popular adaptation of the word.

[848]W. Jones,Ann. Arch. Rep.1905 (Toronto), 1906, p. 144. Cf. note on p. 372.

[849]W. J. Hoffman, "The Midewiwin or 'grand medicine society' of the Ojibwa,"7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1886 (1891).

[850]From the Algonkin word meaning "real adders" with French suffix.

[851]A decoction made by boiling the leaves ofIlex cassinein water, employed as "medicine" for ceremonial purification. It was a powerful agent for the production of the nervous state and disordered imagination necessary to "spiritual" power.

[852]C. Wissler,loc. cit.pp. 462-3.

[853]A. J. Pickett,Hist. of Alabama, 1851 (ed. 1896), p. 87.

[854]Cf. A. S. Gatschet, "A migration legend of the Creek Indians,"Trans. Acad. Sci. St Louis,V.1888.

[855]F. G. Speck, "Some outlines of Aboriginal Culture in the S. E. States,"Am. Anth.N. S.IX.1907; "Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians,"Anth. Pub. Mus. Univ. Pa.I.1, 1909.

[856]W. H. Holmes, "Areas of American Culture," etc.,Am. Anth.XVI.1914, p. 424.

[857]L'Anthropologie, 1897, p. 702 sq.

[858]16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth., Washington, 1897, p. lvi sq.

[859]Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano (Tewa), Shipaulovi, Mishongnovi, Shunopovi and Oraibi.

[860]Zuñi proper, Pescado, Nutria and Ojo Caliente.

[861]Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Pojoaque, Nambe, Jemez, Pecos, Sandia, Isleta, all of Tanoan stock; San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Sia Laguna and Acoma, of Keresan stock.

[862]For this area see A. F. Bandelier, "Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the S. W. United States,"Arch. Inst. of Am. Papers, 1890-2; P. E. Goddard, "Indians of the Southwest,"Handbook Series, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.2, 1913; F. Russell, "The Pima Indians,"26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1904-5 (1908); G. Nordenskiöld,The Cliff Dwellers of Mesa Verde, S. W. Colorado, 1893; C. Mindeleff, "Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona,"13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1891-2 (1896). For chronology cf. L. Spier,Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. Anth.XVIII.

[863]16th Ann. Report, p. xciv. Cf. E. Huntington, "Desiccation in Arizona,"Geog. Journ., Sept. and Oct. 1912.

[864]For the religion consult F. H. Cushing, "Zuñi Creation Myths,"13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1891-2 (1896);Zuñi Folk Tales, 1901; Matilda C. Stevenson, "The Religious Life of the Zuñi Child,"5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1887; "The Zuñi Indians, their mythology, esoteric fraternities, and ceremonies,"23rd Rep.1904; J. W. Fewkes, "Tusayan Katcinas,"15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1893-4 (1897); "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies,"16th Rep.1894-5 (1897); "Tusayan Flute and Snake Ceremonies,"19th Rep.1897-8, 11. (1900); "Hopi Katcinas,"21st Rep.1899-1900 (1903), and other papers. For dances see W. Hough,Moki Snake dance, 1898; G. A. Dorsey and H. R. Voth, "Mishongnovi Ceremonies of the Snake and Antelope Fraternities,"Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.III.3, 1902; J. W. Fewkes, "Snake Ceremonials at Walpi,"Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch.IV.1894 and "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies,"16th Ann, Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1897; H. Hodge, "Pueblo Snake Ceremonies,"Am. Anth.IX.1896.

[865]p. xcvii.

[866]Amer. Anthropologist, Jan. 1898.

[867]p. 13.

[868]G. W. James,Indians of the Painted Desert Region, 1903, p. 90.

[869]L. Farrand,Basis of American History, 1904, p. 184.

[870]W. H. Holmes, "Pottery of the ancient Pueblos,"4th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1882-3(1886); F. H. Cushing, "A study of Pueblo Pottery," etc.,ib,; J. W. Fewkes, "Archaeological expedition to Arizona,"17th Rep. 1895-6(1898); W. Hough, "Archaeological field work in N.E. Arizona" (1901),Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus.1903.

[871]"Zuñi Kin and Clan,"Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.XVIII.1917, p. 39.

[872]p. 167.

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