FOOTNOTES:

The Chimu.

Here is not the place to enter into the details of the astonishing architectural, engineering, and artistic remains, often assigned to the Incas, whose empire had absorbed in the north the old civilisation of theChimu,perhaps of theAtacameño, and other cultured peoples whose very names have perished. The Yunga (Mochica or Chimu), conquered by the Inca Tupac Yupanqui, had a language radically distinct from Quichuan, but have long been assimilated to their conquerors.

The ruins of Grand Chimu (modern Trujillo) cover a vast area, nearly 15 miles by 6, which is everywhere strewn with the remains of palaces, reservoirs, aqueducts, ramparts, and especiallyhuacas, that is, truncated pyramids not unlike those of Mexico, whence the theory that the Chimus, of unknown origin, were "Toltecs" from Central America. One of these huacas is described by Squier as 150 feet high with a base 580 feet square, and an area of 8 acres, presenting from a distance the appearance of a huge crater[925]. Still larger is the so-called "Temple of the Sun," 800 by 470 feet, 200 feet high, and covering an area of 7 acres. An immense population of hundreds of thousands was assigned to this place in pre-Inca times; but from some rough surveys made in 1897 it would appear that much of the space within the enclosures consists of waste lands, which had never been built over, and it is calculated that at no time could the number of inhabitants have greatly exceeded 50,000.

Peruvian Political System.

We need not stop to describe the peculiar civil and social institutions of the Peruvians, which are of common knowledge. Enough to say that here everything was planned in the interests of the theocratic and all-powerful Incas, who were more than obeyed, almost honoured with divine worship by their much bethralled and priest-ridden subjects. "The despotic authority of the Incas was the basis of government; that authority was founded on the religious respect yielded to the descendant of the sun, and supported by a skilfully combined hierarchy[926]." From remote antiquity the peoples of this area were organised intoaylluseach occupying part of a valley or a limited area. It was a patriarchal system, land belonging to theayllu, which was a group of families. The Incas systematised this institution, theaylluwas made to comprise 100 families under a village officer who annually allotted land to the heads of families. Each family was divided by the head into 10 classes based on age. Tenayllus(now termedpachacas) formed ahuaranca.A valley with a varying number ofhuarancaswas termed ahunu; over fourhunusthere was an imperial officer. "This was indeed Socialism," Markham observes, "existing under an inexorable despotism" (p. 169).

The Araucanians.

Beyond the Maule, southernmost limits of all these effete civilisations, man reasserted himself in the "South American Iroquois," as those Chilian aborigines have been called who called themselvesMolu-che, "Warriors," but are better known by their Quichuan designation ofAucaes, "Rebels," whence the Spanish Aucans (Araucan, Araucanian). These "Rebels," who have never hitherto been overcome by the arms of any people, and whose heroic deeds in the long wars waged by the white intruders against their freedom form the topic of a noble Spanish epic poem[927], still maintain a measure of national autonomy as the friends and faithful allies of the Chilian republic. Individual freedom and equality were leading features of the social system which was in the main patriarchal. The Araucanians were led by four independent chiefs, each supported by fiveulmen, or district chiefs, whose office was hereditary but whose authority was little more than nominal. It was only in time of national warfare that the tribes united under a war-chief[928]. Not only are all the tribes absolutely free, but the same is true of every clan, sept, and family group. Needless to say, there are no slaves or serfs. "The law of retaliation was the only one understood, although the commercial spirit of the Araucano led him to forego personal revenge for its accruing profit. Thus every injury had its price[929]."

The basis of their belief is a rude form of nature worship, the principal deities being malignant and requiring propitiation. The chief god was Pillan, the thunder god. Spirits of the dead go west over the sea to a place of abundance where no evil spirits have entry[930]. And this simple belief is almost the only substitute for the rewards and punishments which supply the motive for the observance of an artificial ethical code in so many more developed religious systems.

In the sonorous Araucanian language, which is still spoken by about 40,000 full-blood natives, the termche, meaning"people," occurs as the postfix of several ethnical groups, which, however, are not tribal but purely territorial divisions. Thus, whileMolu-cheis the collective name of the whole nation, thePicun-che,Huilli-che, andPuel-cheare simply the North, South, and East men respectively. The Central and most numerous division are thePuen-che, that is, people of the pine district, who are both the most typical and most intelligent of all the Araucanian family. Ehrenreich's remark that many of the American aborigines resemble Europeans as much as or even more than the Asiatic Mongols, is certainly borne out by the facial expression of these Puenche. The resemblance is even extended to the mental characters, as reflected in their oral literature. Amongst the specimens of the national folklore preserved in the Puenche dialect and edited with Spanish translations by Rodolfo Lenz[931], is the story of a departed lover, who returns from the other world to demand his betrothed and carries her off to his grave. Although this might seem an adaptation of Bürger's "Lenore," Lenz is of opinion that it is a genuine Araucanian legend.

The Pampas Indians.

Of the above-mentioned groups the Puelche are now included politically in Argentina. Their original home seems to have been north of the Rio Negro, but they raided westwards and some adopted the Araucanian language[932]and to them also the Chilian affixchehas also been extended. Indeed the term Puelche, meaning simply "Easterns," is applied not only to the Argentine Moluche, whose territory stretches east of the Cordilleras as far as Mendoza in Cuyo, but also to all the aborigines commonly calledPampeans(Pampas Indians) by the Europeans andPenekby the Patagonians. Under the designation of Puelche would therefore be comprised the now extinctRanqualche(Ranqueles), who formerly raided up to Buenos-Ayres and the other Spanish settlements on the Plate River, theMapocheof the Lower Salado, and generally all the nomads as far south as the Rio Negro.

Gauchos.

These aborigines are now best represented by theGauchos, who are mostly Spaniards on the father's side and Indians on the mother's, and reflect this double descent in their half-nomadic, half-civilised life. These Gauchos, who are now also disappearing before the encroachmentsof the "Gringos[933],"i.e.the white immigrants from almost every country in Europe, have been enveloped in an ill-deserved halo of romance, thanks mainly to their roving habits, splendid horsemanship, love of finery, and genial disposition combined with that innate grace and courtesy which belongs to all of Spanish blood. But those who knew them best described them as of sordid nature, cruel to their women-kind, reckless gamblers and libertines, ruthless political partisans, at times even religious fanatics without a spark of true religion, and at heart little better than bloodthirsty savages.

The Patagonians.

Beyond the Rio Negro follow the gigantic Patagonians, that is, theTehuelcheorChuelcheof the Araucanians, who have no true collective name unless it beTsoneca, a word of uncertain use and origin. Most of the tribal groups—Yacana,Pilma,Chaoand others—are broken up, and the former division between the Northern Tehuelche (Tehuelhet), comprising theCallilehet(Serranos or Highlanders) of the Upper Chupat, with the Calilan between the Rios Chupat and Negro, and the Southern Tehuelche (Yacana, Sehuan, etc.), south to Fuegia, no longer holds good since the general displacement of all these fluctuating nomad hordes. A branch of the Tehuelche are unquestionably theOnaof the eastern parts of Fuegia, the true aborigines of which are theYahgansof the central and theAlakalufsof the western islands.

Hitherto to the question whence came these tall Patagonians, no answer could be given beyond the suggestion that they may have been specialised in their present habitat, where nevertheless they seem to be obviously intruders. Now, however, one may perhaps venture to look for their original home amongst theBororoof Matto Grosso, a once powerful race who held the region between the Rios Cuyaba and Paraguay. These Bororo, who had been heard of by Martius, were visited by Ehrenreich[934]and by Karl von den Steinen[935], who found them to be a nomadic hunting people with a remarkable social organisation centring in the men's club-house (baitó). Their physical characters, as described by the former observer, correspond closely with those of thePatagonians: "An exceptionally tall race rivalling the South Sea Islanders, Patagonians, and Redskins; by far the tallest Indians hitherto discovered within the tropics," their stature ranging nearly up to 6 ft. 4 in., with very large and rounded heads (men 81.2; women 77.4). With this should be compared the very large round old Patagonian skull from the Rio Negro, measured by Rudolf Martin[936]. The account reads like the description of some forerunner of a prehistoric Bororo irruption into the Patagonian steppe lands.

Linguistic Relations.

To the perplexing use of the term Puelche above referred to is perhaps due the difference of opinion still prevailing on the number of stock languages in this southern section of the Continent. D'Orbigny's emphatic statement[937]that the Puelche spoke a language fundamentally distinct both from the Araucanian and the Patagonian has been questioned on the strength of some Puelche words, which were collected by Hale at Carmen on the Rio Negro, and differ but slightly from Patagonian. But the Rio Negro lies on the ethnical divide between the two races, which sufficiently accounts for the resemblances, while the words are too few to prove anything. Hale calls them "Southern Puelche," but they were in fact Tehuelche (Patagonian), the true Pampean Puelche having disappeared from that region before Hale's time[938]. I have now the unimpeachable authority of T. P. Schmid, for many years a missionary amongst these aborigines, for asserting that d'Orbigny's statement is absolutely correct. His Puelche were the Pampeans, because he locates them in the region between the Rios Negro and Colorado, that is, north of Patagonian and east of Araucanian territory, and Schmid assures me that all three—Araucanian, Pampean, and Patagonian—are undoubtedly stock languages, distinct both in their vocabulary and structure, with nothing in common except their common polysynthetic form. In a list of 2000 Patagonian and Araucanian words he found only two alike,patac= 100, andhuarunc= 1000, numerals obviously borrowed by the rudeTehuelche from the more cultured Moluche. In Fuegia there is at least one radically distinct tongue, the Yahgan, studied by Bridges. Here the Ona is probably a Patagonian dialect, and Alakaluf perhaps remotely allied to Araucanian. Thus in the whole region south of the Plate River the stock languages are not known to exceed four: Araucanian; Pampean (Puelche); Patagonian (Tehuelche); and Yahgan.

The Yahgans.

Few aboriginal peoples have been the subject of more glaringly discrepant statements than the Yahgans, to whom several lengthy monographs have been devoted during the last few decades. How contradictory are the statements of intelligent and even trained observers, whose good faith is beyond suspicion and who have no cause to serve except the truth, will best be seen by placing in juxtaposition the accounts of the family relations by G. Bove, a well-known Italian observer, and P. Hyades of the French Cape Horn Expedition, both summarised[939]:—

The women are treated as slaves. The greater the number of wives or slaves a man has the easier he finds a living; hence polygamy is deep-rooted and four wives common. Owing to rigid climate and bad treatment the mortality of children under 10 years is excessive; the mother's love lasts till the child is weaned, after which it rapidly wanes, and is completely gone when the child attains the age of 7 or 8 years. The Fuegian's only lasting love is the love of self. As there are no family ties, the word "authority" is devoid of meaning.

The Fuegians are capable of great love which accounts for the jealousy of the men over their wives and the coquetry sometimes manifested by the women and girls.Some men have two or more wives, but monogamy is the rule.Children are tenderly cared for by their parents, who in return are treated by them with affection and deference.The Fuegians are of a generous disposition and like to share their pleasures with others. The husbands exercise due control, and punish severely any act of infidelity.

The Fuegians are capable of great love which accounts for the jealousy of the men over their wives and the coquetry sometimes manifested by the women and girls.

Some men have two or more wives, but monogamy is the rule.

Children are tenderly cared for by their parents, who in return are treated by them with affection and deference.

The Fuegians are of a generous disposition and like to share their pleasures with others. The husbands exercise due control, and punish severely any act of infidelity.

These seeming contradictions may be partly explained by the general improvement in manners due to the beneficent action of the English missionaries in recent years, and great progress has certainly been made since the accounts of King, Fitz-Roy and Darwin[940].

The Cashibo.

But even in the more favoured regions of the Parana and Amazon basins many tribes are met which yield little if atall to the Fuegians of the early writers in sheer savagery and debasement. Thus theCashiboorCarapacheof the Ucayali, who are described as "white as Germans, with long beards[941]," may be said to answer almost better than any other human group to the old saying,homo homini lupus. They roam the forests like wild beasts, living almost entirely upon game, in which is included man himself. "When one of them is pursuing the chase in the woods and hears another hunter imitating the cry of an animal, he immediately makes the same cry to entice him nearer, and, if he is of another tribe, he kills him if he can, and (as is alleged) eats him." Hence they are naturally "in a state of hostility with all their neighbours[942]."

The Pano Family.

These Cashibo,i.e."Bats," are members of a widespread linguistic family which in ethnological writings bears the name ofPano, from the Pano of the Huallaga and Marañon, who are now broken up or greatly reduced, but whose language is current amongst the Cashibo, the Conibo, the Karipuna, the Setebo, the Sipivio (Shipibo) and others about the head waters of the Amazons in Peru, Bolivia, and Brazil, as far east as the Madeira. Amongst these, as amongst the Moxo and so many other riverine tribes in Amazonia, a slow transformation is in progress. Some have been baptized, and while still occupying their old haunts and keeping up the tribal organisation, have been induced to forego their savage ways and turn to peaceful pursuits. They are beginning to wear clothes, usually cotton robes of some vivid colour, to till the soil, take service with the white traders, or even trade themselves in their canoes up and down the tributaries of the Amazons. Beyond the Rubber Belt, however, many tribes are quite untouched by outside influences. The cannibal Boro and Witoto, living between the Issa and Japura, are ignorant of any method of producing fire, and their women go entirely nude, though some of their arts and crafts exhibit considerable skill, notably the plaitwork and blow-pipes of the Boro[943].

Ethnical Relations in Amazonia.

In this boundless Amazonian region of moist sunless woodlands fringed north and east by Atlantic coast ranges, diversified by the open Venezuelan llanos, and mergingsouthwards in the vast alluvial plains of the Parana-Paraguay basin, much light has been brought to bear on the obscure ethnical relations by the recent explorations especially of Paul Ehrenreich and Karl von den Steinen about the Xingu, Purus, Madeira and other southern affluents of the great artery[944]. These observers comprise the countless Brazilian aborigines in four main linguistic divisions, which in conformity with Powell's terminology may here be named theCariban, Arawakan, GesanandTupi-Guaranianfamilies. There remain, however, numerous groups which cannot be so classified, such as the Bororo and Karaya of Matto Grosso, while in the relatively small area between the Japura and the Waupes Koch-Grünberg found two other language groups, Betoya and Maku in addition to Carib and Arawak[945].

The Caribs.

Hitherto the Caribs were commonly supposed to have had their original homes far to the north, possibly in the Alleghany uplands, or in Florida, where they have been doubtfully identified with the extinct Timuquanans, and whence they spread through the Antilles southwards to Venezuela, the Guianas, and north-east Brazil, beyond which they were not known to have ranged anywhere south of the Amazons. But this view is now shown to be untenable, and several Carib tribes, such as the Bakaïri and Nahuqua[946]of the Upper Xingu, all speaking archaic forms of the Carib stock language, have been met by the German explorers in the very heart of Brazil; whence the inference that the cradle of this race is to be sought rather in the centre of South America, perhaps on the Goyaz and Matto Grosso table-lands, from which region they moved northwards, if not to Florida, at least to the Caribbean Sea which is named from them[947]. The wide diffusion of this stock is evidenced by the existence of an unmistakably Carib tribe in the basin of the Rio Magdalena beyond the Andes[948].

In the north the chief groups are the Makirifare ofVenezuela and the Macusi, Kalina, and Galibi of British, Dutch, and French Guiana[949]respectively. In general all the Caribs present much the same physical characters, although the southerners are rather taller (5 ft. 4 in.) with less round heads (index 79.6) than the Guiana Caribs (5 ft 2 in., and 81.3).

The Arawakan Family.

Perhaps even a greater extension has been given by the German explorers to the Arawakan family, which, like the Cariban, was hitherto supposed to be mainly confined to the region north of the Amazons, but is now known to range as far south as the Upper Paraguay, about 20° S. lat. (Layana,Kwana, etc.), east to the Amazons estuary (Aruan), and north-west to the Goajira peninsula. To this great family—which von den Steinen proposes to callNu-Aruakfrom the pronominal prefixnu= I, common to most of the tribes—belong also theMaypuresof the Orinoco; theAtaraisandVapisianaof British Guiana; theManaoof the Rio Negro; theYumana; thePaumariandIpurinaof the Ipuri basin; theMoxoof the Upper Mamoré, and theMehinakuandKustenauof the Upper Xingu.

Physically the Arawaks differ from the Caribs scarcely, if at all, more than their Amazonian and Guiana sections differ from each other. In fact, but for their radically distinct speech it would be impossible to constitute these two ethnical divisions, which are admittedly based on linguistic grounds. But while the Caribs had their cradle in Central Brazil and migrated northwards, the Arawaks would appear to have originated in eastern Bolivia, and spread thence east, north-east and south-east along the Amazons and Orinoco and into the Paraguay basin[950].

The Gesan Family.

Our third great Brazilian division, the Gesan family, takes its name from the syllable ges which, like the Araucanche, forms the final element of several tribal names in East Brazil. Of this the most characteristic are theAimoresof the Serra dos Aimores coast range, who are better known as Botocudo, and it was to the kindred tribes of the province of Goyaz that the arbitrary collective name of "Ges" was first applied by Martius. Abetter general designation would perhaps have beenTapuya, "Strangers," "Enemies," a term by which the Tupi people called all other natives of that region who were not of their race or speech, or rather who were not "Tupi," that is, "Allies" or "Associates." Tapuya had been adopted somewhat in this sense by the early Portuguese writers, who however applied it rather loosely not only to the Aimores, but also to a large number of kindred and other tribes as far north as the Amazons estuary.

To the same connection belong several groups in Goyaz already described by Milliet and Martius, and more recently visited by Ehrenreich, von den Steinen and Krause. Such are the Kayapo or Suya, a large nation with several divisions between the Araguaya and Xingu rivers; and the Akua, better known as Cherentes, about the upper course of the Tocantins. Isolated Tapuyan tribes, such as the Kamés or Kaingangs, wrongly called "Coroados," and the Chogleng of Santa Catharina and Rio Grand do Sul, are scattered over the southern provinces of Brazil.

The Tapuya would thus appear to have formerly occupied the whole of East Brazil from the Amazons to the Plate River for an unknown distance inland. Here they must be regarded as the true aborigines, who were in remote times already encroached upon, and broken into isolated fragments, by tribes of the Tupi-Guarani stock spreading from the interior seawards[951].

The Botocudo.

But in their physical characters and extremely low cultural state, or rather the almost total absence of anything that can be called "culture," the Tapuya are the nearest representatives and probably the direct descendants of the primitive race, whose osseous remains have been found in the Lagoa Santa caves, and the Santa Catharina shell-mounds (sambaqui). On anatomic grounds the Botocudo are allied both to the Lagoa Santa fossil man and to thesambaquirace by J. R. Peixoto, who describes the skull as marked by prominent glabella and superciliary arches, keel or roof-shaped vault, vertical lateral walls, simple sutures, receding brow, deeply depressed nasal root, high prognathism, massivelower jaw, and long head (index 73.30) with cranial capacity 1480 c.c. for men, and 1212 for women[952]. It is also noteworthy that some of the Botocudo[953]call themselvesNacnanuk,Nac-poruc, "Sons of the Soil," and they have no traditions of ever having migrated from any other land. All their implements—spears, bow and arrows, mortars, water-vessels, bags—are of wood or vegetable fibre, so that they may be said not to have yet reached even the stone age. They are not, however, in the promiscuous state, as has been asserted, for the unions, though temporary, are jealously guarded while they last, and, as amongst the Fuegians whom they resemble in so many respects, the women are constantly subject to the most barbarous treatment, beaten with clubs or hacked about with bamboo knives. One of those in Ribeiro's party, who visited London in 1883, had her arms, legs, and whole body covered with scars and gashes inflicted during momentary fits of brutal rage by her ephemeral partner. Their dwellings are mere branches stuck in the ground, bound together with bast, and though seldom over 4 ft. in height accommodating two or more families. The Botocudo are pure nomads, roaming naked in the woods in quest of the roots, berries, honey, frogs, snakes, grubs, man, and other larger game which form their diet, and are eaten raw or else cooked in huge bamboo canes. Formerly they had no hammocks, but slept without any covering, either on the ground strewn with bast, or in the ashes of the fire kindled for the evening meal. About their cannibalism, which has been doubted, there is really no question. They wore the teeth of those they had eaten strung together as necklaces, and ate not only the foe slain in battle, but members of kindred tribes, all but the heads, which were stuck as trophies on stakes and used as butts for the practice of archery.

At the graves of the dead, fires are kept up for some time to scare away the bad spirits, from which custom the Botocudo might be credited with some notions concerning the supernatural. All good influences are attributed by them to the "day-fire" (sun), all bad things to the "night-fire" (moon),which causes the thunderstorm, and is supposed itself at times to fall on the earth, crushing the hill-tops, flooding the plains and destroying multitudes of people. During storms and eclipses arrows are shot up to scare away the demons or devouring dragons, as amongst so many Indo-Chinese peoples. But beyond this there is no conception of a supreme being, or creative force, the termsyanchong,tapan, said to mean "God," standing merely for spirit, demon, thunder, or at most the thunder god.

The Tupi-Guaranian Family.

Owing to the choice made by the missionaries of the Tupi language as thelingoa geral, or common medium of intercourse amongst the multitudinous populations of Brazil and Paraguay, a somewhat exaggerated idea has been formed of the range of the Tupi-Guarani family. Many of the tribes about the stations, after being induced by the padres to learn this convenientlingua franca, were apt in course of time to forget their own mother-tongue, and thus came to be accounted members of this family. But allowing for such a source of error, there can be no doubt that at the discovery the Tupi or Eastern, and the Guarani or Western, section occupied jointly an immense area, which may perhaps be estimated at about one-fourth of the southern continent. Tupi tribes were met as far west as Peru, where they were represented by the Omagua ("Flatheads[954]"), in French Guiana the Emerillons and the Oyampi belong to this stock, as do the Kamayura and Auetö on the Upper Xingu, and the Mundurucu of the middle Tapajoz.

Some attention has been paid to the speech of the Ticuna of the Marañon, which appears to be a stock language with strong Pana and weak Aymara[955]affinities. Although its numeral system stops at 2, it is still in advance of aneighbouringChiquitotongue, which is said to have no numerals at all,etama, supposed to be 1, really meaning "alone."

The Chiquito.

Yet it would be a mistake to infer that these Bolivian Chiquito, who occupy the southernmost headstreams of the Madeira, are a particularly stupid people. On the contrary, the Naquiñoñeis, "Men," as they call themselves, are in some respects remarkably clever, and, strange to say, their otherwise rich and harmonious language (presumably the dominantMoncocadialect is meant) has terms to express such various distinctions as the height of a tree, of a house, of a tower, and other subtle shades of difference disregarded in more cultured tongues[956]. But it is to be considered that,paceMax Müller, the range of thought and of speech is not the same, and all peoples have no doubt many notions for which they have no equivalents in their necessarily defective languages. The Chiquito,i.e."Little Folks," were so named because, "when the country was first invaded, the Indians fled to the forests; and the Spaniards came to their abandoned huts, where the doorways were so exceedingly low that the Indians who had fled were supposed to be dwarfs[957]." They are a peaceful industrious nation, who ply several trades, manufacture their own copper boilers for making sugar, weave ponchos and straw hats, and when they want blue trousers they plant a row of indigo, and rows of white and yellow cotton when striped trousers are in fashion. Hence the question arises, whether these clever little people may not after all have originally possessed some defective numeral system, which was merely superseded by the Spanish numbers.

Mataco and Toba.

The Gran Chaco is another area of considerable modification induced by European influence, and there only remain hybridised descendants of many of the ancient peoples, for example, the Abipone of the Guaycuru family. Pure survivals of this family are the Mataco and Toba of the Vermejo and Pilcomayo rivers. These two tribes were visited by Ehrenreich, who noticed their disproportionately short arms and legs, and excessivedevelopment of the thorax[958]. The daily life, customs, and beliefs of these and other Chaco Indians have been admirably described and illustrated by Erland Nordenskiöld[959], who lived and travelled among them. The Toba and Mataco frequently fall out with the neighbouring Choroti and Ashluslays of the Pilcomayo anent fishing rights and so on, but the conflict consists in ambuscades and treachery rather than in pitched battles. Weapons consist of bows and arrows and clubs, and lances are used on horseback. Enemies are scalped and these trophies are greatly prized, being hung outside the victor's hut when fine and playing a part on great occasions. On the conclusion of peace both sides pay the blood-price for those slain by them in sheep, horses, etc. Within the Choroti or Ashluslay village all are equal, and though property is held individually, the fortunate will always share with those in want, so that theft is unknown. To kill old people or young children is regarded as no crime[960].

FOOTNOTES:[873]Some Nahuas, whom the Spaniards called "Mexicans" or "Chichimecs," were met by Vasquez de Coronado even as far south as the Chiriqui lagoon, Panama. These Seguas, as they called themselves, have since disappeared, and it is no longer possible to say how they strayed so far from their northern homes.[874]"Recent Maya Investigations,"Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.28, 1904, p. 555.[875]Alterthümer aus Guatemala, p. 24.[876]Analysis of the Pictorial Text inscribed on two Palenque Tablets, N. York, 1896.[877]H. Beuchat however considers that "the Toltec question remains insoluble"; though the hypothesis that the Toltecs formed part of the north to south movement is attractive, it is not yet proved,Manuel d'Archéologie américaine, Paris, 1912, pp. 258-61.[878]Quetzalcoatl, the "Bright-feathered Snake," was one of the three chief gods of the Nahuan pantheon. He was the god of wind and inventor of all the arts, round whom clusters much of the mythology, and of the pictorial and plastic art of the Mexicans.[879]Globus,LXVI.pp. 95-6.[880]Herbert J. Spinden, "A Study of Maya Art,"Mem. Peabody Mus.VI., Cambridge, Mass. 1913, p. 3 ff., andProc. Nineteenth Internat. Congress Americanists, 1917, p. 165.[881]J. W. Powell,16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1894, p. xcv.[882]Sylvanus Griswold Morley ("An Introduction to the Study of the Maya hieroglyphs,"Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.57, 1915), briefly summarises the theories advanced for the interpretation of Maya writing (pp. 26-30). "The theory now most generally accepted is, that while chiefly ideographic, the glyphs are sometimes phonetic." This author is of opinion "that as the decipherment of Maya writing progresses, more and more phonetic elements will be identified, though the idea conveyed by a glyph will always be found to overshadow its phonetic value" (p. 30).[883]"Day Symbols of the Maya Year,"16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1894, p. 205.[884]p. 32 ff.[885]Manuel d'Archéologie américaine, p. 506.[886]16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1894, p. xcvi. In "The Maya Year" (1894) Cyrus Thomas shows that "the year recorded in the Dresden codex consisted of 18 months of 20 days each, with 5 supplemental days, or of 365 days" (ib.). S. G. Morley points out (Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.57, pp. 44-5) that though the Maya doubtless knew that the true length of the year exceeded 365 days by 6 hours, yet no interpolation of intercalary days was actually made, as this would have thrown the whole calendar into confusion. The priests apparently corrected the calendar by additional calculations to show how far the recorded year was ahead of the true year. Those who have persistently appealed to these Maya-Aztec calendric systems as convincing proofs of Asiatic influences in the evolution of American cultures will now have to show where these influences come in. As a matter of fact the systems are fundamentally distinct, the American showing the clearest indications of local development, as seen in the mere fact that the day characters of the Maya codices were phonetic,i.e.largely rebuses explicable only in the Maya language, which has no affinities out of America. A careful study of the Maya calendric system based both on the codices and the inscriptions has been made by C. P. Bowditch,The Numeration, Calendar Systems and Astronomical Knowledge of the Mayas, Cambridge, Mass. 1910. The Aztec month of 20 days is also clearly indicated by the 20 corresponding signs on the great Calendar Stone now fixed in the wall of the Cathedral tower of Mexico. This basalt stone, which weighs 25 tons and has a diameter of 11 feet, is briefly described and figured by T. A. Joyce,Mexican Archaeology, 1914, pp. 73, 74; cf. Pl.VIII.fig. 1. See also the account by Alfredo Chavero in theAnales del Museo Nacional de Mexico, and an excellent reproduction of the Calendar Stone in T. U. Brocklehurst'sMexico To-day, 1883, p. 186; also Zelia Nuttall's study of the "Mexican Calendar System,"Tenth Internat. Congress of Americanists, Stockholm, 1894. "The regular rotation of market-days and the day of enforced rest every 20 days were the prominent and permanent features of the civil solar year" (ib.).[887]Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, 1859,passim.[888]Linguistic and mythological affinities also exist according to Spence between the Nahuan people and the Tsimshian-Nootka group of Columbia. Cf.The Civilization of Ancient Mexico, 1912, p. 6.[889]"Chiefly of the Nahuatl race" (De Nadaillac, p. 279). It should, however be noted that this general name of Chichimec (meaning little more than "nomadic hunters") comprised a large number of barbarous tribes—Pames, Pintos, etc.—who are described as wandering about naked or wearing only the skins of beasts, living in caves or rock-shelters, armed with bows, slings, and clubs, constantly at war amongst themselves or with the surrounding peoples, eating raw flesh, drinking the blood of their captives or treating them with unheard-of cruelty, altogether a horror and terror to all the more civilised communities. "Chichimec Empire" may therefore be taken merely as a euphemistic expression for the reign of barbarism raised up on the ruins of the early Toltec civilisation. Yet it had its dynasties and dates and legendary sequence of events, according to the native historian, Ixtlilxochitl, himself of royal lineage, and he states that Xolotl, founder of the empire, had under orders 3,202,000 men and women, that his decisive victory over the Toltecs took place in 1015, that he assumed the title of "Chichimecatl Tecuhti," Great Chief of the Chichimecs, and that after a succession of revolts, wars, conspiracies, and revolutions, Maxtla, last of the dynasty, was overthrown in 1431 by the Aztecs and their allies.[890]H. Beuchat,Manuel d'Archéologie américaine, pp. 262-6.[891]Named from the shadowy land of Aztlan away to the north, where they long dwelt in the seven legendary caves of Chicomoztoc, whence they migrated at some unknown period to the lacustrine region, where they founded Tenochtitlan, seat of their empire.[892]"The gods of the Mayas appear to have been less sanguinary than those of the Nahuas. The immolation of a dog was with them enough for an occasion that would have been celebrated by the Nahuas with hecatombs of victims. Human sacrifices did however take place" (De Nadaillac, p. 266), though they were as nothing compared with the countless victims demanded by the Aztec gods. "The dedication by Ahuizotl of the great temple of Huitzilopochtli in 1487 is alleged to have been celebrated by the butchery of 72,344 victims," and "under Montezuma II. 12,000 captives are said to have perished" on one occasion (ib.p. 297); all no doubt gross exaggerations, but leaving a large margin for perhaps the most terrible chapter of horrors in the records of natural religions. Cf. T. A. Joyce,Mexican Archaeology, pp. 261-2.[893]A popular and well-illustrated account of Huichols and Tarascos, as also of the Tarahumare farther north, is given by Carl Lumholtz,Unknown Mexico, 2 vols. New York, 1902.[894]Cf. Hans Gadow,Through Southern Mexico, 1908, map p. 296, also p. 314.[895]Quoted by De Nadaillac, p. 365.[896]p. 363.[897]17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1895-6, Pt. 1 (1898), p. 11.[898]The Hill Caves of Yucatan, New York, 1903.[899]H. Beuchat,Manuel d'Achéologie américaine, 1912, p. 407.[900]"In the city of Mexico everything has a Spanish look" (Brocklehurst,Mexico To-day, p. 15). The Aztec language however is still current in the surrounding districts and generally in the provinces forming part of the former Aztec empire.[901]C. Lumholtz,Unknown Mexico,II.p. 480; cf. pp. 477-80.[902]Sylvanus Griswold Morley, "An Introduction to the Study of the Maya Hieroglyphs,"Bur. Am. Eth. Bull. 57, 1915, pp. 2-5.[903]E. Reclus,Universal Geography,XVII.p. 156.[904]T. A. Joyce,Central American and West Indian Archaeology, 1916, pp. 157, 256-7. An admirable account is given of the material culture and mode of life of these peoples at the time of the discovery.[905]The rapid disappearance of the Cuban aborigines has been the subject of much comment. Between the years 1512-32 all but some 4000 had perished, although they are supposed to have originally numbered about a million, distributed in 30 tribal groups, whose names and territories have all been carefully preserved. But they practically offered no resistance to the ruthless Conquistadores, and it was a Cuban chief who even under torture refused to be baptized, declaring that he would never enter the same heaven as the Spaniard. One is reminded of the analogous cases of Jarl Hakon, the Norseman, and the Saxon Witikind, who rejected Christianity, preferring to share the lot of their pagan forefathers in the next world.[906]H. Beuchat, pp. 507-11, 526-8.[907]Paper read before the National Academy of Sciences, America, 1890.[908]T. A. Joyce, p. 2, who deals with the archaeology, as far as it is known as yet, of Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama. Cf. especially linguistic map at p. 30 for distribution of tribes.[909]T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, p. 7.[910]"The travels of P. de Cieza de Leon" (Hakluyt Soc. 1864, p. 50 f.).[911]Sir C. R. Markham, "List of Tribes," etc.,Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.XI.1910, p. 95. "This idea was widespread, and many Amazonian peoples declared they preferred to be eaten by their friends than by worms."[912]Quoted by Steinmetz,Endokannibalismus, p. 19.[913]C. Darwin,Journal of Researches, 1889, p. 155. Thanks to their frequent contact with Europeans since the expeditions of Fitzroy and Darwin, the Fuegians have given up the practice, hence the doubts or denials of Bridges, Hyades, and other later observers.[914]V. Martius,Zur Ethnographie Brasiliens, 1867, p. 430.[915]Herbert Spencer,The Principles of Ethics, 1892,I.p. 330.[916]The national name wasMuysca, "Men," "Human Body," and the number twenty (in reference to the ten fingers and ten toes making up that score).Chibchawas a mimetic name having allusion to the soundch(as in Charles), which is of frequent recurrence in the Muysca language. With man = 20, cf. the Bellacoola (British Columbia) 19 = 1 man - 1; 20 = 1 man, etc.; and this again with Lat.undeviginti.[917]W. Bollaert,Antiquarian, Ethnological, and other Researches in New Granada, etc. 1860,passim.[918]T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, p. 28.[919]Ibid.p. 44.[920]T. A. Joyce,loc. cit.pp. 18-22.[921]Markham locates it in the province of Paruro, department of Cuzco; Hiram Bingham, director of the Peruvian Expeditions of the Nat. Geog. Soc. and Yale University, identifies it with Machu Picchu (Nat. Geog. Mag.,Washington, D. C., Feb. 1915, p. 172).[922]H. Beuchat, pp. 573-5. For culture sequences in the Andean area see P. A. Means,Proc. Nineteenth Internat. Congress of Americanists,1917, p. 236 ff., andMan, 1918, No. 91.[923]Anthropologie Bolivienne, 3 vols. Paris, 1907-8.[924]An admirable account of the material culture of Peru is given by T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, cap.VI.[925]Peru, p. 120.[926]De Nadaillac,Pre-Historic America, 1885, p. 438.[927]Alonzo de Ercilla'sAraucana.[928]T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, p. 243; R. E. Latham, "Ethnology of the Araucanos,"Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.XXXIX.1909, p. 355.[929]Latham, p. 356.[930]Ibid.pp. 344-50.[931]In theAnales de la Universidad de Chilefor 1897.[932]T. A. Joyce, p. 240.[933]ProperlyGriegos, "Greeks," so called because supposed to speak "Greek,"i.e.any language other than Spanish.[934]Urbewohner Brasiliens, 1897, pp. 69, 110, 125.[935]Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, 1894, pp. 441-3, 468 ff.[936]Quarterly Journal of Swiss Naturalists, Zurich, 1896, p. 496 ff.; cf. T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, pp. 241-2.[937]L'Homme Américain,II.p. 70.[938]They were replaced or absorbed partly by the Patagonians, but chiefly by the Araucanian Puelche, who many years ago migrated down the Rio Negro as far as El Carmen and even to the coast at Bahia Blanca. Hence Hale's Puelche were in fact Araucanians with a Patagonian strain.[939]Mission Scientifique de Cap Horn,VII., par P. Hyades et J. Deniker, 1891, pp. 238, 243, 378.[940]For the latest information and full bibliography see J. M. Cooper,Bureau Am. Eth. Bull. 63, 1917, andProc. Nineteenth Internat. Congress Americanists, 1917, p. 445; also, C. W. Furlong,ibid.pp. 420 ff., 432 ff.[941]Markham, "List of Tribes," etc.,Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.XI.1910, pp. 89-90.[942]Ibid.[943]T. Whiffen,The North-West Amazons, 1915, pp. 48, 78, 91, etc.[944]For the material culture of the Araguayan tribes, cf. Fritz Krause,In den Wildnissen Brasiliens, 1911.[945]T. Koch-Grünberg,Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern, 2 vols. Berlin, 1910. See Vol.II.map after p. 319.[946]Ehrenreich,loc. cit.p. 45 ff.; von den Steinen,loc. cit.p. 153 ff.[947]It should be stated that a like conclusion was reached by Lucien Adam from the vocabularies brought by Crevaux from the Upper Japura tribes—Witotos, Corequajes, Kariginas and others—all of Carib speech.[948]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, Cambridge, 1911, p. 109.[949]Described by E. F. im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, London, 1883.[950]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, pp. 110-11.[951]V. d. Steinen,Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, p. 157. "D'après Gonçalves Dias les tribus brésiliennes descendraient de deux races absolument distinctes: la race conquérante des Tupi ... et la race vaincue, pourchassée, des Tapuya...."; V. de Saint-Martin, p. 517,Nouveau Dictionnaire de Géographie Universelle, 1879, A—C.[952]Novos Estudios Craniologicos sobre os Botocudos, Rio Janeiro, 1882,passim.[953]Possibly so called from the Portuguesebotoque, a barrel plug, from the wooden plug or disc formerly worn by all the tribes both as a lip ornament and an ear-plug, distending the lobes like great leathern bat's-wings down to the shoulders. But this embellishment is calledtembeiteraby the Brazilians, and Botocudo may perhaps be connected withbetó-apoc, the native name of the ear-plug.[954]They are theCambebasof the Tupi, a term also meaning Flatheads, and they are so called because "apertão aos recemnacidos as cabeças entre duas taboas afim de achatál-as, costume que actualmente han perdido" (Milliet,II.p. 174).[955]Such "identities" as Tic.drejà= Aym.chacha(man);etai=utax(house) etc., are not convincing, especially in the absence of any scientific study of the laws ofLautverschiebung, if any exist between the Aymara-Ticuna phonetic systems. And then the question of loan words has to be settled before any safe conclusions can be drawn from such assumed resemblances. The point is important in the present connection, because current statements regarding the supposed reduction of the number of stock languages in South America are largely based on the unscientific comparison of lists of words, which may have nothing in common except perhaps a letter or two like themin Macedon and Monmouth. Two languages (cf. Turkish and Arabic) may have hundreds or thousands of words in common, and yet belong to fundamentally different linguistic families.[956]A. Balbi,Atlas Ethnographique du Globe,XXVII. With regard to the numerals this authority tells us that "il a emprunté à l'espagnol ses noms de nombres" (ib.).[957]Markham,List of the Tribes, p. 92.[958]Urbewohner Brasiliens, p. 101.[959]"La vie des Indiens dans le Chaco," trans. by H. Beuchat,Rev. de Géog. annuelle, t.VI.Paris, 1912. Cf. also the forthcoming book by R. Karsten of Helsingfors who has recently visited some of these tribes.[960]While this account of Central and South America was in the Press Clark Wissler's valuable book was published,The American Indian, New York, 1917. He describes (pp. 227-42) the following culture areas:X. The Nahua area (the ancient Maya and the later Aztec cultures).XI. The Chibcha area (from the Chibcha-speaking Talamanca and Chiriqui of Costa Rica to and including Colombia and western Venezuela).XII. The Inca area (Ecuador, Peru and northern Chili).XIII. The Guanaco area (lower half of Chili, Argentine, Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego).XIV. The Amazon area (all the rest of South America).XV. The Antilles (West Indies, linking on to the Amazon area).

[873]Some Nahuas, whom the Spaniards called "Mexicans" or "Chichimecs," were met by Vasquez de Coronado even as far south as the Chiriqui lagoon, Panama. These Seguas, as they called themselves, have since disappeared, and it is no longer possible to say how they strayed so far from their northern homes.

[874]"Recent Maya Investigations,"Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.28, 1904, p. 555.

[875]Alterthümer aus Guatemala, p. 24.

[876]Analysis of the Pictorial Text inscribed on two Palenque Tablets, N. York, 1896.

[877]H. Beuchat however considers that "the Toltec question remains insoluble"; though the hypothesis that the Toltecs formed part of the north to south movement is attractive, it is not yet proved,Manuel d'Archéologie américaine, Paris, 1912, pp. 258-61.

[878]Quetzalcoatl, the "Bright-feathered Snake," was one of the three chief gods of the Nahuan pantheon. He was the god of wind and inventor of all the arts, round whom clusters much of the mythology, and of the pictorial and plastic art of the Mexicans.

[879]Globus,LXVI.pp. 95-6.

[880]Herbert J. Spinden, "A Study of Maya Art,"Mem. Peabody Mus.VI., Cambridge, Mass. 1913, p. 3 ff., andProc. Nineteenth Internat. Congress Americanists, 1917, p. 165.

[881]J. W. Powell,16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1894, p. xcv.

[882]Sylvanus Griswold Morley ("An Introduction to the Study of the Maya hieroglyphs,"Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.57, 1915), briefly summarises the theories advanced for the interpretation of Maya writing (pp. 26-30). "The theory now most generally accepted is, that while chiefly ideographic, the glyphs are sometimes phonetic." This author is of opinion "that as the decipherment of Maya writing progresses, more and more phonetic elements will be identified, though the idea conveyed by a glyph will always be found to overshadow its phonetic value" (p. 30).

[883]"Day Symbols of the Maya Year,"16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1894, p. 205.

[884]p. 32 ff.

[885]Manuel d'Archéologie américaine, p. 506.

[886]16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1894, p. xcvi. In "The Maya Year" (1894) Cyrus Thomas shows that "the year recorded in the Dresden codex consisted of 18 months of 20 days each, with 5 supplemental days, or of 365 days" (ib.). S. G. Morley points out (Bur. Am. Eth. Bull.57, pp. 44-5) that though the Maya doubtless knew that the true length of the year exceeded 365 days by 6 hours, yet no interpolation of intercalary days was actually made, as this would have thrown the whole calendar into confusion. The priests apparently corrected the calendar by additional calculations to show how far the recorded year was ahead of the true year. Those who have persistently appealed to these Maya-Aztec calendric systems as convincing proofs of Asiatic influences in the evolution of American cultures will now have to show where these influences come in. As a matter of fact the systems are fundamentally distinct, the American showing the clearest indications of local development, as seen in the mere fact that the day characters of the Maya codices were phonetic,i.e.largely rebuses explicable only in the Maya language, which has no affinities out of America. A careful study of the Maya calendric system based both on the codices and the inscriptions has been made by C. P. Bowditch,The Numeration, Calendar Systems and Astronomical Knowledge of the Mayas, Cambridge, Mass. 1910. The Aztec month of 20 days is also clearly indicated by the 20 corresponding signs on the great Calendar Stone now fixed in the wall of the Cathedral tower of Mexico. This basalt stone, which weighs 25 tons and has a diameter of 11 feet, is briefly described and figured by T. A. Joyce,Mexican Archaeology, 1914, pp. 73, 74; cf. Pl.VIII.fig. 1. See also the account by Alfredo Chavero in theAnales del Museo Nacional de Mexico, and an excellent reproduction of the Calendar Stone in T. U. Brocklehurst'sMexico To-day, 1883, p. 186; also Zelia Nuttall's study of the "Mexican Calendar System,"Tenth Internat. Congress of Americanists, Stockholm, 1894. "The regular rotation of market-days and the day of enforced rest every 20 days were the prominent and permanent features of the civil solar year" (ib.).

[887]Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, 1859,passim.

[888]Linguistic and mythological affinities also exist according to Spence between the Nahuan people and the Tsimshian-Nootka group of Columbia. Cf.The Civilization of Ancient Mexico, 1912, p. 6.

[889]"Chiefly of the Nahuatl race" (De Nadaillac, p. 279). It should, however be noted that this general name of Chichimec (meaning little more than "nomadic hunters") comprised a large number of barbarous tribes—Pames, Pintos, etc.—who are described as wandering about naked or wearing only the skins of beasts, living in caves or rock-shelters, armed with bows, slings, and clubs, constantly at war amongst themselves or with the surrounding peoples, eating raw flesh, drinking the blood of their captives or treating them with unheard-of cruelty, altogether a horror and terror to all the more civilised communities. "Chichimec Empire" may therefore be taken merely as a euphemistic expression for the reign of barbarism raised up on the ruins of the early Toltec civilisation. Yet it had its dynasties and dates and legendary sequence of events, according to the native historian, Ixtlilxochitl, himself of royal lineage, and he states that Xolotl, founder of the empire, had under orders 3,202,000 men and women, that his decisive victory over the Toltecs took place in 1015, that he assumed the title of "Chichimecatl Tecuhti," Great Chief of the Chichimecs, and that after a succession of revolts, wars, conspiracies, and revolutions, Maxtla, last of the dynasty, was overthrown in 1431 by the Aztecs and their allies.

[890]H. Beuchat,Manuel d'Archéologie américaine, pp. 262-6.

[891]Named from the shadowy land of Aztlan away to the north, where they long dwelt in the seven legendary caves of Chicomoztoc, whence they migrated at some unknown period to the lacustrine region, where they founded Tenochtitlan, seat of their empire.

[892]"The gods of the Mayas appear to have been less sanguinary than those of the Nahuas. The immolation of a dog was with them enough for an occasion that would have been celebrated by the Nahuas with hecatombs of victims. Human sacrifices did however take place" (De Nadaillac, p. 266), though they were as nothing compared with the countless victims demanded by the Aztec gods. "The dedication by Ahuizotl of the great temple of Huitzilopochtli in 1487 is alleged to have been celebrated by the butchery of 72,344 victims," and "under Montezuma II. 12,000 captives are said to have perished" on one occasion (ib.p. 297); all no doubt gross exaggerations, but leaving a large margin for perhaps the most terrible chapter of horrors in the records of natural religions. Cf. T. A. Joyce,Mexican Archaeology, pp. 261-2.

[893]A popular and well-illustrated account of Huichols and Tarascos, as also of the Tarahumare farther north, is given by Carl Lumholtz,Unknown Mexico, 2 vols. New York, 1902.

[894]Cf. Hans Gadow,Through Southern Mexico, 1908, map p. 296, also p. 314.

[895]Quoted by De Nadaillac, p. 365.

[896]p. 363.

[897]17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1895-6, Pt. 1 (1898), p. 11.

[898]The Hill Caves of Yucatan, New York, 1903.

[899]H. Beuchat,Manuel d'Achéologie américaine, 1912, p. 407.

[900]"In the city of Mexico everything has a Spanish look" (Brocklehurst,Mexico To-day, p. 15). The Aztec language however is still current in the surrounding districts and generally in the provinces forming part of the former Aztec empire.

[901]C. Lumholtz,Unknown Mexico,II.p. 480; cf. pp. 477-80.

[902]Sylvanus Griswold Morley, "An Introduction to the Study of the Maya Hieroglyphs,"Bur. Am. Eth. Bull. 57, 1915, pp. 2-5.

[903]E. Reclus,Universal Geography,XVII.p. 156.

[904]T. A. Joyce,Central American and West Indian Archaeology, 1916, pp. 157, 256-7. An admirable account is given of the material culture and mode of life of these peoples at the time of the discovery.

[905]The rapid disappearance of the Cuban aborigines has been the subject of much comment. Between the years 1512-32 all but some 4000 had perished, although they are supposed to have originally numbered about a million, distributed in 30 tribal groups, whose names and territories have all been carefully preserved. But they practically offered no resistance to the ruthless Conquistadores, and it was a Cuban chief who even under torture refused to be baptized, declaring that he would never enter the same heaven as the Spaniard. One is reminded of the analogous cases of Jarl Hakon, the Norseman, and the Saxon Witikind, who rejected Christianity, preferring to share the lot of their pagan forefathers in the next world.

[906]H. Beuchat, pp. 507-11, 526-8.

[907]Paper read before the National Academy of Sciences, America, 1890.

[908]T. A. Joyce, p. 2, who deals with the archaeology, as far as it is known as yet, of Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama. Cf. especially linguistic map at p. 30 for distribution of tribes.

[909]T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, p. 7.

[910]"The travels of P. de Cieza de Leon" (Hakluyt Soc. 1864, p. 50 f.).

[911]Sir C. R. Markham, "List of Tribes," etc.,Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.XI.1910, p. 95. "This idea was widespread, and many Amazonian peoples declared they preferred to be eaten by their friends than by worms."

[912]Quoted by Steinmetz,Endokannibalismus, p. 19.

[913]C. Darwin,Journal of Researches, 1889, p. 155. Thanks to their frequent contact with Europeans since the expeditions of Fitzroy and Darwin, the Fuegians have given up the practice, hence the doubts or denials of Bridges, Hyades, and other later observers.

[914]V. Martius,Zur Ethnographie Brasiliens, 1867, p. 430.

[915]Herbert Spencer,The Principles of Ethics, 1892,I.p. 330.

[916]The national name wasMuysca, "Men," "Human Body," and the number twenty (in reference to the ten fingers and ten toes making up that score).Chibchawas a mimetic name having allusion to the soundch(as in Charles), which is of frequent recurrence in the Muysca language. With man = 20, cf. the Bellacoola (British Columbia) 19 = 1 man - 1; 20 = 1 man, etc.; and this again with Lat.undeviginti.

[917]W. Bollaert,Antiquarian, Ethnological, and other Researches in New Granada, etc. 1860,passim.

[918]T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, p. 28.

[919]Ibid.p. 44.

[920]T. A. Joyce,loc. cit.pp. 18-22.

[921]Markham locates it in the province of Paruro, department of Cuzco; Hiram Bingham, director of the Peruvian Expeditions of the Nat. Geog. Soc. and Yale University, identifies it with Machu Picchu (Nat. Geog. Mag.,Washington, D. C., Feb. 1915, p. 172).

[922]H. Beuchat, pp. 573-5. For culture sequences in the Andean area see P. A. Means,Proc. Nineteenth Internat. Congress of Americanists,1917, p. 236 ff., andMan, 1918, No. 91.

[923]Anthropologie Bolivienne, 3 vols. Paris, 1907-8.

[924]An admirable account of the material culture of Peru is given by T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, cap.VI.

[925]Peru, p. 120.

[926]De Nadaillac,Pre-Historic America, 1885, p. 438.

[927]Alonzo de Ercilla'sAraucana.

[928]T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, p. 243; R. E. Latham, "Ethnology of the Araucanos,"Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.XXXIX.1909, p. 355.

[929]Latham, p. 356.

[930]Ibid.pp. 344-50.

[931]In theAnales de la Universidad de Chilefor 1897.

[932]T. A. Joyce, p. 240.

[933]ProperlyGriegos, "Greeks," so called because supposed to speak "Greek,"i.e.any language other than Spanish.

[934]Urbewohner Brasiliens, 1897, pp. 69, 110, 125.

[935]Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, 1894, pp. 441-3, 468 ff.

[936]Quarterly Journal of Swiss Naturalists, Zurich, 1896, p. 496 ff.; cf. T. A. Joyce,South American Archaeology, 1912, pp. 241-2.

[937]L'Homme Américain,II.p. 70.

[938]They were replaced or absorbed partly by the Patagonians, but chiefly by the Araucanian Puelche, who many years ago migrated down the Rio Negro as far as El Carmen and even to the coast at Bahia Blanca. Hence Hale's Puelche were in fact Araucanians with a Patagonian strain.

[939]Mission Scientifique de Cap Horn,VII., par P. Hyades et J. Deniker, 1891, pp. 238, 243, 378.

[940]For the latest information and full bibliography see J. M. Cooper,Bureau Am. Eth. Bull. 63, 1917, andProc. Nineteenth Internat. Congress Americanists, 1917, p. 445; also, C. W. Furlong,ibid.pp. 420 ff., 432 ff.

[941]Markham, "List of Tribes," etc.,Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.XI.1910, pp. 89-90.

[942]Ibid.

[943]T. Whiffen,The North-West Amazons, 1915, pp. 48, 78, 91, etc.

[944]For the material culture of the Araguayan tribes, cf. Fritz Krause,In den Wildnissen Brasiliens, 1911.

[945]T. Koch-Grünberg,Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern, 2 vols. Berlin, 1910. See Vol.II.map after p. 319.

[946]Ehrenreich,loc. cit.p. 45 ff.; von den Steinen,loc. cit.p. 153 ff.

[947]It should be stated that a like conclusion was reached by Lucien Adam from the vocabularies brought by Crevaux from the Upper Japura tribes—Witotos, Corequajes, Kariginas and others—all of Carib speech.

[948]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, Cambridge, 1911, p. 109.

[949]Described by E. F. im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, London, 1883.

[950]A. C. Haddon,The Wanderings of Peoples, pp. 110-11.

[951]V. d. Steinen,Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, p. 157. "D'après Gonçalves Dias les tribus brésiliennes descendraient de deux races absolument distinctes: la race conquérante des Tupi ... et la race vaincue, pourchassée, des Tapuya...."; V. de Saint-Martin, p. 517,Nouveau Dictionnaire de Géographie Universelle, 1879, A—C.

[952]Novos Estudios Craniologicos sobre os Botocudos, Rio Janeiro, 1882,passim.

[953]Possibly so called from the Portuguesebotoque, a barrel plug, from the wooden plug or disc formerly worn by all the tribes both as a lip ornament and an ear-plug, distending the lobes like great leathern bat's-wings down to the shoulders. But this embellishment is calledtembeiteraby the Brazilians, and Botocudo may perhaps be connected withbetó-apoc, the native name of the ear-plug.

[954]They are theCambebasof the Tupi, a term also meaning Flatheads, and they are so called because "apertão aos recemnacidos as cabeças entre duas taboas afim de achatál-as, costume que actualmente han perdido" (Milliet,II.p. 174).

[955]Such "identities" as Tic.drejà= Aym.chacha(man);etai=utax(house) etc., are not convincing, especially in the absence of any scientific study of the laws ofLautverschiebung, if any exist between the Aymara-Ticuna phonetic systems. And then the question of loan words has to be settled before any safe conclusions can be drawn from such assumed resemblances. The point is important in the present connection, because current statements regarding the supposed reduction of the number of stock languages in South America are largely based on the unscientific comparison of lists of words, which may have nothing in common except perhaps a letter or two like themin Macedon and Monmouth. Two languages (cf. Turkish and Arabic) may have hundreds or thousands of words in common, and yet belong to fundamentally different linguistic families.

[956]A. Balbi,Atlas Ethnographique du Globe,XXVII. With regard to the numerals this authority tells us that "il a emprunté à l'espagnol ses noms de nombres" (ib.).

[957]Markham,List of the Tribes, p. 92.

[958]Urbewohner Brasiliens, p. 101.

[959]"La vie des Indiens dans le Chaco," trans. by H. Beuchat,Rev. de Géog. annuelle, t.VI.Paris, 1912. Cf. also the forthcoming book by R. Karsten of Helsingfors who has recently visited some of these tribes.

[960]While this account of Central and South America was in the Press Clark Wissler's valuable book was published,The American Indian, New York, 1917. He describes (pp. 227-42) the following culture areas:X. The Nahua area (the ancient Maya and the later Aztec cultures).XI. The Chibcha area (from the Chibcha-speaking Talamanca and Chiriqui of Costa Rica to and including Colombia and western Venezuela).XII. The Inca area (Ecuador, Peru and northern Chili).XIII. The Guanaco area (lower half of Chili, Argentine, Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego).XIV. The Amazon area (all the rest of South America).XV. The Antilles (West Indies, linking on to the Amazon area).

X. The Nahua area (the ancient Maya and the later Aztec cultures).XI. The Chibcha area (from the Chibcha-speaking Talamanca and Chiriqui of Costa Rica to and including Colombia and western Venezuela).XII. The Inca area (Ecuador, Peru and northern Chili).XIII. The Guanaco area (lower half of Chili, Argentine, Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego).XIV. The Amazon area (all the rest of South America).XV. The Antilles (West Indies, linking on to the Amazon area).

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