Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh, January 16, 1566.Wright's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 216.
This court of long time hath been very quiet, small resort of any, and many of those that come but slenderly welcome for the great and importunate suit made by them for my Lord of Murray and the rest, who by no means can find any favour at her Grace's hands, in so much that Robert Melville hath received for resolute answer that let the Queen of England do for them what she will, they shall never live in Scotland and she together....
MATRIMONIAL MISLIKINGS
I cannot tell what mislikings of late there hath been between her Grace and her husband; he presses earnestly for the matrimonial crown, which she is loth hastily to grant, but willing to keep somewhatin store until she know how well he is worthy to enjoy such a sovereignty, and therefore it is thought that the Parliament for a time shall be deferred, but hereof I can write no certainty.
THE HOLY LEAGUE
Randolph to Cecil, from Edinburgh, February 7, 1565.Wright's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 219.
There was a bond lately devised in which the late Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, with divers Princes of Italy and the Queen mother {of France} suspected to be of the same confederacy, to maintain papistry throughout Christendom. This bond was sent out of France by Thornton, and is subscribed by this Queen. The copy whereof, remaining with her and the principal, to be returned very shortly, as I hear, by Mr. Steven Wilson, a fit minister for such devilish devices. If the copy hereof can be gotten, it shall be sent as conveniently I may....
[The bond referred to is the Holy League. Cf.infra.]
[The bond referred to is the Holy League. Cf.infra.]
In this court divers contentions, quarrels, and debates; nothing so much sought as to maintain mischief and disorder. David {Rizzio} yet retaineth his place, not without heart grief to many that see their sovereign guided chiefly by such a fellow.
Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick, February 14, 1566.Stevenson's Selections.
There is a league concluded between the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and divers other Papist princes, for the overthrow of religion, as you shallhear more by others, which is come to this Queen's hands, but not yet confirmed.
CECIL INFORMED OF THE RIZZIO PLOT
Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick, March 6, 1566.Tytler's History of Scotland, vol. vii. p. 30.
Somewhat we are sure you have heard of divers discord and jars between this Queen and her husband, partly for that she hath refused him the crown matrimonial, partly for that he hath assured knowledge of such, usage of herself as altogether is intolerable to be borne, which, if it were not over well known, we would both be very loath to think that it could be true. To take away this occasion of slander, he is himself determined to be at the apprehension and execution of him, whom he is able manifestly to charge with the crime, and to have done him the most dishonour that can be to any man, much more being as he is. We need not more plainly to describe the person {Rizzio}. You have heard of the man whom we mean of.
To come by the other thing which he desireth, which is the crown matrimonial, what is devised and concluded upon by him and the noblemen, you shall see by copies of the conditions between them and him, of which Mr. Randolph assureth me to have seen the principals, and taken the copies written with his own hand.
The time of execution and performance of these matters is before the Parliament, as near as it is. To this determination of theirs, there are privy in Scotland; these—Argyll, Morton, Boyd, Ruthven, and Lethington. In England these—Murray, Rothes,Grange, myself, and the writer hereof. If persuasions to cause the Queen to yield to these matters do no good, they purpose to proceed we know not in what sort. If she be able to make any power at home, she shall be withstood, and herself kept from all other counsel than her own nobility. If she seek any foreign support, the Queen's Majesty, our sovereign, shall be sought, and sued unto to accept his and their defence, with offers reasonable to her Majesty's contentment.
OBLIGATIONS OF THE LORDS
Ruthven's Relation, Ed. of 1815.
Articles to be fulfilled by the lords.
1. The said earls, lords, and their complices, shall become, and by the tenor hereof become true subjects, men and servants to the noble and mighty Prince Henry, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband to our sovereign lady; that they and all others that will do for them shall take a loyal and true part with the said noble Prince in all his actions, causes, and quarrels, against whomsoever, to the uttermost of their power....
2. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall ... by themselves and others that have voice in Parliament, consent, and by these presents do consent now as then, and then as now, to grant and give the crown matrimonial to the said noble Prince for all the days of his life. And if any person orpersons withstand or gainsay the same, the said earls, lords, and their complices shall take such part as the said noble Prince taketh, in whatsoever sort, for the obtaining of the said crown against all....
3. The said earls, lords, and their complices shall fortify and maintain the said noble Prince in his just title to the crown of Scotland, failing of succession of our sovereign lady....
4. As to the religion which was established by the Queen's Majesty, our sovereign, shortly after her arrival in this realm ... they and every one of them shall maintain and fortify the same at their uttermost powers, by the help, supply, and maintenance of the said noble Prince.
DARNLEY'S PROMISES
Articles to be fulfilled by Darnley.
1. The said noble Prince shall do his good-will to obtain them one remission, if they require the same, for all faults and crimes by-past, of whatsoever quality or condition they be....
2. We shall not suffer, by our good-wills, the foresaid lords and their complices to be called or accused in Parliament, nor suffer any forfeiture to be laid against them....
3. That the said earls, lords, and their complices, returning within the realm of Scotland, we shall suffer or permit them to use and enjoy all their lands, tacks, steadings, and benefices, that they or any of them had before their passage into England....
4. As to the said earls, lords, and their complices' religion, we are contented and consent that they usethe same, conform to the Queen's Majesty's act and proclamation made thereupon, shortly after her Highness's return out of France....
THE BOND FOR THE MURDER
THE WORD OF A PRINCE
Be it kend {known} to all men by these present letters: We, Henry, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, and husband to the Queen's Majesty, for so much we having consideration of the gentle and good nature, with many other good qualities in her Majesty, we have thought pity, and also think it great conscience to us that are her husband, to suffer her to be abused or seduced by certain privy persons, wicked and ungodly ... especially a stranger Italian called Davie ... we have devised to take these privy persons, enemies to her Majesty, us, the nobility and commonwealth, to punish them according to their demerits, and in case of any difficulty, to cut them off immediately, and to take and slay them wherever it happeneth. And because we cannot accomplish the same without the assistance of others, therefore have we drawn certain of our nobility, earls, lords, barons, freeholders, gentlemen, merchants, and craftsmen, to assist us in our enterprise, which cannot be finished without great hazard.... We bind and oblige us, our heirs and successors, to the said earls, lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders, merchants, and craftsmen, their heirs and successors, that we shall accept the same feud upon us, and fortify and maintain them at the uttermost of our power, and shall be friend to their friend, and enemy to their enemies,and shall neither suffer them nor theirs to be molested nor troubled in their bodies, lands, goods, nor possessions so far as lieth in us. And if any person would take any of the said earls, lords, barons, gentlemen, freeholders, merchants, or craftsmen, for enterprising and assisting with us for the achieving of our purpose, because it may chance to be done in presence of the Queen's majesty, or within her palace of Holyrood-house, we, by the word of a prince, shall accept and take the same on us now as then and then as now.... In witness whereof we have subscribed this with our own hand at Edinburgh, the 1st of March 1565.
A ROYAL SUPPER-PARTY
THE MURDER
Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 411.
Most Reverend Father, we greet you well.... It is not unknown to you how our Parliament was appointed to the 12th of this instant month of March, to which these that were our rebels and fugitives in England were summoned to have heard themselves forfeited. The day thereof approaching, we required the King our husband to assist us in passing thereto, who, as we are assured, being persuaded by our rebels that were fugitive, with the advice and fortification of the Earl of Morton, Lords Ruthven and Lindsay, their assisters and complices, who were with us in company, by their suggestion refused to pass with us thereto, as we suppose because of his facility, and subtle means of the Lords foresaid, he condescended to advance the pretended religion publishedhere, to put the rebels in their rooms and possessions which they had of before, and but {without} our knowledge grant to them a remit of all their trespasses.... Upon the 9th day of March instant, we being, at even about seven hours, in our cabinet at our supper, sociated with our sister the Countess of Argyll, our brother the Commendator {lay Abbot} of Holyrood-house, Laird of Criech, Arthur Erskine, and certain others our domestic servitors, in quiet manner, especially by reason of our evil disposition, being counselled to sustain ourselves with flesh {in Lent}, having also then passed almost to the end of seven months in our birth; the King our husband came to us in our cabinet, placed him beside us at our supper. The Earl of Morton and Lord Lindsay, with their assisters, clothed in warlike manner, to the number of eight score persons or thereby, kept and occupied the whole entry to our Palace of Holyrood-house.... In that meantime, the Lord Ruthven, clothed in like manner, with his complices, took entry perforce in our cabinet, and there seeing our secretary, David Riccio, among others our servants, declared he had to speak with him. In this instant we inquired the King our husband if he knew anything of that enterprise? who denyed the same. Also we commanded the Lord Ruthven, under the pain of treason, to avoid him forth of our presence, declaring we should exhibit the said David before the Lords of Parliament to be punished, if in any sort he had offended. Notwithstanding, the said Lord Ruthven perforce invaded him in our presence (he then for refuge took safe-guard, having retired him behind our back), and withhis complices cast down our table upon ourself, put violent hands in him, struck him over our shoulders with whingers {hangers}, one part of them standing before our face with bended daggs {pistols}, most cruelly took him forth of our cabinet, and at the entry of our chamber give him fifty-six strokes with whingers and swords, in doing whereof we were not only struck with great dread, but also by sundry considerations, were most justly induced to take extreme fear of our life. After this deed immediately the said Lord Ruthven, coming again in our presence, declared how they and their complices foresaid were highly offended with our proceedings and tyranny, which was not to them tolerable; how we were abused by the said David whom they had actually put to death, namely, in taking his counsel for maintenance of the ancient religion, debarring of the Lords which were fugitive, and entertaining of amity with foreign princes and nations with whom we were confederate; putting also upon Council the Lords Bothwell and Huntly, who were traitors, and with whom he associated himself, that the Lords banished in England were the morn to resort toward us, and would take plain part with them in our contrary; and that the King was willing to remit them their offences. We all this time took no less care of ourselves than for our Council and nobility, maintainers of our authority, being with us in our Palace for the time; to wit, the Earls of Huntly, Bothwell, Athole, Lords Fleming and Livingstone, Sir James Balfour, and certain others our familiar servitors, against whom the enterprise was conspired as well as for David;and namely to have hanged the said Sir James in cords. Yet, by the providence of God, the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell escaped forth of their chambers in our Palace at a back window by some cords.... The Earl of Athole and Sir James Balfour by some other means, with the Lords Fleming and Livingstone, obtained deliverance of their invasion. The Provost and town of Edinburgh having understood this tumult in our Palace, caused ring their common bell, came to us in great number and desired to have seen our presence, intercommuned with us, and to have known our welfare; to whom we were not permitted to give answer, being extremely threatened by these Lords, who in our face declared, if we desired to have spoken them, they should cut us in collops, and cast us over the wall. So this community being commanded by our husband, retired them to quietness.
TREATMENT OF THE QUEEN
All that night we were detained in captivity within our chamber, not permitting us to have intercommuned scarcely with our servant-women nor domestic servitors. Upon the morn hereafter proclamation was made in our husband's name, by {without} our advice, commanding all Prelates and other Lords convened to Parliament to retire themselves of our burgh of Edinburgh. That whole day we were kept in that firmance {custody}, our familiar servitors and guard being debarred from our service, and we watched by the committers of these crimes, to whom a part of the community of Edinburgh, to the number of four score persons, assisted.
The Earl of Murray that same day at even, accompanied with the Earl of Rothes, Pitarrow, Grange,tutor of Pitcur, and others who were with him in England, came to them, and seeing our state and entertainment, was moved with natural affection toward us. Upon the morn he assembled the enterprisers of their late crime, and such of our rebels as came with him. In their Council they thought it most expedient we should be warded in our castle of Stirling, there to remain while {till} we had approved in Parliament all their wicked enterprises, established their religion, and given the King the crown matrimonial and the whole government of our realm; or else, by all appearance, firmly prepared to have put us to death, or detained us in perpetual captivity. To avoid them of our Palace, with their guard and assisters, the King promised to keep us that night in sure guard, and that but {without} compulsion he should cause us in Parliament approve all their conspiracies. By this means he caused them to retire them of our Palace.
MARY WINS DARNLEY TO HER SIDE
DARNLEY PROTESTS INNOCENCE
This being granted, ... we declared our state to the King our husband, certifying him how miserably he would be handled, in case he permitted these Lords to prevail in our contrare {against us}, and how unacceptable it would be to other Princes, our confederates, in case he altered the religion. By this persuasion he was induced to condescend to the purpose taken by us, and to retire in our company to Dunbar, which we did under night, accompanied with the captain of our guard, Arthur Erskine, and two others only.... Soon after our coming to Dunbar, sundry of our nobility, zealous of our weal, such as the Earls of Huntly, Bothwell, Marshal,Athole, Caithness; Bishop of St. Andrews, with his kin and friends; Lords Hume, Sempill, and infinite others assembled to us.... The Earl of Moray and Argyll sent diverse messages to procure our favour, to whom in likewise, for certain respects, by advice of our Nobility and Council being with us, we have granted remission, under condition they nowise apply themselves to these last conspirators, and retire themselves in Argyle during our will.... We remained in Dunbar five days, and after returned to Edinburgh well accompanied with our subjects. The last conspirators, with their assisters, have removed themselves forth of the same before, and being presently fugitive from our laws, we have caused by our charges their whole fortunes, strength, and houses to be rendered to us; have caused make inventory of their goods and gear, and intend further to pursue them with all vigour. Whereunto we are assured to have the assistance of our husband, who hath declared to us, and in presence of the Lords of our Privy Council, his innocence of this last conspiracy, how he never counselled, commanded, consented, assisted, nor approved the same. Thus far only he ever saw himself, that at the enticement and persuasion of the late conspirators he, without our advice or knowledge, consented to the bringing home forth of England of the Earls of Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, and other persons with whom we were offended. This ye will consider by his declaration made hereupon, which at his desire hath been published at the market crosses of this our Realm ... of Edinburgh, the second day of April 1566.
1.Murray's plea for the Rizzio rebels.2.The relations between Mary and Darnley.(a)Mary's Will.(b)The Birth of Prince James.3.Mary to Elizabeth anent her support of the rebels.4.Mary's treatment of Darnley, and Darnley's conduct towards Mary.(a)As reported by M. le Croc, the French Ambassador.(b)As reported by Buchanan, with the Alloa story.(c)Nau's account of the Alloa story, and a letter of Mary's from Alloa.5.The Ride to Hermitage.(a)As reported in the Diurnal of Occurrents.(b)As reported by Nau.(c)As reported by Buchanan.6.The Queen's illness at Jedburgh.7.The Craigmillar Conference.(a)As reported by Buchanan.(b)In the Protestation of Huntly and Argyll.8.The events immediately before the Darnley murder.(a)Letter from Du Croc.(b)The Baptism of the Prince.(c)Restoration of the consistorial jurisdiction.(d)Mary on Darnley's conduct.(e)Beaton's warning.9.The visit to Glasgow and the murder.(a)As reported by Buchanan in theDetection.(b)As described by Mary.(c)As described by Nau.(d)As described by Buchanan in hisHistory.
Bedford and Randolph to Cecil, from Berwick, March 27,1566.Wright's Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 235.
My Lord of Murray by a special servant sent unto us desireth your Honour's favour to these noblemen {the fugitives}, as his dear friends, and such as for his sake hath given this adventure.
"TO THE KING WHO GAVE IT ME"
Robertson's Inventories.
Before the birth of her son, Mary made a will, of which no copy is extant. But Mr. Joseph Robertson found an inventory of her jewels, made at the same time, with marginal notes, in the Queen's own handwriting, indicating their disposition. There are fifteen entries "Au Roy," from which we quote the most interesting marginal note:—
It was with this that I was married, to the King, who gave it me.A diamond ring enamelled in red.
There are also bequests to the Crown of Scotland, the Earl and Countess of Lennox, and the Earl of Murray, also a jewel with the marginal note:—
"To Joseph {Riccio}, which his brother gave me."
At the end of the first section of the inventory, there is the following note in Mary's hand:—
"I wish that these provisions be carried out in case that the child does not survive me, but if it live, it is to inherit everything.Marie R."
QUEEN MARY'S SIGNET-RING AND MONOGRAM.
Hosack's Mary, vol. i. p. 525.
This her rooted disdain still continuing a little before her deliverance of her birth in May or June 1566, in making of her latter will and testament, she named and appointed Bothwell among others to the tutele {guardianship} of her birth {child} and issue, and government of the realm in case of her decease, and unnaturally excluded the father from all kind of cure and regiment over his own child, advancing Bothwell above all others to be lieutenant-general.... She disponit also her whole moveables to others beside her husband.
BIRTH OF A PRINCE
ELIZABETH'S RECEPTION OF THE NEWS
Melville's Memoirs, p. 158.
All this while I lay in the castle of Edinburgh, praying night and day for her Majesty's good and happy delivery of a fair son. This prayer being granted, I was the first that was advertised by the Lady Boyne {Mary Beaton, just married to Ogilvie of Boyne}, in her Majesty's name to part with diligence, the 19th day of June in the year 1566,between ten and eleven hours before noon. It struck twelve hours when I took my horse, and was at Berwick that same night. The fourth day after, I was at London, and met first with my brother, who sent and advertised the Secretary Cecil that same night of my coming and of the birth of the Prince, willing him to keep it up, until my being at Court to show it myself unto her Majesty, who was for the time at Greenwich, where her Majesty was in great merriness and dancing after supper; but so soon as the Secretary Cecil rounded the news in her ear of the Prince's birth all merriness was laid aside for that night, every one that were present marvelling what might move so sudden a changement; for the Queen sat down with her hand upon her haffet {cheek}, and bursting out to some of her ladies, how that the Queen of Scotland was lighter of a fair son, and that she was but a barren stock.... The next morning was appointed unto me to get audience ... she ... said, that the joyful news of the Queen her sister's delivery of a fair son, which I had sent unto her by Master Cecil, had recovered her out of a heavy sickness which has held her fifteen days. Therefore she welcomed me with a merry volt {countenance}, and thanked me for the diligence I had used. All this she said before I had delivered unto her my letter of credence. After that she had read it, I declared how that the Queen had hasted me towards her Majesty, whom she knew of all other her friends would be gladdest of the good news of her birth, albeit dear bought with the peril of her life; for I said that she was so sore handled in themeantime that she wished never to have been married. This I said to give her a little scare to marry, by the way; for so my brother had informed me, because she boasted sometimes to marry the Archduke Charles of Austria, when any man pressed her to declare a second person {heir}. Then I requested her Majesty to be a gossip unto the Queen, for our cummer are called gossips in England; which she granted gladly to be.
MARY AND DARNLEY
Herries's Memoirs, p. 79. (Abbotsford Club.)
About two o'clock in the afternoon the King came to visit the Queen, and was desirous to see the child. "My Lord," says the Queen, "God has given you and me a son, begotten by none but you!" At which words the King blushed, and kissed the child. Then she took the child in her arms, and discovering his face, said, "My Lord, here I protest to God, and as I shall answer to Him at the great day of judgment, this is your son, and no other man's son! And I am desirous that all here, with ladies and others, bear witness; for he is so much your own son, that I fear it will be the worse for him hereafter!" Then she spoke to Sir William Stanley. "This," says she, "is the son whom (I hope) shall first unite the two kingdoms of Scotland and England!" Sir William answered, "Why, Madam? Shall he succeed before your Majesty and his father?" "Because," says she, "his father has broken to me." The King was by and heard all. Says he, "Sweet Madam, is this your promise that you made to forgive and forget all?" The Queen answered, "Ihave forgiven all, but will never forget. What if Faudonside's pistol had shot, what would have become of him and me both? or what estate would you have been in? God only knows; but we may suspect." "Madam," answered the King, "these things are all past." "Then," says the Queen, "let them go."
REJOICINGS IN EDINBURGH
Claude Nau's Memorials, p. 27.
Immediately upon the birth of the Prince, all the artillery of the castle was discharged, and the lords, the nobles, and the people gathered in St. Giles' Church to thank God for the honour of having an heir to their kingdom. After the birth, certain gentlemen were despatched to the King of France, the Queen of England, and the Duke of Savoy, to ask them to be godfathers and godmothers to the Prince, to which they very gladly consented.
ELIZABETH AGAIN QUESTIONED
Mary to Elizabeth, July 1566.Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 442.
Right excellent, right high and mighty Princess, our dearest sister and cousin, in our most hearty manner we commend us unto you: We have understood by your declaration made ... to our dearest brother the King of France, ... that neither ye had aided nor were minded to aid and support our rebels against us, which we have always taken to be undoubtedly true, ... yet we have certain knowledgethat our said rebels were supported with the sum of three thousand crowns, sent to the Lady Murray by Master Randolph about the middle of August by-past, as the man who carried the money has confessed in his own presence; which his proceeding as we have just occasion to think most strange ... we ... have taken occasion to send him home to you, where his behaviour in this case may be tried, and he ordered accordingly at your discretion.
QUEEN MARY'S WISE CONDUCT
M. le Croc, French Ambassador in Scotland, to the Archbishop of Glasgow, Scottish Ambassador in France, from Jedburgh, October 15, 1566.Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 448.
The Queen is now returned from Stirling to Edinburgh.... The King, however, abode at Stirling, and he told me there that he had a mind to go beyond sea, in a sort of desperation.... Since that time the Earl of Lennox his father came to visit him; and he has written a letter to the Queen signifying that it is not in his power to divert his son from his intended voyage, and prays her Majesty to use her influence therein. This letter from the Earl of Lennox the Queen received on Michaelmas Day in the morning; and that same evening the King arrived here about ten of the clock.... Early next morning the Queen sent for me, and for all the Lords and other counsellors. As we were all met in their Majesties' presence, the Bishop of Ross by the Queen's commandment declared to the Councilthe King's intention to go beyond sea; for which purpose he had a ship lying ready to sail; ... and thereafter the Queen prayed the King to declare in presence of the Lords and before me the reason of his projected departure.... She likewise took him by the hand, and besought him for God's sake to declare if she had given him any cause for this resolution; and entreated he might deal plainly, and not spare her. Moreover, all the Lords likewise said to him, that if there was any fault on their part, upon his declaring it they were ready to perform it. And I likewise took the freedom to tell him, that his departure must certainly affect either his own or the Queen's honour—that if the Queen had afforded any ground for it, his declaring the same would affect her Majesty; as, on the other hand, if he should go away without giving any cause for it, this thing could not at all redound to his praise.... The King at last declared that he had no ground at all given him for such a deliberation; and thereupon he went out of the chamber of presence, saying to the Queen, "Adieu, Madam, you shall not see my face for a long space." ... I never saw her Majesty so much beloved, esteemed, and honoured; nor so great a harmony amongst all her subjects, as at present is by her wise conduct, for I cannot perceive the smallest difference or division.
SUBSEQUENT ACCUSATIONS
Buchanan's Detection.
Not long after her deliverance, on a day very early, accompanied with very few that were privy of her counsel, she went down to the water-side, at the place called the New Haven; and while all marvelledwhither she went in such haste, she suddenly entered into a ship there provided for her; which ship was provided by ... Bothwell's servants, and famous robbers and pirates. With this train of thieves, all honest men wondering at it, she betook herself to sea, taking not any other with her, no not of her gentlemen, nor necessary attendants for common honesty. In Alloa castle, where the ship arrived, how she behaved herself, I had rather every man should with himself imagine it, than hear me declare it. This one thing I dare affirm, that in all her words and doings, she never kept any regard, I will not say of Queen-like Majesty, but not of matron-like modesty.... In the meantime, the King being commanded out of sight, and with injuries and miseries banished from her, kept himself close, with a few of his friends, at Stirling.... Yet his heart, obstinately fixed in loving her, could not be restrained, but he must needs come back to Edinburgh, on purpose, with all kind of serviceable humbleness, to get some entry into her former favour, and to recover the kind society of marriage. Who once again being with most dishonourable disdain excluded, returned from whence he came, there to bewail his woeful miseries, as in a solitary desert.
Nau's Memorials, p. 29.
About the beginning of August the Queen crossed the sea and went to Alloa, a house belonging to the Earl of Mar, where she remained for some days in the company of the ladies of her court and the said earl.
THE QUEEN AND A POOR WOMAN
The Lennox, vol. ii. p. 429.
Trusty Friend,—Forasmuch as it is heavily bemoaned and piteously complained to us by this poor woman, that ye have violently ejected her with a company of poor bairns forth of her kindly room, after {although} willing to pay your duty thankfully: therefore (in respect that if ye be so extreme as to depauperate the poor woman and her bairns) we will desire you to show some favour and accept them in their steading {habitation} as ye have done in times bygone; the which we doubt not but ye will do for this our request, and as ye shall report our thanks and pleasure for the same. At Alloa, the penult of July 1566.
Marie R.
To our trusty friend, Robert Murray of Abercairney, this be delivered.
Diurnal of Occurrents.
Upon the 7th day of October 1566 years, our sovereign lady, accompanied with the nobility of this realm, departed of Edinburgh towards Jedburgh, to hold a justice eyre there, which was proclaimed to be held upon the eighth day of the same month.
Upon the same day, James, Earl Bothwell ... being sent by our sovereigns to bring in certain thieves and malefactors of Liddesdale to the justice eyre ... chanced upon a thief called John Elliotof the Park.... The said earl shot him with a dagg {pistol} in the body.... The said John perceiving himself shot and the Earl fallen, he went to him where he lay, and gave him three wounds, one in the body, one in the head, and one in the hand; and my lord gave him two strokes with a hanger, ... and the said thief departed, and my lord lay in swoon, while his servants came and carried him to the Hermitage....
FROM JEDBURGH TO HERMITAGE
Upon the fifteenth day of the said month of October, our sovereign lady rode from Jedburgh to the Hermitage {about 30 miles}, wherein my Lord Bothwell was lying in mending of his wound, and spake with the same earl, and returned again the same night to Jedburgh.
Nau's Memorials, p. 30.
The Earl of Bothwell was so dangerously wounded in the hand that every one thought he would die. He thought so himself. Such being the case, her Majesty was both solicited and advised to pay him a visit at his house, called the Hermitage, in order that she might learn from him the state of affairs in these districts, of which the said lord was hereditary governor. With this object in view, she went very speedily, in the company of the Earl of Moray and some other lords, in whose presence she conversed with Bothwell for some hours, and on the same day returned to Jedburgh.
BUCHANAN'S VERSION
Detection.
When the Queen had resolved to set out for Jedburgh to hold the Assizes, about the beginning of October, Bothwell made an expedition into Liddesdale. While he was conducting himself there in a manner worthy neither of the place to which he had been raised nor of his family and of what might have been expected of him, he was wounded by a dying robber. He was carried to the castle of Hermitage in a condition such as to make his recovery uncertain. When this news is carried to the Queen at Borthwick, although it was a severe winter, she flies off like a mad woman, with enormous journeys first to Melrose and then to Jedburgh. Although reliable reports about his life had reached that place, her eager mind was unable to retain self-control and to prevent her from displaying her shameless lust. At an unfavourable season, in spite of the danger of the roads and of robbers, she threw herself into the expedition with such an escort as no one slightly more honourable would have dared to entrust with life and fortune. Furthermore, when she returned to Jedburgh she arranged, with extraordinary zeal and care, for Bothwell's being carried thither. After he was brought there, their life and conversation was little in accordance with the dignity of either of them.
[The distance from Borthwick Castle to Jedburgh is about sixty miles.]
[The distance from Borthwick Castle to Jedburgh is about sixty miles.]
A SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PHYSICIAN
John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, to the Archbishop of Glasgow.October 27, 1566.Keith's History, vol. iii. p. 286.
My Lord,—After most hearty commendations, I write upon haste to your Lordship with Saunders Bog, who was sent by M. de Croc this last Wednesday to advertise of the Queen's Majesty's sickness, which at that time was wondrous great; for assuredly her Majesty was so handled with great vehemency, that all that were with her were desperate of her convalescence. Nevertheless, soon after the departing of Saunders Bog, her Majesty got some relief, which lasted till Thursday at ten hours at even, at which time her Majesty swooned again, and failed in her sight; her feet and her hands were cold, which were handled by extreme rubbing, drawing, and other cures, by the space of four hours, that no creature could endure greater pain; and through the vehemency of this cure her Majesty got some relief, till about six hours in the morning on Friday, that her Majesty became dead, and all her members cold, eyes closed, mouth fast, and feet and arms stiff and cold. Nevertheless, Master Nau, who is a perfect man of his craft, would not give the matter over in that manner, but of new began to draw her knees, legs, arms, feet, and the rest, with such vehement torments, which lasted the space of three hours, till her Majesty recovered again her sight and speech, and got a great sweating, which was held the relief of the sickness, because it was on the ninth day,which commonly is called the crisis of the sickness, and so here thought the cooling of the fever. And since then continually, thanks to God, her Majesty convalesces better and better.... Always, I assure your Lordship, in all this sickness, her Majesty used herself marvellous godly and Catholic, and continually desired to hear speak of God and godly prayers....