[71]ROBERT COMTE D'EU. We have seen him before at the battle of Mortemer. He received the custody of the castle of Hastings, and considerable lands in England, which his family retained till the severance of Normandy; seeIntrod. Domesday, i. 463; and Estancelin'sHistory of the comtes d'Eu.Comes Augi is one of the defaulters in the Red book roll.
[71]ROBERT COMTE D'EU. We have seen him before at the battle of Mortemer. He received the custody of the castle of Hastings, and considerable lands in England, which his family retained till the severance of Normandy; seeIntrod. Domesday, i. 463; and Estancelin'sHistory of the comtes d'Eu.Comes Augi is one of the defaulters in the Red book roll.
Duke William pressed close upon the English with his lance; striving hard to reach the standard with the great troop he led; and seeking earnestly for Harold, on whose acconnt the whole war was. The Normans follow their lord, and press around him; they ply their blows upon the English; and these defend themselves stoutly, striving hard with their enemies, returning blow for blow.
One of them was a man of great strength, a wrestler, who did great mischief to the Normans with his hatchet; all feared him, for he struck down a great many Normans. The duke spurred on his horse, and aimed a blow at him, but he stooped, andso escaped the stroke; then jumping on one side, he lifted his hatchet aloft, and as the duke bent to avoid the blow, the Englishman boldly struck him on the head, and beat in his helmet, though without doing much injury. He was very near falling however, but bearing on his stirrups he recovered himself immediately; and when he thought to have revenged himself on the vagabond by killing him, the rogue had escaped, dreading the duke's blow. He ran back in among the English, but he was not safe even there, for the Normans seeing him, pursued and caught him; and having pierced him through and through with their lances, left him dead on the ground.
Where the throng of the battle was greatest, the men of Kent and of Essex fought wondrously well, and made the Normans again retreat, but without doing them much injury. And when the duke saw his men fall back, and the English triumphing over them, his spirit rose high, and he seized his shieldby the 'enarmes'[1], and his lance, which a vassal handed to him, and took his post by his gonfanon.
Then those who kept close guard by him, and rode where he rode, being about a thousand armed men, came and rushed with closed ranks upon the English; and with the weight of their good horses, and the blows the knights gave, broke the press of the enemy, and scattered the crowd before them, the good duke leading them on in front[2]. Many pursued and many fled; many were the Englishmen who fell around, and were trampled under the horses, crawling upon the earth, and not able to rise. Many of the richest and noblest men fell in that rout, but still the English rallied in places; smote down those whom they reached, and maintained the combat the best they could; beating down the men and killing the horses. One Englishman watched the duke, and plotted to kill him; he would have struck him with his lance, but he could not, for the duke struck him first, and felled him to the earth.
Loud was now the clamour, and great the slaughter; many a soul then quitted the body it inhabited. The living marched over the heaps of dead, and each side was weary of striking. He charged on who could, and he who could no longer strike still pushed forward. The strong struggled with the strong; some failed, others triumphed; the cowards fell back, the brave pressed on; and sad was his fate who fell in the midst, for he had little chance of rising again; and many in truth fell who never rose at all, being crushed under the throng.
And now the Normans had pressed on so far, that at last they reached the standard[3]. There Harold had remained, defending himself to the utmost; but he was sorely wounded in his eye by the arrow, and suffered grievous pain from the blow. An armed man came in the throng of the battle, and struck him on the ventaille of his helmet, and beat him to the ground; and as he sought to recover himself, a knight beat him down again, striking him on the thick of his thigh, down to the bone.
Gurth saw the English falling around, and that there was no remedy. He saw his race hasteningto ruin, and despaired of any aid; he would have fled, but could not, for the throng continually increased. And the duke pushed on till he reached him, and struck him with great force. Whether he died of that blow I know not, but it was said that he fell under it, and rose no more.
The standard was beaten down, the golden gonfanon was taken, and Harold and the best of his friends were slain; but there was so much eagerness, and throng of so many around, seeking to kill him, that I know not who it was that slew him.
The English were in great trouble at having lost their king, and at the duke's having conquered and beat down the standard; but they still fought on, and defended themselves long, and in fact till the day drew to a close. Then it clearly appeared to all that the standard was lost, and the news had spread throughout the army that Harold, for certain,was dead; and all saw that there was no longer any hope, so they left the field, and those fled who could[4].
I do not tell, and I do not indeed know, for I was not there to see, and have not heard say, who it was that smote down king Harold, nor by what weapon he was wounded; but this I know, that he was found among the dead. His great force availed him nothing; amidst the slain he was found slain also[4].
The English who escaped from the field did not stop till they reached London, for they were in great fear, and cried out that the Normans followed close after them[5]. The press was great to cross the bridge, and the river beneath it was deep; so that the bridge[6]broke under the throng, and many fell into the water.
William fought well; many an assault did he lead, many a blow did he give, and many receive,and many fell dead under his hand. Two[7]horses were killed under him, and he took a third when necessary, so that he fell not to the ground, and lost not a drop of blood. But whatever any one did, and whoever lived or died, this is certain, that William conquered, and that many of the English fled from the field, and many died on the spot. Then he returned thanks to God, and in his pride ordered his gonfanon to be brought and set up on high, where the English standard had stood; and that was the signal of his having conquered, and beaten down the standard. And he ordered his tent to be raised on the spot among the dead, and had his meat brought thither, and his supper prepared there.
But behold, up galloped Galtier Giffart; "Sire," said he, "what are you about? you are surely not fitly placed here among the dead. Many an Englishman lies bloody and mingled with the dead, but yet sound, or only wounded and besmeared with gore; tarrying of his own accord, and meaning to rise at night, and escape in the darkness[8]. They would delight to take their revenge, and would selltheir lives dearly; no one of them caring who killed him afterwards, if he but slew a Norman first; for they say we have done them much wrong. You should lodge elsewhere, and let yourself be guarded by one or two thousand armed men, whom you can best trust. Let a careful watch be set this night, for we know not what snares may be laid for us. You have made a noble day of it, but I like to see the end of the work." "Giffart," said the duke, "I thank God, we have done well hitherto; and, if such be God's will, we will go on, and do well henceforward. Let us trust God for all!"
Then he turned from Giffart, and took off his armour; and the barons and knights, pages and squires came, when he had unstrung his shield; and they took the helmet from his head, and the hauberk from his back, and saw the heavy blows upon his shield, and how his helmet was dinted in. And all greatly wondered, and said, "Such a baron (ber) never bestrode warhorse, nor dealt such blows, nor did such feats of arms; neither has there been on earth such a knight since Rollant and Oliver."
Thus they lauded and extolled him greatly, andrejoiced in what they saw; but grieving also for their friends who were slain in the battle. And the duke stood meanwhile among them, of noble stature and mien; and rendered thanks to the king of glory, through whom he had the victory; and thanked the knights around him, mourning also frequently for the dead. And he ate and drank among the dead, and made his bed that night upon the field.
The morrow was Sunday; and those who had slept upon the field of battle, keeping watch around, and suffering great fatigue, bestirred themselves at break of day, and sought out and buried such of the bodies of their dead friends as they might find. The noble ladies of the land also came, some to seek their husbands, and others their fathers, sons, or brothers[9].They bore the bodies to their villages, and interred them at the churches; and the clerks and priests of the country were ready, and, at the request of their friends, took the bodies that were found, and prepared graves and lay them therein.
King Harold was carried and buried at Varham[10]; but I know not who it was that bore him thither, neither do I know who buried him. Many remained on the field, and many had fled in the night.
[1]The enarmes were two thongs, or loops of leather, fixed to the inside of the shield, by which it was borne on the arm. There was besides a leather strap and buckle, by which the shield was, when not in use, strung to the warrior's neck. This extra strap was called the guige; and left the bearer the use of both hands, which were necessary when fighting with the battle axe.
[1]The enarmes were two thongs, or loops of leather, fixed to the inside of the shield, by which it was borne on the arm. There was besides a leather strap and buckle, by which the shield was, when not in use, strung to the warrior's neck. This extra strap was called the guige; and left the bearer the use of both hands, which were necessary when fighting with the battle axe.
[2]L'Estoire de Seint Ædward le Reiputs an energetic exhortation into William's mouth at this crisis:Ke put estre, dist-il, cesteCuardie, segnurs Normantz,Ki ancesurs avea si grants?Rois Rou, ki as coups de lanceDescumfist le rei de France,E le mata en mi sa terre,Par force de bataille e guerre;E ducs Richard k'apres li vint,Kili diableateint e tint.E le venquit e le lia.E vus failliz, forlignez ja!Sivet moi, ma gent demeine!
[2]L'Estoire de Seint Ædward le Reiputs an energetic exhortation into William's mouth at this crisis:
Ke put estre, dist-il, cesteCuardie, segnurs Normantz,Ki ancesurs avea si grants?Rois Rou, ki as coups de lanceDescumfist le rei de France,E le mata en mi sa terre,Par force de bataille e guerre;E ducs Richard k'apres li vint,Kili diableateint e tint.E le venquit e le lia.E vus failliz, forlignez ja!Sivet moi, ma gent demeine!
[3]William of PoitiersandWilliam of Malmsburygive the following description of this gonfanon or standard: 'Memorabile quoque vexillum Heraldi, hominis armati imaginem intextum habens ex auro purissimo.' 'Vexillum illud ... quod erat in hominis pugnantis figurâ, auro et lapidibus arte sumptuosâ contextum.'
[3]William of PoitiersandWilliam of Malmsburygive the following description of this gonfanon or standard: 'Memorabile quoque vexillum Heraldi, hominis armati imaginem intextum habens ex auro purissimo.' 'Vexillum illud ... quod erat in hominis pugnantis figurâ, auro et lapidibus arte sumptuosâ contextum.'
[4]Benoitand the author of theEstoire de Seint Ædward, describe the result of the battle and Harold's fall in a few lines. See appendix.
[4]Benoitand the author of theEstoire de Seint Ædward, describe the result of the battle and Harold's fall in a few lines. See appendix.
[5]Some discrepancy has been pointed out between the account here given by Wace and that found inWilliam of JumiegesandWilliam of Poitiers. The Latin historians say more as to resistance to the last in the battle. There can, however, hardly be said to be any material variance. The fight being ended, all agree that the English army dispersed and ultimately fled; and what Wace dwells upon seems to have reference to the circumstances of this final retreat.Benoitsays,Cele occise, cele dolorTint tant cum point i out deu jor,Ne la nuit ne failli la paineCi que parut le Diemaine.—si quide l'om bien e creitQu'a cinc milliers furent esméSol eu grant champ del fereiz,Quant qu'il fussent desconfizEstre l'occise e la martireQui fu tute la nuit a tire.
[5]Some discrepancy has been pointed out between the account here given by Wace and that found inWilliam of JumiegesandWilliam of Poitiers. The Latin historians say more as to resistance to the last in the battle. There can, however, hardly be said to be any material variance. The fight being ended, all agree that the English army dispersed and ultimately fled; and what Wace dwells upon seems to have reference to the circumstances of this final retreat.Benoitsays,
Cele occise, cele dolorTint tant cum point i out deu jor,Ne la nuit ne failli la paineCi que parut le Diemaine.—si quide l'om bien e creitQu'a cinc milliers furent esméSol eu grant champ del fereiz,Quant qu'il fussent desconfizEstre l'occise e la martireQui fu tute la nuit a tire.
[6]The author of the 'Chronicles of London Bridge' has missed recording this notice of the early history of that structure; which seems till the reign of Hen. I, to have been of a very fragile character, probably a bridge of boats.
[6]The author of the 'Chronicles of London Bridge' has missed recording this notice of the early history of that structure; which seems till the reign of Hen. I, to have been of a very fragile character, probably a bridge of boats.
[7]William of PoitiersandWilliam of Malmsburymention three horses, as killed under William.William of Poitiersstates his prowess to have been hailed in songs, as well as verbal applause; 'plausibus et dulcibus cantilenis efferebant.'
[7]William of PoitiersandWilliam of Malmsburymention three horses, as killed under William.William of Poitiersstates his prowess to have been hailed in songs, as well as verbal applause; 'plausibus et dulcibus cantilenis efferebant.'
[8]William of Jumiegesmakes it the middle of the night, before William returned from the pursuit; though his subsequent expression would rather imply daylight: 'ad aream belli regressus, reperit stragem, quam non absque miseratione conspexit.'
[8]William of Jumiegesmakes it the middle of the night, before William returned from the pursuit; though his subsequent expression would rather imply daylight: 'ad aream belli regressus, reperit stragem, quam non absque miseratione conspexit.'
[9]Other authority supplies the fact that free leave was given, expressly for the purpose of seeking and interring the dead; seeWilliam of Poitiers, andBenoit de Sainte-Moreon the same subject.
[9]Other authority supplies the fact that free leave was given, expressly for the purpose of seeking and interring the dead; seeWilliam of Poitiers, andBenoit de Sainte-Moreon the same subject.
[10]WALTHAM ABBEY, founded or restored by Harold. According toWilliam of Poitiers, andOrdericus, the body was brought to William; and being refused to Ghita, Harold's mother, was committed to William Malet, to be buried on the sea shore.William of Malmsburyhas a different account: he says the body was given to Ghita, who bore it to Waltham. Perhaps this and other variations of the story were subsequent inventions, to suppress the dishonourable truth, as to William's revenge. The accounts inBenoit, theBrut, andL'Estoire de Seint Ædward, are in our appendix. The story told in theWaltham MS. (Cott. Jul. D. vi.) as to the pious offices of Osgod Cnoppe, and Ailric the childemaister, two of its monks, and the more romantic legend, in Harold's life, (Harl. MS. 3776),—see our appendix,—are both quoted in Palgrave'sHistory of England, 1831. As to the Editha brought to Osgod's aid in discerning the body, and as to her being different from 'Eddeva pulchra' of Domesday, seeIntrod. Dom. ii. 79.
[10]WALTHAM ABBEY, founded or restored by Harold. According toWilliam of Poitiers, andOrdericus, the body was brought to William; and being refused to Ghita, Harold's mother, was committed to William Malet, to be buried on the sea shore.William of Malmsburyhas a different account: he says the body was given to Ghita, who bore it to Waltham. Perhaps this and other variations of the story were subsequent inventions, to suppress the dishonourable truth, as to William's revenge. The accounts inBenoit, theBrut, andL'Estoire de Seint Ædward, are in our appendix. The story told in theWaltham MS. (Cott. Jul. D. vi.) as to the pious offices of Osgod Cnoppe, and Ailric the childemaister, two of its monks, and the more romantic legend, in Harold's life, (Harl. MS. 3776),—see our appendix,—are both quoted in Palgrave'sHistory of England, 1831. As to the Editha brought to Osgod's aid in discerning the body, and as to her being different from 'Eddeva pulchra' of Domesday, seeIntrod. Dom. ii. 79.
[1].
[The duke placed a guard in Hastings[2], from the best of his knights, so as to garrison the castle well,and went thence to Romenel[3], to destroy it utterly, because some of his people had arrived there, I know not by what accident, and the false and traitorous had killed them by felony. On that account he was very wroth against them, and grievously punished them for it.
Proceeding thence, he rested no where till he reached Dover, at the strong fort he had ordered to be made at the foot of the hill. The castle on the hillwas well garrisoned, and there all the goods of the country round were stored, and all the people had collected. The place being well fortified, and being out of the reach of any engines, they had made ready to defend themselves, and determined to contest the matter with the duke; and it was so well fenced in, and so high, and had so many towers and walls, that it was no easy matter to take it, as long as provisions should last.
The duke held them besieged there eight days; and during that time there were many fierce and bold assaults of the men and esquires. But the castle guards learnt that however long they might hold out, they must expect no succour, for that Harold the king was dead, and all the best of the English: and thus all saw plainly that the kingdom could no longer be defended. They dared not therefore longer keep up the contest, seeing the great loss they had sustained, and that do what they would it would not avail them long; so being forced by this necessity, they surrendered the castle, strong, rich, and fair as it was, to the duke, saving only their bodies and goods; and made their peace with him, all the men of the country swearing fealty to him. Then he placed a gallant and brave garrison in the castle; and before he parted thence all came to him from Cantorbire, both of high and low degree, and gave him their oaths and homage, and delivered hostages.
Stiganz was then archbishop of the city, as I read, who had greater wealth and more powerful friends than any other man of the country. In concert with the greatest men of the kingdom, and the sons of earl Algar[4], who could not brook the shame of their people being so conquered, and would not suffer aNorman to obtain such honour, they had chosen and made their lord a knight and gallant youth called Addelin[5], of the lineage of the good king Edward. Whether from fear or affection they made him king; and they rather chose to die than have for king in England one who was a stranger, and had been born in another land.
Towards London repaired all the great men of the kingdom, ready to aid and support Addelin in his attempt. And the duke, being desirous to go where he might encounter the greatest number of them, journeyed also to London, where the brave men were assembled ready to defend it. Those who were most daring issued out of the gates, armed, and on horseback; manœuvring against his people, to show how little they feared him, and that they would do nothing for him. When the duke saw their behaviour, he valued them not sufficiently to arm against them more than five hundred of his people. These, lacing their helmets on, gave the rein to their horses, angry and eager for the fray. Then might you see heads fly off, and swords cleaving body and ribs of the enemy.
Thus without any pause they drove all back again, and many were made prisoners, or lost their lives. And they set fire to the houses, and the fire was sogreat that all on this side the Thames was burnt that day.
Great grief was there in the city, and much were they discomforted. They had lost so much property, and so many people, that their sorrow was very heavy. Then they crossed the water, some on foot and some on horseback, and sought the duke at Walengeford, and stayed not till they had concluded their peace, and surrendered their castles to him. Then the joy of all was great; and archbishop Stiganz came there, and did fealty to duke William, and so did many more of the realm; and he took their homages and pledges. And Addelin was brought there also, whom they had foolishly made king. And Stiganz so entreated the duke, that he gave him his pardon, and then led all his force to London, to take possession of the city; and neither prince nor people came forth against him, but abandoned all to him, body, goods, and city, and promised to be faithfuland serve him, and to do his pleasure; and they delivered hostages, and did fealty to him.]
Then the bishops by concert met at London, and the barons came to them; and they held together a great council. And by the common council of the clergy, who advised it, and of the barons, who saw that they could elect no other[6], they made the duke a crowned king[7], and swore fealty to him; and he accepted their fealty and homages, and so restored them their inheritances. It was a thousand sixty and six years, as the clerks duly reckon, from the birth of Jesus Christ when William took the crown; and for twenty and one years, a half and more afterwards, he was king and duke.
To many of those who had followed him, and had long served him, he gave castles and cities, manors and earldoms and lands, and many rents to his vavassors[8].
Then he called together all the barons, and assembledall the English, and put it to their choice, what laws they would hold to, and what customs they chose to have observed, whether the Norman or the English; those of which lord and which king: and they all said, "King Edward's; let his laws be held and kept." They requested to have the customs which were well known, and which used to be kept in the time of king Edward; these pleased them well, and they therefore chose them: and it was done according to their desire[9], the king consenting to their wish.
He had much labour, and many a war before he could hold the land in peace: but troubled as he was, he brought himself well out of all in the end. He returned to Normandy[10], and came and went backward and forward from time to time, making peace here and peace there; rooting out marauders and harassing evil doers.
WHERE THE BATTLE HAD BEEN, HE BUILT AN ABBEY, AND PUT AN ABBOT THEREIN[11].
The king of France called on the duke to do service to him for England, as he did for his other fiefof Normandy; but William answered that he would pay him just as much service for England as he had received help towards winning it; that the king had not assisted him in his enterprize, nor helped him in his need; that he would serve him duly for his original fief, but owed him nought for any other; that if the king had helped him, and had taken part in the adventure, as he had requested, it might have been said that he held England of him: but that he had won the land without him, and owed no service for it to any one, save God and the apostle at Rome; and that he would serve none else for it.
Thus they wrangled together, but they afterwards came to an accord; and the king of France remained quiet, making no more demands on William. The French, however, often made war upon him andannoyed him; and he defended himself, and attacked them in return. One day he won, another he lost; as it often chances in war, that he who loses on one day gains on the next.
William was once sojourning at Rouen, where he had rested several days; for illness (I know not whence arising) pressed upon him, so that he could not mount his warhorse, nor bear his arms and take the field. The king of France soon heard that he was not in a condition to fight, and was in truth in bed; so he sent him word maliciously, that he was a long time lying in like a lady, and that he ought soon to get up, or he might lie too long. But William answered him, that he had not laid within too long yet; "Tell him," said he, "that when I get up, I will go to mass in his lands, and will make a richoffering of a thousand candles. My matches shall be of wood, and the points shall blaze with steel instead of fire."
This was his message, and when he had recovered, he accomplished what he had threatened. He led into France[12]a thousand armed men with their lances set, the points gleaming with steel; and he burnt houses and villages on his route, till the king of France could see the blaze. He set fire even to Mantes, and reduced the whole place to ashes; so that borough, city, and churches were all burnt together. But as he passed through the city mounted on his favourite horse, it put its foot upon a heap of live ashes, and instantly starting back, gave a sudden plunge. The king saved himself from falling, but wounded himself sorely against the pommelof the saddle, upon which he was thrown. He returned with his men back to Rouen, and took to his bed; and as his malady increased, he caused himself to be carried to Saint-Gervais, in order that he might be there in greater quiet and ease[13].
Then he gave his land to his sons, in order that there might be no dispute after his death. He called together his barons[14], and said, "Listen to me, and see that ye understand. Normandy my inheritance, where the most of my race are, I give to Robert my son, the eldest born; and so I had settled before I came to be king. Moreover I give him Mans. He shall have Normandy and Mans, and serve the king of France for the same. There are many brave men in Normandy; I know none equal to them. They are noble and valiant knights, conquering in alllands whither they go. If they have a good captain[15], a company of them is much to be dreaded; but if they have not a lord whom they fear, and who governs them severely, the service they will render will soon be but poor. The Normans are worth little without strict justice; they must be bent and bowed to their ruler's will; and whoso holds them always under his foot, and curbs them tightly, may get his business well done by them. Haughty are they and proud; boastful and arrogant, difficult to govern, and requiring to be at all times kept under; so that Robert will have much to do and to provide, in order to manage such a people.
"I should greatly desire, if God so pleased, toadvance my noble and gallant son William. He has set his heart upon England, and it may be that he will be king there; but I can of myself do nothing towards it, and you well know the reason. I conquered England by wrong[16]; and by wrong I slew many men there, and killed their heirs; by wrong I seized the kingdom, and of that which I have so gained, and in which I have no right, I can give nought to my son; he cannot inherit through my wrong. But I will send him over sea, and will pray the archbishop to grant him the crown; and if he can in reason do it, I entreat that he will make him the gift.
"To Henry my son, the youngest born, I havegiven five thousand livres, and have commanded both William and Robert, my other sons, that each, according to his power, will, as he loves me, make Henry more rich and powerful than any other man who holds of them."
[1]The passage in brackets, to p. 267, is fromBenoit de Sainte-More.It is introduced here, as well to relieve the baldness of Wace's narrative after the battle, as because an account of William's progress is really necessary, in order to give a just view of his prudent policy, in the prosecution of an enterprize obviously still very perilous, though crowned with such decisive success. The reader may refer toIntrod. Domesday, i. 314, for interesting local information, deduced from that record, on the subject of William's course and progress after landing; tracing a district on the map eastward from about Pevensey, by Bexhill, Crowherst, Hollington, Guestling, and Icklesham, round by Ledescombe, Wartlington, and Ashburnham; thus embracing a circuit of country, near the centre of which stands Battle. The MS. collections of Mr. Hayley of Brightling are there referred to; and (though perhaps rather fanciful in some of their conclusions) may be appropriately quoted. 'It is the method of Domesday-book, after reciting the particulars relating to each manor, to set down the valuation thereof at three several periods; to wit,—the time of King Edward the Confessor,—afterwards when the new tenant entered upon it,—and again at the time when the survey was made. Now it is to be observed, in perusing the account of the rape of Hastings in that book, that in several of the manors therein [Witingoes, Holintun, Bexelei, Wilesham, Crohest, Wiltingham, Watlingetone, Nedrefelle, Brunham, Haslesse, Wigentone, Wilendone, Salherst, Drisnesel, Gestelinges, Luet, Hiham (the scite of Winchelsea), and Selescome] at the second of those periods, it is recorded of them that they werewaste: and from this circumstance I think it may, upon good ground, be concluded what parts of that rape were marched over by and suffered from the ravages of the two armies of the conqueror and king Harold. And indeed the situation of those manors is such as evidently shows their then devastated state to be owing to that cause. The wasted manors on the east were Bexelei, Wilesham, Luet, and Gestelinges; which are all the manors entered in the survey along the coast from Bexelei to Winchelsea. And this clearly evinces another circumstance relative to the invasion; which is that William did not land his army at any one particular spot, at Bulverhithe, or Hastings, as is supposed; but at all the several proper places for landing along the coast from Bexhill to Winchelsea. After which, in drawing together towards the place of battle, the left wing of the army just brushed the manor of Holinton, so as to lay waste a small portion, which afterwards fell to the lot of the abbot of Battle; and after quite overrunning the manors of Wiltingham and Crohest, arrived at Brunham; in which, and the adjoining manors of Whatlington and Nedrefelle, the battle was lost and won. We may likewise trace the footsteps of king Harold's army by the devastations which stand upon record in the same book. Where they begin we suppose the army entered the county; and the state of the manor of Parkley, in the hundred of Skayswell, points out the place in the parish of Tyshurst. They there desolated their way through two parcels of land in the same hundred, belonging to the manor of Wilendone; and laying waste Wigzell, Saleherst, and another manor in the hundred of Henhurst, with Hiham, and a small part of Sadlescombe, in the hundred of Staple, they came to Whatlington; through which, and the manor of Netherfield, they extended themselves to face and oppose the invading enemy.'
[1]The passage in brackets, to p. 267, is fromBenoit de Sainte-More.It is introduced here, as well to relieve the baldness of Wace's narrative after the battle, as because an account of William's progress is really necessary, in order to give a just view of his prudent policy, in the prosecution of an enterprize obviously still very perilous, though crowned with such decisive success. The reader may refer toIntrod. Domesday, i. 314, for interesting local information, deduced from that record, on the subject of William's course and progress after landing; tracing a district on the map eastward from about Pevensey, by Bexhill, Crowherst, Hollington, Guestling, and Icklesham, round by Ledescombe, Wartlington, and Ashburnham; thus embracing a circuit of country, near the centre of which stands Battle. The MS. collections of Mr. Hayley of Brightling are there referred to; and (though perhaps rather fanciful in some of their conclusions) may be appropriately quoted. 'It is the method of Domesday-book, after reciting the particulars relating to each manor, to set down the valuation thereof at three several periods; to wit,—the time of King Edward the Confessor,—afterwards when the new tenant entered upon it,—and again at the time when the survey was made. Now it is to be observed, in perusing the account of the rape of Hastings in that book, that in several of the manors therein [Witingoes, Holintun, Bexelei, Wilesham, Crohest, Wiltingham, Watlingetone, Nedrefelle, Brunham, Haslesse, Wigentone, Wilendone, Salherst, Drisnesel, Gestelinges, Luet, Hiham (the scite of Winchelsea), and Selescome] at the second of those periods, it is recorded of them that they werewaste: and from this circumstance I think it may, upon good ground, be concluded what parts of that rape were marched over by and suffered from the ravages of the two armies of the conqueror and king Harold. And indeed the situation of those manors is such as evidently shows their then devastated state to be owing to that cause. The wasted manors on the east were Bexelei, Wilesham, Luet, and Gestelinges; which are all the manors entered in the survey along the coast from Bexelei to Winchelsea. And this clearly evinces another circumstance relative to the invasion; which is that William did not land his army at any one particular spot, at Bulverhithe, or Hastings, as is supposed; but at all the several proper places for landing along the coast from Bexhill to Winchelsea. After which, in drawing together towards the place of battle, the left wing of the army just brushed the manor of Holinton, so as to lay waste a small portion, which afterwards fell to the lot of the abbot of Battle; and after quite overrunning the manors of Wiltingham and Crohest, arrived at Brunham; in which, and the adjoining manors of Whatlington and Nedrefelle, the battle was lost and won. We may likewise trace the footsteps of king Harold's army by the devastations which stand upon record in the same book. Where they begin we suppose the army entered the county; and the state of the manor of Parkley, in the hundred of Skayswell, points out the place in the parish of Tyshurst. They there desolated their way through two parcels of land in the same hundred, belonging to the manor of Wilendone; and laying waste Wigzell, Saleherst, and another manor in the hundred of Henhurst, with Hiham, and a small part of Sadlescombe, in the hundred of Staple, they came to Whatlington; through which, and the manor of Netherfield, they extended themselves to face and oppose the invading enemy.'
[2]From Domesday we learn who received the custody of Hastings: 'Rex Will. dedit comiti [de Ow] castellariam de Hastinges.'Introd. Domesday, i. 18.
[2]From Domesday we learn who received the custody of Hastings: 'Rex Will. dedit comiti [de Ow] castellariam de Hastinges.'Introd. Domesday, i. 18.
[3]Romney. It is not here stated whether William's men had been sent from Hastings thither, or whether part of his fleet had gone astray in the voyage, and landed there.Domesdaysays of Dover, 'In ipso primo adventu ejus in Angliamfuit ipsa villa combusta.'
[3]Romney. It is not here stated whether William's men had been sent from Hastings thither, or whether part of his fleet had gone astray in the voyage, and landed there.Domesdaysays of Dover, 'In ipso primo adventu ejus in Angliamfuit ipsa villa combusta.'
[4]Edwin and Morcar.
[4]Edwin and Morcar.
[5]Edgar Atheling.
[5]Edgar Atheling.
[6]Wace had, in narrating Swain's success in overrunning England, i. 327, observed upon the facility afforded to an invader by the scarcity of fortified posts:N'i aveit gaires fortelesce,Ne tur de pierre ne bretesce,Se n'esteit en vieille cité,Ki close fust d'antiquité.Maiz li barunz de Normendie,Quant il orent la seignorie,Firent chastels e fermetez,Turs de pierre, murs e fossez.
[6]Wace had, in narrating Swain's success in overrunning England, i. 327, observed upon the facility afforded to an invader by the scarcity of fortified posts:
N'i aveit gaires fortelesce,Ne tur de pierre ne bretesce,Se n'esteit en vieille cité,Ki close fust d'antiquité.Maiz li barunz de Normendie,Quant il orent la seignorie,Firent chastels e fermetez,Turs de pierre, murs e fossez.
[7]Benoitgoes on to narrate at much greater length the events subsequent to the battle. Wace passes very lightly over English internal affairs, of which he probably knew and cared little, and which were, moreover, foreign to the plan of his work. TheSaxon Chroniclesays of the coronation: 'Then on Midwinter day archbishop Aldred hallowed him to king at Westminster, and gave him possession with the books of Christ; and also swore him, ere that he would set the crown upon his head, that he would as well govern this nation as any king before him best did, if they would be faithful to him.' See as to the chronology of William's life and age Sir Harris Nicolas'sChronology of History, 279.
[7]Benoitgoes on to narrate at much greater length the events subsequent to the battle. Wace passes very lightly over English internal affairs, of which he probably knew and cared little, and which were, moreover, foreign to the plan of his work. TheSaxon Chroniclesays of the coronation: 'Then on Midwinter day archbishop Aldred hallowed him to king at Westminster, and gave him possession with the books of Christ; and also swore him, ere that he would set the crown upon his head, that he would as well govern this nation as any king before him best did, if they would be faithful to him.' See as to the chronology of William's life and age Sir Harris Nicolas'sChronology of History, 279.
[8]In the words of the original,Dona chastels, dona citez,Dona maneirs, dona comtez,Dona terres, as vavassorsDona altres rentes plusors.
[8]In the words of the original,
Dona chastels, dona citez,Dona maneirs, dona comtez,Dona terres, as vavassorsDona altres rentes plusors.
[9]By the supposed charter of William inRymer, he thus declares: 'This also we command, that all have and hold the law of Edward the king in all things,—audactis hiis quas constituimus ad utilitatem Anglorum;' which his son Henry expresses thus: 'Lagam Edwardi regis vobis reddo, cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus eam emendavit, consilio baronum suorum.' See the laws of William in the Proofs and Illustrations, p. lxxxix, to Palgrave'sRise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, vol. i.
[9]By the supposed charter of William inRymer, he thus declares: 'This also we command, that all have and hold the law of Edward the king in all things,—audactis hiis quas constituimus ad utilitatem Anglorum;' which his son Henry expresses thus: 'Lagam Edwardi regis vobis reddo, cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus eam emendavit, consilio baronum suorum.' See the laws of William in the Proofs and Illustrations, p. lxxxix, to Palgrave'sRise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, vol. i.
[10]William went first in March, 1067. It is to be regretted that Wace did not avail himself of the glowing description of the wealth and splendour of William's retinue, the joy of all classes, the universal festival occasioned by his triumphal return to Normandy, as contained inWilliam of Poitiers, p. 210.
[10]William went first in March, 1067. It is to be regretted that Wace did not avail himself of the glowing description of the wealth and splendour of William's retinue, the joy of all classes, the universal festival occasioned by his triumphal return to Normandy, as contained inWilliam of Poitiers, p. 210.
[11]King William bithougt him also of that folke that was vorlorne,And slayn also through him in the battaile biforne;And ther as the bataile was, an abbey he let rereOf Seint Martin, for the soules that there slayn were;And the monkes well ynough feffed without fayle,That is called in Englonde ABBEY OF BATAILE.So far ROBERT OF GLOCESTER. William, speaking for himself in his foundation charter in Dugdale'sMonasticon,(where see all the details of the foundation), gives the following account of his motives and proceedings. 'Notum facio omnibus, &c.—quod cum in Angliam venissem, et in finibus Hastingiæ, cum exercitu applicuissem contra hostes meos, qui mini regnum Angliæ injustè conabantur auferre, in procinctu belli, jam armatus, coram baronibus et militibus meis, cum favore omnium, ad eorum corda roboranda, votum feci, ecclesiam quandam ad honorem Dei construere, pro communi salute, si per Dei gratiam obtinere possem victoriam. Quam cum essemus adepti, votum Deo solvens, in honorem Sanctæ Trinitatis, et beati Martini, confessoris Christi, ecclesiam construxi; pro salute animæ meæ et antecessoris mei regis Eadwardi, et uxoris meæ Mathildis reginæ, et successorum meorum in regno; et pro salute omnium quorum labore et auxilio regnum obtinui; et illorum maximè qui in ipso hello occubuerunt.' TheChronicleof Battle Abbey (Cott. MS. Dom. A. ii.) is precise as to the localities of the battle. It states that Harold came 'ad locum qui nunc BELLUM nuncupatur,'—and that William arrayed himself to oppose him, 'equitum cuneis circum septus'—'ad locum collis qui HETHELANDE dicitur, a parte Hastingarum situm.' Hethelande is afterwards mentioned as part of the abbey's possessions. In this Chronicle is contained one of the most curious historical and legal relics of the twelfth century; the record of a suit, as to jurisdiction, between the bishop of Chichester and the abbot of Battle, which has been printed in Palgrave'sRise and Progress of the English Commonwealth. One of the barons present observes of the battle, that William obtained his crown by it, 'nosque omnes opulentiâ maxima ditati sumus.'
[11]
King William bithougt him also of that folke that was vorlorne,And slayn also through him in the battaile biforne;And ther as the bataile was, an abbey he let rereOf Seint Martin, for the soules that there slayn were;And the monkes well ynough feffed without fayle,That is called in Englonde ABBEY OF BATAILE.
So far ROBERT OF GLOCESTER. William, speaking for himself in his foundation charter in Dugdale'sMonasticon,(where see all the details of the foundation), gives the following account of his motives and proceedings. 'Notum facio omnibus, &c.—quod cum in Angliam venissem, et in finibus Hastingiæ, cum exercitu applicuissem contra hostes meos, qui mini regnum Angliæ injustè conabantur auferre, in procinctu belli, jam armatus, coram baronibus et militibus meis, cum favore omnium, ad eorum corda roboranda, votum feci, ecclesiam quandam ad honorem Dei construere, pro communi salute, si per Dei gratiam obtinere possem victoriam. Quam cum essemus adepti, votum Deo solvens, in honorem Sanctæ Trinitatis, et beati Martini, confessoris Christi, ecclesiam construxi; pro salute animæ meæ et antecessoris mei regis Eadwardi, et uxoris meæ Mathildis reginæ, et successorum meorum in regno; et pro salute omnium quorum labore et auxilio regnum obtinui; et illorum maximè qui in ipso hello occubuerunt.' TheChronicleof Battle Abbey (Cott. MS. Dom. A. ii.) is precise as to the localities of the battle. It states that Harold came 'ad locum qui nunc BELLUM nuncupatur,'—and that William arrayed himself to oppose him, 'equitum cuneis circum septus'—'ad locum collis qui HETHELANDE dicitur, a parte Hastingarum situm.' Hethelande is afterwards mentioned as part of the abbey's possessions. In this Chronicle is contained one of the most curious historical and legal relics of the twelfth century; the record of a suit, as to jurisdiction, between the bishop of Chichester and the abbot of Battle, which has been printed in Palgrave'sRise and Progress of the English Commonwealth. One of the barons present observes of the battle, that William obtained his crown by it, 'nosque omnes opulentiâ maxima ditati sumus.'
[12]This expedition took place at the end of July, 1087.
[12]This expedition took place at the end of July, 1087.
[13]Et quia strepitus Rotomagi, quæ populosa civitas est, intolerabilis erat ægrotanti, extra urbem ipse rex præcepit se aufferi, ad ecclesiam Sancti Gervasii, in colle sitam occidentali;Ordericus Vit.vii. 656. A priory was attached to the church of St. Gervais, which furnishes probably the oldest ecclesiastical remain in Normandy. The crypt, below the apsis represented in the cut at the foot of this chapter, is supposed to be Roman, and coeval with the earliest introduction of Christianity at Rouen. The apsis itself is probably a re-erection with the original materials, but anterior to Duke William.
[13]Et quia strepitus Rotomagi, quæ populosa civitas est, intolerabilis erat ægrotanti, extra urbem ipse rex præcepit se aufferi, ad ecclesiam Sancti Gervasii, in colle sitam occidentali;Ordericus Vit.vii. 656. A priory was attached to the church of St. Gervais, which furnishes probably the oldest ecclesiastical remain in Normandy. The crypt, below the apsis represented in the cut at the foot of this chapter, is supposed to be Roman, and coeval with the earliest introduction of Christianity at Rouen. The apsis itself is probably a re-erection with the original materials, but anterior to Duke William.