In 1864 the French general, Briancourt, had a Mexican colonel arrested and forced him to sweep the streets for two hours every day. Indignant at this outrage, some ladies of the town brought wreaths of flowers to the colonel as he swept, whereupon Briancourt had bills posted proclaiming that in the future any one who committed this offence should share the prisoner’s sentence. After being humiliated in this way for ten days, the imperial officer was summoned before Briancourt, who dismissed him with the words: “Go where you choose now—over to the republicans—for all I care!” And the colonel actually did join the Emperor’s enemies, with several other officers.
A French officer, meeting one of his comrades who had served through a campaign under Lieutenant-colonel Ornano, congratulated him on having been one of those receiving decorations for bravery. “You do me an injustice!” replied the other. “We invariably turned our backs upon the enemy and if Ornano singled me out in his report, it was only through fear lest I might betray how it was falsified. Let me tell you just one incident of this honorable campaign. As we were approaching the village of San Francisco, Ornano sent a party of cavalry in advance to reconnoitre. A fifteen-year-old boy, attracted by the sound of riders, came to the door of his house to see who they were, and, as he galloped by, the leader of the patrol split the poor child’s skull with one stroke of his sabre, just as his mother was about to draw him back into the house. Truly a heroic deed!”
These examples will suffice to prove with what contempt the French regarded the Mexicans and how the officers especially lost no opportunity of turning the Emperor’s subjects against him, even while they themselves were still supposed to be in Maximilian’s service. It would be unjust, however, to accuse the whole army of this treacherous behavior, nor can Napoleon Third be held responsible for it. He was a warm personal friend of Maximilian in the first place, and it seems reasonable to assume that he was ignorant of such conduct on the part of Bazaine or he would have recalled him and sent some one else in his place.
On the third of October, 1865, a report having been generally circulated that Juarez had fled from Mexico and taken refuge in Texas, the Emperor issued a decree for which he has been severely criticised. It ran in substance as follows: All persons belonging to armed bands or companies, political or otherwise, not lawfully authorized, under whatever appellation or for whatever purpose, shall be tried by court-martial, and if found guilty shall be condemned to death and executed within twenty-four hours from the date of sentence.
Bazaine is believed by some to have been the real author of this edict, which was aimed at the destruction of the robber bands that infested the country, but by authority of which Maximilian himself was afterward sentenced to death by Juarez. As, however, it was signed by all Maximilian’s liberal ministers it seems more probable that they were responsible for a decree so little in accordance with his kindly nature.
Whether or no Bazaine had any share in the framing of this edict, he certainly did all in his power to further its execution, as appears from a confidential message to his generals sent with a copy of the decree. He concludes, “You are hereby commanded to notify the troops under your orders that no more prisoners are to be taken. All individuals found under arms, irrespective of person, are to be shot on sight. In future there will be no more exchange of prisoners; on both sides, it is kill or be killed.”
By these cruel means he hoped to prejudice the people against their sovereign, thereby furthering his own ambitious schemes for becoming President of Mexico himself, schemes which were destined never to be realized, however.
We have seen from the preceding chapters what the state of affairs in Mexico was when Maximilian assumed the government. By the beginning of the second year of the Empire matters had already materially changed. Most of the country folk had returned to their farms, and city merchants who dealt in agricultural implements soon saw their stock disappear, and were forced to order fresh supplies. This led to a steady commercial intercourse with the United States which greatly increased after the close of the Civil War. In the Spring of 1865 the duties to Mexico from New York alone amounted to 1,700,000 pesos in a single week. Trade with the West Indies, South America, and Europe was also extensive. Merchants who at first had been obliged to purchase on credit, owing to the prevailing lack of funds, were by this time able to pay cash for goods. This was certainly one good result of the new government, as must have been recognized by all public-minded Mexicans.
With the prospect of profit and an assured market, trades and crafts also revived. Hundreds of youths, who had been torn from their peaceful occupations and forced to join the revolutionist bands, returned to their apprenticeships. Channels of trade were improved. A regular line of mail steamships was established in the Gulf of Mexico, and intercourse was resumed with all Pacific ports. Fine steamers made monthly trips from San Francisco to La Paz, Guaymas, and Mazatlan, and twice a month from Guaymas to Acapulco. Construction was begun on the railroad between Vera Cruz and the capital, though it was afterward suspended. A telegraph line was built from Mexico to San Luis Potosi. The national finances were also much improved. Customs receipts steadily increased and the mints coined more dollars than ever before, though still bearing the stamp of the Republic.
These were some of the happy results of the new administration. That they were of but brief duration was not the fault of the government nor yet of the Emperor, but of Juarez who, still passing as President, succeeded only too well in his schemes for undermining the Empire.
With increasing prosperity came a revival of various sports and amusements, of which the Mexican people are naturally so fond. Early in the year 1865 most of the European ambassadors arrived with their suites, and a series of splendid entertainments followed at the imperial court. Later the marriage of Marshal Bazaine to the seventeen-year-old niece of General Lopez furnished occasion for more festivities. These diversions, however, did not cause the Emperor to slacken his labors for the improvement of the country. On the third of March, 1865, he had the Empire divided into fifty departments and revived the so-called “Indian Council,” which had existed in the days of Spanish sovereignty, placing at its head the advocate, Faustin Chimalpopoca, a pure Aztec. The Indians still formed the larger part of the population of Mexico in spite of the efforts of the Republic to enslave and crush them. Realizing the importance of this class of people, Maximilian took the greatest interest in their protection and welfare, while they in turn remained loyal to him to the last.
On the tenth of April, 1865, the anniversary of his acceptance of the crown, Maximilian published an imperial statute declaring that, as a number of provinces still remained hostile to the Empire, he did not deem it wise as yet to introduce popular representation, but promised to do so as soon as the national disturbances were settled. Besides the Guadeloupe order, revived in 1863, and the order of the Mexican Eagle, founded in January, 1865, a special order for women, that of San Carlos, was instituted, April tenth, by the joint sovereigns. Another important task was the reorganization of the army. Most of the Mexican officers at that time were quite useless and must be got rid of. To replace these and furnish a supply of efficient native officers, Maximilian opened the military school at Chapultepec.
When Maximilian ascended the throne of Mexico, the Civil War was still raging in the United States, and the White House had no time to care for the affairs of its southern neighbor. Although from the first the United States had refused to recognize the Empire, its attitude had been neutral rather than actually hostile, and Napoleon was counting on an indefinite continuation of the war for the furtherance of his plans. The end came sooner than was expected, however. After a bitter struggle the Southern States yielded to the North, and this materially changed the situation in Mexico. Juarez was now not only regarded as President, but furnished with active support, without which he would doubtless have been forced to give up the struggle. He hovered on the border, now on one side of the line, now on the other, escaping into Texas when the enemy was close at his heels, and remaining there in safety until the danger was passed, then crossing back into Mexico again, where, reinforced by volunteers from the north, he won frequent victories over the imperial troops and constantly gained ground.
Napoleon’s position was likewise changed. In a speech delivered from the throne on the twenty-second of January, 1866, he declared:
“In Mexico the government founded by the people continues to thrive. The rebels, overpowered and dispersed, have no longer any leaders. The national troops have proved their valor and the country has furnished security for order and safety in the development of resources which have made its commerce worth millions with France alone. Our enterprise therefore is progressing most successfully, as I last year expressed the hope that it would. As to the recall of our troops I have come to an understanding with Emperor Maximilian, whereby their withdrawal may be accomplished without danger to the interests of France, for the protection of which in that distant country we have pledged ourselves. Any objections raised by the United States to the continued presence of our troops in Mexico will be removed, I feel sure, by the justice of our explanations. The American people will perceive that an enterprise in which we sought their aid cannot be contrary to their interests. Two nations, equally jealous of their rights, must naturally resent any step that might jeopardize their honor or their dignity.”
Plausible and reassuring as this sounds, it nevertheless betrays two facts: France’s fear of being drawn into war with the United States if she continued to maintain an army on American soil, and Napoleon’s desire to conciliate that country even at the cost of violating the Treaty of Miramar. True, there may have been something in the secret articles added to this document which justified Napoleon’s methods, while on the other hand it is evident that Maximilian was far from opposing the recall of Bazaine, nor did he object to the gradual withdrawal of the French troops, as may be seen from the following announcement that appeared in theMonitor:
“In pursuance to an agreement between M. Dano, the French ambassador, His Excellency Marshal Bazaine, and the Mexican government, the Emperor has ordered that the French troops shall leave Mexico in three detachments: the first to go in November, 1866, the second in March, 1867, the third in the following November. Negotiations between the two governments have also begun to substitute those articles of the Treaty of Miramar relating to finance, new stipulations whereby France’s indebtedness and the interest of the loan guaranteed by her to Mexico shall be assured.”
The United States declared itself satisfied with these assurances and continued to assist Juarez in his attempts to undermine the government.
The year 1866, which thus began so peacefully on paper at a time when there was little peace in the air, either in Europe or America, was to prove an eventful one for Maximilian, and hastened with giant strides the downfall of the Mexican Empire.
On the seventh of July, 1866, the following unexpected announcement appeared in one of the Mexican journals: “Her Majesty, the Empress, leaves to-morrow for Europe, where she is to arrange the settlement of various matters of Mexican as well as international import. No greater proof of patriotism and self-denial could be furnished on the part of our sovereign than the assumption of this mission, the more so as the Empress sails from Vera Cruz, where yellow fever is so prevalent at this season. We publish this in order that the people may know the real purpose of Her Majesty’s journey.”
The Empress Carlotta’s sudden departure aroused great excitement. It was generally felt, and not without reason, that such a step must have been due to weighty causes, the issue of which it was at that time impossible to foresee. For Maximilian it marked a turning-point in his career. It was as if with the departure of his guardian angel, Fortune too had forsaken him and abandoned him to his fate.
EMPRESS CARLOTTA
EMPRESS CARLOTTA
Unexpectedly and most uncomfortably for Napoleon, Carlotta arrived at St. Nazaire on the eighth of August by the packet-boat,Empress Eugénie. She was met by the Mexican ambassador, Almonte, and his wife, who travelled with her to Paris without delay. Metternich, the Austrian ambassador, was awaiting her at the Grand Hotel, and on the eleventh of August she had a long interview with Napoleon at St. Cloud. Accounts vary as to what actually transpired on this memorable occasion, but according to Hellwald, who seems a reliable authority, three points were discussed. The first related to the postponement of the withdrawal of the first detachment of French troops from November, 1866, to April, 1867, by which time Maximilian hoped to have his own army so strengthened that he could better spare the French. Juarez had been making such headway in the north that the Emperor did not dare as yet to dispense with his allies. Next the Empress desired that Bazaine should be immediately recalled and General Donay sent out in his place, a request not difficult to understand considering the many differences that had occurred between Maximilian and the Marshal. The third point concerned Mexico’s ever empty exchequer. By the Treaty of Miramar Mexico had agreed to repay her financial obligations to France; but, as we have seen, she was by no means able to pay her debts or even the interest on them.
In her first interview the Empress accomplished nothing. Napoleon was unwilling to defer the withdrawal of his troops for some months, for fear of giving offence to the government at Washington. As to the second point no agreement was arrived at, for Bazaine was not recalled. When he did leave Mexico at last, he not only took the entire army with him, but also induced the volunteers from Austria and Belgium to resign. As to a settlement of the Mexican debt, however, a separate treaty was concluded.
On the twenty-second of August Empress Eugénie and Emperor Napoleon made a final visit to Empress Carlotta, who left Paris on the following day for Brussels. From there she went to Italy, and on the twenty-ninth arrived once more at Miramar where she had spent so many happy days. Another task now awaited her. As the negotiations between Maximilian’s ministry and the papal nuncio concerning the religious situation in Mexico had been unsuccessful, Carlotta determined to try and settle the affair herself. On the twenty-fifth of September, therefore, she arrived again in Rome with her suite and two days later had a long audience with the Pope. Soon after this she was suddenly taken ill. At first her attack was said to be only the result of the fatigues of her long journey and the change of climate, an explanation which seemed sufficiently plausible. The real nature of the illness could not be long concealed, however. The Empress’ mind had become totally deranged, and her malady was later pronounced incurable. Shocked as all Europe was by this dreadful news, what must have been its effect upon Maximilian! How he received it, is told as follows by his own physician, Dr. Basch:
“The Emperor at this time was living entirely secluded in the palace, only Herzfeld, the Minister of State, Father Fischer, the court chaplain, and myself being present at his table. There were no invited guests till the eighteenth of August, for the afternoon of which a large dinner was planned. That morning the Emperor held a council of state, at the close of which I entered the imperial cabinet. While I was present, two cable despatches arrived from Europe, at sight of which His Majesty was visibly alarmed. His forebodings were well founded. The first was sent by Castello from Rome on the fifth of October, and read:
“‘Her Majesty, the Empress, has succumbed to the fatigues and difficulties of her mission, and must be taken to Miramar without delay, accompanied by her physicians.’
“The other, dated the twelfth, was from Count Bombelles at Miramar, and contained the further information that all hope was not yet abandoned. Her Majesty, with her entire suite, was at Miramar, and a member of the household would follow at once with advices. Herzfeld opened the despatches and, unwilling to break their contents too suddenly to the Emperor, pretended that he was unable to decipher them exactly, but reassured His Majesty by asserting that the news apparently referred to the illness of some one at Miramar, probably one of the Empress’ ladies-in-waiting, Madame Bario, who was a Mexican.
“The facts could not long be concealed, however, for the Emperor, suspecting that something was being withheld from him, insisted upon knowing the truth.
“‘I feel that something terrible has happened,’ he declared. ‘Tell me what it is, for I am consumed with anxiety.’
“While Herzfeld was seemingly studying the despatches more closely, I retired to my apartment, but was soon summoned again by His Majesty. As I entered, he turned to me, tears streaming down his cheeks, and asked,
“‘Do you know who Dr. Riedel is in Vienna?’
“At the mention of this name, the truth flashed upon me. Herzfeld had disclosed the news, and much as I longed to spare the Emperor, I could not lie to him.
“‘He is the director of the Insane Asylum,’ I was reluctantly forced to reply.”
These melancholy tidings only served to hasten the impending crisis. Already disheartened by repeated trials and disappointments, Maximilian now saw his last hope vanish, and felt himself deserted by Providence. Indifferent to all that passed, his only thought seemed to be of hastening to his beloved wife and leaving behind him this ill-fated country to which she had been so cruelly sacrificed.
Two persons have already been mentioned who played an important part in the events of this history, Herzfeld, the Minister of State, and Father Fischer. Herzfeld was a German and devoted to the Emperor. Unfortunately Maximilian sent him back to Europe soon after this, thereby depriving himself of a valuable friend and adviser in his days of misfortune. Father Fischer was born in Würtemberg, of Protestant parents, and seems to have had rather an adventurous career. He came to America with a band of emigrants who settled in Texas, and went from there to California as a gold miner. Becoming a convert to Catholicism, he entered the Jesuit order, from which he was subsequently dismissed, for good and sufficient reasons, no doubt. The description of this man given by the Emperor’s physician is far from flattering, but it is manifestly unjust to lay his faults at the door of the much-abused order of Jesuits. A whole society cannot be held responsible for the deeds or misdeeds of a single member, still less when that member has ceased to be one. At all events Father Fischer belonged to the Emperor’s closest circle of friends, another member of which was Professor Bilimek, whose acquaintance we shall make in the next chapter. This man was a scholar, absorbed in the study of the flowers and butterflies of Mexico and troubling himself little with political affairs.
After the departure of the Empress matters went rapidly from bad to worse. In the north the followers of Juarez had inflicted a series of defeats on the imperial troops and were steadily gaining ground, while in the capital the outlook was far from encouraging. Maximilian had replaced two of his Mexican ministers with Frenchmen, Generals Osmont and Friant, but their attempts to remedy the situation were frustrated by the pride and jealousy of the Mexicans who bitterly resented the appointment of foreigners to these high positions. The United States, moreover, took exceptions to these appointments as a violation of French neutrality and made a formal complaint to Napoleon, whereupon the following announcement appeared in theMonitor:
“On the twenty-sixth of July His Majesty, the Emperor of Mexico, issued a decree entrusting the portfolio of war to General Osmont, Chief of Staff of the Expedition Corps, and that of finance to Friant, intendant-general of the army. As, however, the military duties of these gentlemen, both holding important posts in an army still in the field, are irreconcilable with the responsibilities of their new positions, they have received no authorization to accept these appointments.”
This plainly shows France’s fear of the United States and her indifference to her engagements with Maximilian. A new ministry, therefore, had to be formed, in the selection of which Father Fischer’s influence is said to have been largely responsible.
As the prospects for a restoration of the Republic grew brighter, Juarez did not remain the only candidate for the presidential chair, a certain Ortega and the former ex-President Santa Anna also appearing as aspirants to the honor. The position of the imperial forces on the border soon became so unsafe that Maximilian was forced to abandon those districts to the revolutionists and withdraw his troops more into the interior. Even his attempt to keep the way to the coast open was not successful, for the city of Xalapa, on the road to Vera Cruz, was besieged and captured by the rebels, thus cutting off communication between the capital and the coast, while many of the native soldiers deserted and went over to the enemy with their leaders. Even among the revolutionists, however, there were dissensions, the greater part of them supporting Juarez, others Ortega or Santa Anna. On one point only were they united, the downfall of the Empire and restoration of the Republic.
Another incident occurred at this time which was well calculated to make Maximilian, already suffering from an intermittent fever, caused by the climate, still more averse to remaining in Mexico. This was a conspiracy against his life, discovered by one of the town prefects. The plot, hatched by some of Santa Anna’s guerilla followers, was to include the murder of the prefect himself by his secretary, a man from the lower classes whom he had befriended, to be followed by that of several other prominent personages. A closer investigation revealed that the Emperor’s life also had been aimed at.
Such were the people by whom Maximilian was surrounded, and such the treachery which he had constantly to deal with in his adopted country.
On the afternoon of the day on which the two fatal despatches arrived in Mexico Maximilian was taking his usual stroll on the flat roof of the palace with his physician, when he suddenly announced his intention of abandoning the country where he had met with such ingratitude, and asked his friend’s advice as to the matter.
“I do not see how it will be possible for Your Majesty to remain here,” replied the doctor frankly.
“Will it be attributed to the Empress’ illness if I should leave?” he then inquired.
“That certainly is reason enough,” returned the other. “Besides, Europe must recognize that Your Majesty is no longer bound to remain in Mexico after France’s violation of her contracts.”
“What do you suppose Herzfeld and Fischer will think of it?” continued Maximilian, after a pause.
“I am sure that Herzfeld will share my views,” declared the physician. “As to Father Fischer, to tell the truth, I have not much confidence in his opinions.”
They then discussed the advisability of leaving at once or whether it would be better to wait for a time, but as there seemed no good reason at present for a sudden departure, Dr. Basch advised deferring it for a week in order that suitable preparations might be made.
That evening Maximilian summoned his Minister of State and Professor Bilimek, director of the museum, and laid the matter before them. To both, the Emperor’s safety was of far more concern than the fate of a half-civilized country whose indifference had caused the downfall of all his hopes and schemes. The recent plot against the Emperor’s life also may well have been an argument in favor of the plan. At all events they heartily coincided with it and Herzfeld urged preparations for departure with such energy that in three days’ time it was possible to leave Chapultepec, a summer palace near the city of Mexico, which Maximilian had had newly restored and fitted up at great cost and where he was staying at this time.
The rumor of the Emperor’s proposed departure caused general consternation. The new ministry was stunned and tried every means to dissuade him from this step. But Maximilian remained deaf to all arguments and, lest his resolution should be weakened, Dr. Basch had orders to permit no one to enter the royal apartments. All who came were dismissed with the information that His Majesty was ill and could receive no visitors. Even the Princess Iturbide, aunt of little Prince Iturbide, a descendant of August the First, the first Emperor of Mexico, whom Maximilian, having no children of his own, had named as Crown Prince, was unable to gain access to him. The physician admits he had rather a violent scene with the high-spirited Princess. She would take no denial and ended by roundly abusing those friends of the Emperor’s who had persuaded him to leave Mexico.
As a last resort the ministry threatened to resign in a body if the plan were persisted in, but even this was of no avail. Maximilian quietly declared that if these gentlemen resigned their offices he would leave the country at once, and he would certainly have kept his word. It is greatly to be regretted, therefore, that they did not do so and thus spare Mexico the everlasting stain of treachery and murder. Finding it the only means of at least deferring the Emperor’s abdication, however, they remained at their posts and sent a message to him agreeing to carry on the business of government during his absence in accordance with his wishes.
Maximilian had already received a letter from Bazaine approving the plan of changing his residence to Orizaba, which was only a day’s journey from the seaport of Vera Cruz, and promising to maintain law and order in the capital. The Emperor’s abdication would suit his own plans very well, by bringing him a step nearer to the realization of his secret ambitions.
Thanks to Herzfeld’s energy and activity, all was ready at the appointed time, and at four o’clock on the morning of the twenty-first of October, the Emperor, escorted by a troop of three hundred hussars under the command of Colonel Kodolitsch, set out from Chapultepec, little thinking ever to see that place again. Councillor Herzfeld remained in the capital to arrange some business matters, expecting to join the Emperor later on.
The journey to Orizaba must not be passed over in silence, as it was marked by the occurrence of an important event. On the afternoon of the first day, the imperial party reached the Hacienda Socyapan, where they were to spend the night. The Emperor seemed abstracted, and walked up and down before thehaciendain silence with his physician and Professor Bilimek. At length he broke out suddenly:
“I cannot have any more bloodshed in this unhappy country on my account. What am I to do?”
The professor advised him to abdicate and sail for Europe at once, but Dr. Basch opposed this, representing that an unnecessarily sudden departure would only precipitate matters and bring about exactly what the Emperor wished to avoid, namely, more bloodshed in Mexico. At the same time he urged a revocation of the decree of the third of October, 1865, a suggestion which Maximilian cordially approved, and in regard to which he expressed himself in strong terms on this occasion.
Father Fischer and Colonel Kodolitsch, who were also in the Emperor’s confidence, added their influence to the doctor’s, urging that ahaciendawas not a suitable place from which to abdicate a throne, as Maximilian himself was forced to acknowledge. He contented himself, therefore, with issuing two orders. Father Fischer was to write personal letters at once to Bazaine and to Minister Lares, ordering the repeal of the law of the third of October and the cessation of all hostilities until further notice. These two important despatches were entrusted to Count Lamotte, an officer in the Austrian Hussars, to carry back to the city of Mexico, and on the following morning the Emperor left thehaciendaapparently much relieved. At noon of the second day, while resting at Rio-Frio, he sent the following telegram to Captain Pierron:
“You, with Messieurs Pino, Trouchot, and Mangino, are hereby appointed a commission which, under your direction and with the assistance of some trustworthy official from the ministry of finance, will examine the Civil List accounts, mine as well as that of the Empress, to prove whether we owe the State or the State us. I desire from the commission a detailed and authenticated statement in regard to this, in which shall be included the sum taken by the Empress for her voyage to Europe, and that received by my secretary on the Civil List account, together with those employed by Minister Arroyo after the reduction of the Civil List, in works on the palace and at Chapultepec.”
Herzfeld was also commissioned to issue, in the name of the Emperor, the necessary written orders to the prefect and treasurer at Miramar.
“The Emperor wishes the utmost publicity to be given these matters,” so Herzfeld was notified, “and holds you responsible therefor on your honor and your friendship. Amid the political shipwreck he desires to keep his name and honor untarnished and would rather suffer personal loss than touch any part of the property of the Mexican nation.”
At the stations of Actzingo and Canada, Maximilian spent the night in the house of the priests, a fact which furnished his enemies an opportunity for accusing him of too close affiliation with the clergy. His arrival was everywhere hailed with rejoicings, and he was overwhelmed with expressions of sympathy for the illness of the Empress. On the twenty-seventh of October the imperial party reached the city of Orizaba, which they entered at five o’clock in the afternoon, greeted with booming of cannon and the enthusiastic acclamations of the populace.
Herzfeld’s knowledge of the real state of affairs and anxiety for his master’s safety soon caused him to lay aside all other considerations and follow the Emperor to Orizaba, where he urged preparations for departure with all possible despatch. In the midst of those, however, he was ordered to Europe by Maximilian to prepare for his arrival there. Thus this loyal friend was spared being a witness of the Emperor’s tragic fate.
During his stay in Orizaba Maximilian led a simple, secluded life in his palace, seeing only his intimate associates, but occupied with arrangements for departure, and the settling of his private affairs. Much to his satisfaction, his Civil List showed a balance in his favor of $180,000. All his servants but two were paid and dismissed. Colonel Kodolitsch was sent to Mexico to arrange with Bazaine concerning the Austrian and Belgian volunteers, who had followed Maximilian to Mexico and for whose future he felt it his duty to provide. One question much discussed confidentially, and which Maximilian seemed quite unable to decide, was as to whether the abdication should take place before his departure or in Europe, where he had accepted the crown. His plans for the future were already made. It was not his intention to return at once to Austria, but to travel for two years, meeting the Empress at Corfu, if her condition should permit. Meanwhile his own health had greatly improved. With his two countrymen, Dr. Basch and Professor Bilimek, he made frequent excursions about the neighborhood, enjoying the wonderful scenery or searching for rare specimens of plants and insects. Suddenly, however, events occurred which changed the aspect of affairs and effectually put an end to the Emperor’s plans of travel.
Two old comrades-in-arms in the Mexican army, Generals Marquez and Miramon, returned from Europe and, seeking an immediate audience with the Emperor, urged him to return to the capital, holding out promises of support and encouraging prospects for the imperial cause. While Maximilian was hesitating, a letter arrived from Bazaine, which turned the scale. In this the Marshal was so imprudent as to tell tales out of school, betraying the fact that Napoleon III had made other plans for Mexico without consulting Maximilian, who, as he had not yet abdicated, was still sovereign of the country. This arbitrary conduct on the part of his ally roused Maximilian to action. Indignant at the slight cast upon him and anxious to prove that he was not slinking away at the bidding of France like a disgraced servant, he was in a proper frame of mind to respond to the appeal made by his conservative advisers, that it was his duty to remain and not desert his party in the hour of danger. Although outwardly preparations for departure continued as before, the Emperor’s resolution was weakened, and toward the end of November he summoned his council to Orizaba to consult with them as to the advisability of his abdication, giving in an address to that body his reasons for such a step,viz., the spread of the revolution with its attendant evils, the hostility of the United States toward Mexico, and the withdrawal of the support of France.
A vote was taken, twenty-three members of the council being present, of whom two were for immediate abdication, ten of the opposite opinion, while eleven were in favor of abdication, but held that the present was not the time for such a step. Maximilian yielded to the majority and agreed to remain on condition that funds should be raised for the proper defence of the government and the organization of a permanent national army, and that measures should be taken toward the settlement of questions pending with France and the United States. The Mexicans, proverbially lavish with promises, readily agreed to all these points, and on the first of December the Emperor issued a manifesto to the people, declaring that he had yielded to the desire of his council on condition that a congress representing all parties should be summoned to decide the existence of the Empire, and, if this were confirmed, he would devote himself to the promotion of its welfare.
On the twelfth of December, 1866, Maximilian left Orizaba to return to Mexico, accompanied by most of the members of the council who, in the unsettled condition of the country, were glad to avail themselves of the imperial escort, consisting as before of Colonel Kodolitsch’s hussars. They consumed much time on the journey, lingering for nearly three weeks at Puebla, Maximilian residing at first in the Xonaca palace, a short distance outside the city. Here he held an interview with Castelnan, the French consul, which appears to have been of a most unpleasant nature and widened still further the breach between the two Emperors. Scientific expeditions were also attempted by the three friends, as at Orizaba, but, finding few specimens in the region about Puebla, these excursions were soon abandoned and Maximilian moved his residence into the city.
Arriving in Mexico on the fifth of January, 1867, Maximilian remained for a time at the Hacienda de Teja, a quarter of an hour’s distance from the capital. While there three of his former ministers, Ramirez, Escudero, and Robles y Pezuela, made a final attempt to induce him to abdicate and leave the country at once. But although evidently impressed by their arguments he refused to follow their advice. The accusations of vacillation and irresolution afterward made against Maximilian would seem to be justified by his behavior at this time. Doubtful of himself and of the future, he still clung to the hope of being able at least to retire with honor, conscious of having fulfilled his duty to his adherents. In relating to his physician the interview with his ex-ministers, he declared that Ramirez wept at parting, expressing the earnest wish that his evil forebodings might not be realized. He knew but too well how deceptive were the promises of his countrymen.
“In no case,” continued the Emperor, “will I remain here more than a few months, only until affairs are more settled. Will it injure my health, do you think, to stay on in Mexico? Will the fever return?”
“I have no anxiety as to Your Majesty’s health on that score,” replied the physician; “it is Your Majesty’s life I fear for.”
Maximilian’s attempts to convoke an assembly of liberal representatives from all parties to discuss measures for remedying the existing disorders in the country met with small success, as might have been expected. It seemed impossible to obtain any sort of peaceful fusion or coöperation, and there was nothing left for the Junta (congress) but to declare war on the rebels in Mexico—war to the knife.
Meanwhile the French were making active preparations for their return to France. On the sixteenth of January, 1867, a letter arrived from Napoleon Third, revoking the extraordinary powers granted to Bazaine as commander-in-chief of the Expedition Corps and declaring the corps itself disbanded. The embarkation of the first division of troops on theEmpress Eugéniehad then already begun. This was in accordance with the secret articles already mentioned, and met with no objection on the part of Maximilian. The recall of the foreign legion, however, included in the order, was a direct violation of the Treaty of Miramar, which guaranteed their remaining in the country for several years yet, if needed.
In February the French marched out of the capital. Before leaving they burned as many of the army effects as could not profitably be taken with them. A large quantity of powder was poured into the water, and projectiles were rendered useless by being filled with sand, so that the Mexicans should not profit by their possession. It is hard to believe that Bazaine’s personal feeling could have gone to such lengths, but there seems no reason to doubt the truth of these statements. During the Russian retreat before the French, in 1812, stores of all kinds were destroyed to prevent their falling into the enemy’s hands. Maximilian was not yet an enemy; on the contrary, he was supposed to be an ally, yet for days huge columns of fire and smoke testified to the friendship of the French.
Nor was this all. On the occasion of the Marshal’s marriage to his Mexican wife, Maximilian had presented him with a palace, which in case of his recall was to be redeemed by the government for 150,000 piastres ($100,000). Now that he was about to leave the country forever he demanded the promised sum, though well aware of the state of Mexican finances, and, finding it impossible to obtain the money from an empty exchequer, sold enough French arms and ammunition to the revolutionists at insignificant prices to make up the amount.
When Bazaine, some months before, had begun the reorganization of the Mexican army which was to replace the French, he had ordered that all commanders must be Frenchmen, other officers and privates either French or Mexicans; pay, equipment, etc., to be the same as in the French army, and those of his own troops who chose were to be free to remain in the service of the Emperor. Yet in spite of this, before the departure of the last of the troops in February, 1867, he issued an order declaring that all French soldiers, officers or privates, who did not return to their own banner immediately would be regarded as deserters and forfeit all rights as citizens. Owing to the wide area of country involved and the difficulty of communication it was, of course, impossible for this order to reach all the French soldiers in Mexico—a fact which was taken advantage of later by Juarez, for all the Frenchmen serving under Maximilian, who were unfortunate enough to be taken prisoners, were shot as deserters. Before leaving, however, the Marshal was kind enough to send a message to Maximilian, offering to wait for him in case he should decide to leave the country—an offer which, needless to say, was declined.
With the French troops, thanks to Bazaine’s powers of persuasion, went the greater part of the Austrian and Belgian volunteers, who had done distinguished service under the command of Count Thun, only a few of the Austrians remaining with their Prince. The first step now to be taken was the formation of the new national army, a task already begun by Bazaine. Maximilian divided it, roughly speaking, into three corps, commanded respectively by Generals Miramon, Marquez, and Mejia. As these three men are henceforth to play an important part in Mexican affairs, a word concerning them may not be amiss.
Miramon had already enjoyed the honor of occupying the presidential chair in Mexico, at which time Marquez had served under him. One incident will suffice to illustrate the character of these two heroes. After the capture of Tacubaya, in 1859, they made a visit to the hospital where a corps of seven surgeons were caring for the wounded, friend and foe alike. That very day Miramon issued an order to Marquez, requiring all prisoners ranking from subalterns to staff-officers to be shot under his personal supervision—a list of the same to be delivered to himself that evening. And Leonardo Marquez, this worthy henchman, carried out these instructions so faithfully that not only every prisoner was shot before sunset, but also the surgeons of whom there had been no mention in the order. Such were the ideas of justice that animated these two commanders of the Mexican national army, yet Marquez, in particular, seems to have completely succeeded in concealing his real character from Maximilian, over whom he unfortunately had great influence. In marked contrast to these was the Indian Mejia, who, though still young and of unprepossessing appearance, was brave and honest, a good soldier, and loyal to the end to his imperial master, whose death indeed he shared.
Army corps, properly speaking, were out of the question, of course, in the Mexican army, of which only the few remaining French troops and foreign volunteers were trained soldiers. For the rest and for the greater part it was composed of half-hearted Mexicans, impressed into the service and ready to go over to the enemy at a moment’s notice whenever it pleased them. Of the volunteers Colonel Kherenhüller had succeeded in forming a regiment of hussars, and Baron Hammerstein, one of infantry, while Count Wickenburg had an auxiliary force of constabulary, and Colonel Masso thecazadoresorchasseurs, all of whom did good service. That their blood was shed in vain, that they never had the honor of fighting near the Emperor or defending him with their lives, was not the fault of these brave Germans, but of the traitorous villain Marquez.