FOOTNOTES:

CujusOtiumanNegotiumGloriosius incertum:NisiOtiiLumenNegotiiFamamClariorem reddidisset.

The END.

FOOTNOTES:[1]Mr. Nathaniel Mead, who was at first destined to the service of religion, and preach’d two or three times at the meeting house at Stepney, built by his father, after his ejection from the parish church: but taking a dislike to theological studies, he applied himself to the law, and made as great a figure at the bar, as his brother did in physick.[2]An abstract of this work was thought deserving a place in the philosophical transactions (Nº 283) for the months of January and February 1703.[3]Advertisement prefixed to the last edition of the essay on poisons, p. 4.[4]Epidem. lib. iv. § 14.[5]Medicin. lib. viii. c. 4.[6]Philosophical transactions Nº 399.[7]Introduction to the last edition of the essays on poisons, page 12.[8]Second edition of those essays, page 10.[9]An abstract of part of this letter was inserted in the before-cited number of the philosophical transactions. Vid. supra p. 10.[10]Monita & præcepta medica, p. 211, &c.[11]Stack’s translation of the influence of the sun and moon, p. 21.[12]Ibid. p. 30.[13]Dissertatio de nummis quibusdam, aSmyrnæis, in medicorum honorem, percussis.[14]In a piece entitled,De medicorum apud veteresRomanosdegentium conditione dissertatio; contra viros celeberrimosJac. Sponium & Rich. Meadium, M.D.D.Servilem atque ignobilem eam fuisse ostenditur, published in the fourth volume of his works, p. 179.[15]Dissertationis, &c. contraanonymosquosdamnotarum brevium, responsionisatqueanimadversionisauctores, desensio, ibid. p. 207.[16]Speaking of the answer ascribed to Dr.Ward, Dr.Middletonsays,quamvis enim nomen suum celavisset, sensi tamen hominem erhetorum turbaconductum esse oportere; cui scilicet generi concessum novimus, omniatragice ornare, augere, ementiri:is mihi solum scrupulus restabat, quod in ejus quidem sermone, nihil plane, quodrhetorem oleret,nihil venustatis, nihil ornatùs, sed inculta potiùs omnia nec satis latina invenirem.Hujusmodi itaque scriptorem, haud magis quam alterum illum (cui neutiquam sane eum anteserendam censeo) cogitatione ulla mea aut animadversione dignum judicassem; ni hanc potissimum hominem aclarissimo Meadioad hocrespondendi munusdelectum; librumque ipsumejusdem cura & sumptibusin lucem emissam; amicisque suismanu propria inscriptum & dono a Meadio ipso missumintellixissem.[17]Germana quædam antiquitatis erudita monumenta, &c. first published in 1745, and inserted in the before-cited volume of his works, p. 2.[18]The ingenious Dr.Maty, who in hisjournal britannique(a work not less useful than entertaining) for the months ofJulyandAugust1754, has inserted a piece, which he titles,eloge du docteur Richard Mead, composed, as himself takes notice, from materials communicated to him by Mr.Birch; to which piece these memoirs are obliged for some anecdotes relating to our learned author.[19]De variolis & morbillis 1747.[20]Friendi opera, p. 263.[21]The state of physic, byJohn Woodward, M.D. printed in 1718.[22]“In the front of this band stood forth Dr.John Woodward, physic professor atGresham College, a man equally ill-bred, vain, and ill-natured; who, after being for some time apprentice to a linnen-draper, took it into his head to make a collection of shells and fossils, in order to pass upon the world for a philosopher; thence getting admission into a physician’s family, at length, by dint of interest, obtained a doctor’s degree.” Preface to the discourse on the small pox, &c. p. 8, &c.[23]In a paper read before the royal society,Feb.11, 1741-2, and published in Mr.Sutton’s account, page 41. He also presented a model of this invention made in copper to the royal society, which cost him 200l.[24]Preface to themonita & præcepta medica, p. 1.[25]Monita & præcepta, p. 62, andStack’s translation of the same, p. 69.[26]Our author’s disapprobation of this medicine and its favourers, is no less severely express in his treatise concerning theinfluence of the sun and moon upon human bodies, p. 100.[27]Monita, &c. medica, andStack’s translation, p. 174 and 197.[28]Ad virum clarissimumRic. Mead, M.D. Epistolæ, varias lithontripticum,Joannæ Stephensexhibendi methodos indicans. AuctoreDavide Hartley, A.M. p. 3.[29]Published in seven volumes folio 1733, bySamuel Buckley, under the sanction of an act of parliament.

[1]Mr. Nathaniel Mead, who was at first destined to the service of religion, and preach’d two or three times at the meeting house at Stepney, built by his father, after his ejection from the parish church: but taking a dislike to theological studies, he applied himself to the law, and made as great a figure at the bar, as his brother did in physick.

[2]An abstract of this work was thought deserving a place in the philosophical transactions (Nº 283) for the months of January and February 1703.

[3]Advertisement prefixed to the last edition of the essay on poisons, p. 4.

[4]Epidem. lib. iv. § 14.

[5]Medicin. lib. viii. c. 4.

[6]Philosophical transactions Nº 399.

[7]Introduction to the last edition of the essays on poisons, page 12.

[8]Second edition of those essays, page 10.

[9]An abstract of part of this letter was inserted in the before-cited number of the philosophical transactions. Vid. supra p. 10.

[10]Monita & præcepta medica, p. 211, &c.

[11]Stack’s translation of the influence of the sun and moon, p. 21.

[12]Ibid. p. 30.

[13]Dissertatio de nummis quibusdam, aSmyrnæis, in medicorum honorem, percussis.

[14]In a piece entitled,De medicorum apud veteresRomanosdegentium conditione dissertatio; contra viros celeberrimosJac. Sponium & Rich. Meadium, M.D.D.Servilem atque ignobilem eam fuisse ostenditur, published in the fourth volume of his works, p. 179.

[15]Dissertationis, &c. contraanonymosquosdamnotarum brevium, responsionisatqueanimadversionisauctores, desensio, ibid. p. 207.

[16]Speaking of the answer ascribed to Dr.Ward, Dr.Middletonsays,quamvis enim nomen suum celavisset, sensi tamen hominem erhetorum turbaconductum esse oportere; cui scilicet generi concessum novimus, omniatragice ornare, augere, ementiri:is mihi solum scrupulus restabat, quod in ejus quidem sermone, nihil plane, quodrhetorem oleret,nihil venustatis, nihil ornatùs, sed inculta potiùs omnia nec satis latina invenirem.Hujusmodi itaque scriptorem, haud magis quam alterum illum (cui neutiquam sane eum anteserendam censeo) cogitatione ulla mea aut animadversione dignum judicassem; ni hanc potissimum hominem aclarissimo Meadioad hocrespondendi munusdelectum; librumque ipsumejusdem cura & sumptibusin lucem emissam; amicisque suismanu propria inscriptum & dono a Meadio ipso missumintellixissem.

Hujusmodi itaque scriptorem, haud magis quam alterum illum (cui neutiquam sane eum anteserendam censeo) cogitatione ulla mea aut animadversione dignum judicassem; ni hanc potissimum hominem aclarissimo Meadioad hocrespondendi munusdelectum; librumque ipsumejusdem cura & sumptibusin lucem emissam; amicisque suismanu propria inscriptum & dono a Meadio ipso missumintellixissem.

[17]Germana quædam antiquitatis erudita monumenta, &c. first published in 1745, and inserted in the before-cited volume of his works, p. 2.

[18]The ingenious Dr.Maty, who in hisjournal britannique(a work not less useful than entertaining) for the months ofJulyandAugust1754, has inserted a piece, which he titles,eloge du docteur Richard Mead, composed, as himself takes notice, from materials communicated to him by Mr.Birch; to which piece these memoirs are obliged for some anecdotes relating to our learned author.

[19]De variolis & morbillis 1747.

[20]Friendi opera, p. 263.

[21]The state of physic, byJohn Woodward, M.D. printed in 1718.

[22]“In the front of this band stood forth Dr.John Woodward, physic professor atGresham College, a man equally ill-bred, vain, and ill-natured; who, after being for some time apprentice to a linnen-draper, took it into his head to make a collection of shells and fossils, in order to pass upon the world for a philosopher; thence getting admission into a physician’s family, at length, by dint of interest, obtained a doctor’s degree.” Preface to the discourse on the small pox, &c. p. 8, &c.

[23]In a paper read before the royal society,Feb.11, 1741-2, and published in Mr.Sutton’s account, page 41. He also presented a model of this invention made in copper to the royal society, which cost him 200l.

[24]Preface to themonita & præcepta medica, p. 1.

[25]Monita & præcepta, p. 62, andStack’s translation of the same, p. 69.

[26]Our author’s disapprobation of this medicine and its favourers, is no less severely express in his treatise concerning theinfluence of the sun and moon upon human bodies, p. 100.

[27]Monita, &c. medica, andStack’s translation, p. 174 and 197.

[28]Ad virum clarissimumRic. Mead, M.D. Epistolæ, varias lithontripticum,Joannæ Stephensexhibendi methodos indicans. AuctoreDavide Hartley, A.M. p. 3.

[29]Published in seven volumes folio 1733, bySamuel Buckley, under the sanction of an act of parliament.

Y declining years having in a great measure released me from those medical fatigues, in which, for the publick good, (at least as I hope) I have been employed about fifty years, I have determined topass the short remains of life in such a sort of leisure, as may prove neither disagreeable to myself, nor useless to others. For good men are of opinion, that we must give an account even of our idle hours, and therefore thought it necessary, that they should be always well-spent.

Having from my earliest childhood entertained a strong passion for learning, after I had chosen the art of medicine for my profession, I still never intermitted my literary studies; to which I had recourse from time to time, as to refreshmentsstrengthening me in my daily labours, and charming my cares. Thus, among other subjects, I frequently read the holy scriptures, as becomes a christian; and next to those things which regard eternal life, and the doctrine of morality, I usually gave particular attention to the histories of diseases, and the various ailments therein recorded; comparing those with what I had learnt either from medical writers or my own experience. And this I did the more willingly, because I had remarked that divines, thro’ an unacquaintance with medicinal knowledge, frequently differedwidely in their sentiments; especially on the subject of dæmoniacs cured by the power of our saviour Jesus Christ. For it is the opinion of many, that these were really possessed with devils, and that his divine virtue shone forth in nothing more conspicuous than in expelling them. I am very far from having the least intention to undermine the foundations of the christian doctrine, or to endeavour, by a perverse interpretation of the sacred oracles, to despoil the Son of God of his divinity, which he has demonstrated by so many and great works performed contraryto the laws of nature. Truth stands no more in need of the patronage of error, than does a natural good complexion of paint. And it is certain, that the opinion which has been prevalent for many ages, of the power granted to devils, of torturing human bodies and minds, has been several ways made subservient to the subtle designs of crafty men, to the very great detriment and shame of the christian religion.

What sensible man can avoid justly deriding those solemn ceremonies, practised bythe roman priests, in exorcising, as they are fond of terming it, dæmoniacs: while proper persons (hired and) taught to counterfeit certain gestures and fits of fury, such as are believed to be caused by evil spirits, pretend that they are freed from devils, and restored to their senses by holy water, and certain prayers, as by inchantment. But these juggling tricks, how grosly soever they may impose on the eyes and minds of the ignorant multitude, not only scandalize, but also do a real injury to, men of greater penetration. For such, seeing into the cheat, often rush headlonginto impiety; and viewing all sacred things in the same light, after they have learnt

Relligionibus atque minis obsistere vatum:[30]

they advance farther, and by an abominable effort, endeavour thoroughly to root out of their minds all sense and fear of the supreme deity. In which proceeding they act as if a person doubted of the existence of theIndies, because travellers relate many falshoods and fictions concerning them. Hence itcomes to pass, that, in countries too much given up to superstition, very many atheists are to be met with even among the learned, whom their learning and knowledge ought to secure from these errors. Therefore to be free from this folly, is the principal part of wisdom; next to which, is not to corrupt truth with fictitious opinions.

And indeed it is frequently to me a matter of wonder, why our spiritual guides so strenuously insist on exhibiting devils on the stage, in order to make the divinity of Christtriumph over these infernal enemies. Is Christ’s divine power less manifested by the cure of the most grievous diseases, performed in an instant at his command; than by the expulsion of evil spirits out of the bodies of men? Certainly all the wonderful things done by him for the good of mankind, such as restoring sight to the blind, firmness and flexibility to relaxed or contracted nerves, calling the dead to life, changing the properties of the elements, and others of the same kind, are testimonies of the omnipotence of the creator of the world, and demonstrate thepresence of God; who alone commands all nature, and at his pleasure changes and inverts the order of things established by himself. Wherefore it cannot be doubted, that He, who has perform’d these things, had the devils subject to him, that they might not obstruct his gracious resolution of revealing the will of his father to men, and correcting their depraved morals.

But to resume the subject of dæmoniacs, the opinion, which I propose in this treatise, is not purely my own, but also of several other persons,before me, eminent for piety and learning. And indeed among our own countrymen, it was in the last century defended in an excellent dissertation, by that treasure of sacred knowledge, the reverendJoseph Mead. Wherefore as I have the honour to be of the same family with him, and am the son ofMatthew Mead, a very able divine, I always thought I might lay some claim to these studies, by a kind of hereditary right.

I am not insensible of the difficulty of removing vulgar errors, especially those whichrelate to religion. For every body knows the power of education, in imprinting on the mind notions, which are hard to be effaced even in adult age. Children in the dark, fear ghosts and hobgoblins; and hence often quake with the same fear through the whole course of their lives. Why then do we admire, if we can hardly unlearn, and clear our minds of, some false notions, even when we are advancing to old age? Nor will this be deemed indeed a matter of little importance by him, who considers the serious evils, into which mankind are often led,by things that to some may appear trifling, as being nothing more than bugbears of children and women. My soul is seized with horror on recollecting, how many millions of innocent persons have been condemned to the flames in various nations, since the birth of Christ, upon the bare suspicion of witchcraft: while the very judges were perhaps either blinded by vain prejudices, or dreaded the incensed populace, if they acquitted those, whom the mob had previously adjudged guilty. Who would believe that any man in his right senses could boast, as amatter of merit, that he had capitally condemned about nine hundred persons for witchcraft, in the space of fifteen years, in the sole dutchy ofLorraine?[31]And yet from many histories, which he relates of those who suffered, it manifestly appears, that every individual of these criminals, had no compacts with devils, as they themselves imagined, but were really mad, so as openly to confess that they had done such feats as are impossible in the nature of things. But so it happens, that error generally begets superstition, and superstition cruelty.Wherefore I most heartily rejoice, that I have lived to see all our laws relating to witchcraft entirely abolished: whereas foreign states still retain this barbarous cruelty, and with various degrees of obstinacy in proportion to their ignorance of natural causes. And it is but too true, that the doctrine of dæmons is so understood by the vulgar, as if the devil was to be esteemed a sort of deity; or at least, that, laying the fear of him aside, no divine worship can well subsist; altho’ the apostle has expresly said;For this purpose the Son of God was manifested, that hemight destroy the works of the devil.[32]

And here it may not be improper, once for all, to inform the reader, that I have generally made use ofSebastian Castalio’s version of the bible, because, upon collating it in many places, I found it to be not only excellent Latin, but also very accurate, and particularly well adapted to the sense and meaning of the words in the Hebrew and Greek.

Nor can I refrain from declaring, that I have not writ these essays for the profane orvulgar; but for those only who are well versed, or at least initiated in theological or medical studies: and for this reason I chose to publish it in Latin; which language has for many ages past been made use of by learned men; in order to communicate to each other, whatsoever might seem to them either new, or expressed in a different manner from the common notions. Wherefore if any person should intend to publish an English version of this book, I give him this timely notice, that he will do it, not only against my will; but likewise in directopposition to that equitable law, whereby every man is allowed to dispose of his own property according to his pleasure.[33]

But to bring this preface to a conclusion; it is manifest that the christian religion requires of all its members in a most especial manner, to practice every act of humanity and benevolence towards each other.Wherefore the utmost care ought to be taken, that this beneficent disposition of mind be not corrupted by any means whatsoever: and nothing contributes more towards bringing on this corruption, than opinions derogatory from the divine goodness. Upon this account, as such is the misfortune of our times, that it is not only allowed, but even by many deemed a commendable action, to oppugn, and by every method to invalidate, the doctrine and authority of the christian religion; no interpretations of the histories of miracles ought to be look’d upon asout of season, provided they appear neither improbable, nor repugnant to the nature of the facts related.

In fine, it was not my intention to treat of every disease mentioned in holy writ; but to confine myself more particularly to those, the nature of which is generally but little known, or at least to such as I had some peculiar medicine for, or method of cure, to offer to the public; and to perform this task, in the same order, in which they occur in those sacred writings: excepting onlyJob’s disease, to whichI have given the first place, on account of the great antiquity of that book. The Saviour of the world, in order to make his divine power manifest to mankind, cured many other diseases, both of the body and mind, besides those which I have mentioned in this work: the nature and causes of all which diseases, whosoever would intend to enquire into, must of necessity compile a body of physic, which was not my present design. But if providence protract my life, I am not without hopes of laying more of my thoughts on this subject before the public, for the honourwhich I bear to my profession, unless

Frigidus obstiterit circum præcordia sanguis.

In the mean time, whatever be the fate of these essays with my readers, I shall rest satisfied from a consciousness of the rectitude of my intention, in having thus employ’d some of my hours of leisure.

FOOTNOTES:[30]Lucret. Lib. i. ver. 110.[31]SeeNic. Remigii Dæmonolatreia.[32]John. Ep. i. Chap. iii. ver. 8.[33]This declaration seems to have been intended only to prevent any surreptitious translation of this performance from appearing, seeing most of the works of our learned author have heretofore been greatly disgraced by attempts of that kind. Nevertheless the public may be assured, that Dr.Meadnot only approved, but inspected what is now offered to them.

[30]Lucret. Lib. i. ver. 110.

[31]SeeNic. Remigii Dæmonolatreia.

[32]John. Ep. i. Chap. iii. ver. 8.

[33]This declaration seems to have been intended only to prevent any surreptitious translation of this performance from appearing, seeing most of the works of our learned author have heretofore been greatly disgraced by attempts of that kind. Nevertheless the public may be assured, that Dr.Meadnot only approved, but inspected what is now offered to them.

Job’sdisease is rendered remarkable by some uncommon circumstances and consequences; such as the dignity of the man, the sudden change of his condition, his extraordinary adversity, his incredible patience under them, his restoration to a much happier state than he had ever before enjoyed, and lastly the singular nature of the illness with which he was seized.

His habitation was in the land ofUz, which, according to the learnedFriderick Spanheim,[34]was situated in the northern part ofArabia deserta, towards theEuphratesandMesopotamia. He was a very illustrious man, the most opulent of all the Orientals, very happy in sons and daughters, of a most upright life and exemplary piety. Now it is related that God, in order to try his integrity and constancy, permitted Satan to afflict him by all means which he could devise, except the taking away of his life. “In pursuance of this permission, Satan brought the most dreadful calamities on him; for all his oxen and asses were driven away by the Sabeans; his sheep and servants were consumed by fire from heaven; his camels were carried off; his sons and daughters were crush’d to death by the falling in of thehouse upon them in a violent storm of wind; and soon after he himself was afflicted with scabs and foul ulcers all over his body; so that he sate down among the ashes, and scraped himself with a potsherd.” Thus from a very rich man he became extremely poor, and from the heighth of prosperity he sunk into the depth of misery. And yet all these evils did not give the least shock to his firmness of mind, nor to his piety towards God:[35]wherefore the Lord, moved by his prayers, put an end to all his calamities; gave him twice as much wealth as he had lost, and made him more prosperous than he had ever been before.[36]

Now the book of Job may justly be esteemed the most ancient of all books, of which we have any certain account: for some are of opinion thatit was written in the times of the patriarchs; many others, that it was composed about the days of Moses, and even by Moses himself; and there are but few who think it posterior to him.[37]For my part, I embrace the learned Lightfoot’s opinion, that it was composed by Elihu, one of Job’s companions, chiefly because he therein speaks of himself as of the writer of this history,[38]and if so, it will appear to be older than the days of Moses. However this be, it is most certain that this book carries with it manifest tokens of very great antiquity; the most material of which seem to be these. In it there is not the least mention made of the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt, of Moses, or the Mosaic Law. After the manner of the Patriarchs, Job, as thehead of his family, offered sacrifices in his own private house, for the sins of his children.[39]When he declares his integrity he scarcely mentions any other Idolatry, but that most ancient one, the worship of the sun and moon,[40]which we know to be very old, and to have first obtained among the neighbouring Chaldeans, and Phœnicians. In fine his own age, protracted far beyond the life of man in Moses’s time, is a proof of its antiquity, for he lived a hundred and forty years after an end had been put to his calamities; so that it is reasonable to believe that he lived above two hundred years in all. For that he was aged, when his misfortunes crowded on him, may be hence inferred, that, altho’ his three friends are stiled old men,[41]yet in his disputes with them, he does not seem to honour them fortheir age, as Elihu does. To avoid prolixity, I join with Spanheim in opinion, that Job’s time coincides with the bondage of the children of Israel in Egypt, so as to be neither posterior to their quitting that country, nor anterior to their entering it.

But there subsists a dispute of a different nature between very grave authors, and that is, whether this narrative be a fable or a true history: If I were allowed to interpose my opinion, I would say, that it is not a parable invented by ὑποτύπωσις, but a dramatic poem composed upon a true history; and perhaps with this design, that from the example of this illustrious and upright, yet afflicted and most miserable man, the people of Israel might learn to bear with patience, all those evils and hardships, which they were daily suffering in their Egyptian captivity. That thisbook is metrical, as well asDavid’sPsalms, theProverbs,Ecclesiastes, andSolomon’sSong, is generally allowed: and the persons of the drama are God, Satan, Job and his wife, his three friends, and Elihu.Wherefore it is, says Grotius,a real fact, but poetically handled.[42]Poetry was certainly a very ancient manner of writing, and poets were wont to embellish true histories in their own way, as we see in the most ancient among the Greeks and Romans. And among the Hebrews likewise, long after the time above-mentioned, Ezechiel comprised the history of the departure out of Egypt in a dramatic poem; upon which account he is called by Clemens Alexandrinus,the poet of Judaic tragedies.[43]Nor indeed,in my opinion, can there be found, in this kind of writing, any thing more admirable, and better adapted to move the passions than this piece; whether we regard the sublimity and elegance of style, the description of natural things, or in fine, the propriety of the characters ascribed to all the persons concerned in it; all which circumstances are of the greatest moment in a dramatic performance.

...Quo propius stesTe capiet magis.

The nearer you behold,The more it strikes you.

Before I close this chapter, it may not be improper to offer my conjecture concerning the disease of this illustrious man. But previous to this, it is proper to remark, that it is notJob himself, or his friends, but the author of the book that attributes his calamities to Satan; for this author’s intention seems to be, to shew, by a striking example, that the world is governed by the providence of Almighty God, and as the holy angels, whose ministry God makes use of in distributing his bountiful gifts, punctually execute all his commands; so Satan himself with his agents are under the power of God, and cannot inflict any evils on mankind without the divine permission. Thus,when the Sons of God(angels)came and presented themselves before the Lord, it is said thatSatan came also among them. Now the wordastareto present one’s self, as Moses Maimonides[44]observes, signifies to be prepared to receive Jehovah’s commands, but Satan came of his ownaccord and mixed with them without any summons.

Now as to the disease, it is plain that it was cuticular, and as it is certain that the bodies of the Hebrews were very liable to foul ulcers of the skin from time immemorial; upon which account it is, that learned men are of opinion that they were forbid the eating of swine’s flesh (which, as it affords a gross nourishment, and not easily perspirable, is very improper food in such constitutions) wherefore by how much hotter the countries were which they inhabited, such as are the desarts of Arabia, the more severely these disorders raged. And authors of other nations, who despised and envied the Jews, say that it was upon this account that they were driven out of Egypt; lest the leprosy, a disease common among them, should spreadover the country.[45]But there is another much worse disease, so frequent in Egypt, that it is said to be endemial there,[46]though it may also be engendered in this hot country, I mean the Elephantiasis. Perhaps it was this, which is nearly of the same nature with the leprosy, that had affected the body of our righteous man: but on this subject we shall treat more largely in the subsequent chapter.

FOOTNOTES:[34]Histor. Jobi, Cap. iv.[35]See Job Chap. i and ii.[36]The same, Chap. xiii.[37]See Spanheim’s learned dissertation on this subject in the book above quoted, Chap. viii. and ix.[38]His Works, tom. 1. page 24.[39]Job, Chap. i. v. 5.[40]The same, Chap. xxxi. v. 26, 27.[41]Job Chap. xxxii. v. 6.[42]Est ergo res vere gesta, sed poeticè tractata. In locum.[43]Ὁ τῶν Ἰȣδαἱκῶν τραγωδιῶν ποιητἡς.Stromat. book 1. p. 414 of the Oxford Edit. 1715.[44]More Nevochim, Part. iii. Chap. xxii.[45]Justin. Hist. Lib. xxxvi, C. 2. & Tacit. Hist. Lib. v. ab initio.[46]Lucret. Lib. vi. v. 1112.Est Elephas morbus, qui propter flumina Nisi.Gignitur Aegypto in media.

[34]Histor. Jobi, Cap. iv.

[35]See Job Chap. i and ii.

[36]The same, Chap. xiii.

[37]See Spanheim’s learned dissertation on this subject in the book above quoted, Chap. viii. and ix.

[38]His Works, tom. 1. page 24.

[39]Job, Chap. i. v. 5.

[40]The same, Chap. xxxi. v. 26, 27.

[41]Job Chap. xxxii. v. 6.

[42]Est ergo res vere gesta, sed poeticè tractata. In locum.

[43]Ὁ τῶν Ἰȣδαἱκῶν τραγωδιῶν ποιητἡς.Stromat. book 1. p. 414 of the Oxford Edit. 1715.

[44]More Nevochim, Part. iii. Chap. xxii.

[45]Justin. Hist. Lib. xxxvi, C. 2. & Tacit. Hist. Lib. v. ab initio.

[46]Lucret. Lib. vi. v. 1112.Est Elephas morbus, qui propter flumina Nisi.Gignitur Aegypto in media.

[46]Lucret. Lib. vi. v. 1112.

Est Elephas morbus, qui propter flumina Nisi.

Gignitur Aegypto in media.

Amost severe disease, to which the bodies of the Jews were very subject, was the Leprosy. Its signs recorded in the holy scriptures are chiefly these. Pimples arose in the skin; the hair was turned white; the plague (or sore) in sight was deeper than the skin, when the disease had been of long standing; a white tumour appeared in the skin, in which there was quick flesh; the foul eruptions gained ground daily, and at length covered the whole surface of the body. And the evil is said to infect, not only the human body, but also the cloaths and garments, nay (what may seem strange) utensils made of skins or furs, and even thevery walls of the houses. Wherefore there are precepts laid down for cleansing these also, as well as the lepers.

Medical authors are of different opinions concerning the contagion of this disease. And whereas neither the Arabian nor Greek physicians, who have treated largely of the leprosy, have given the least hint of this extraordinary force of it, whereby it may infect cloaths and walls of houses; the Rabbin doctors dispute, whether that which seized the Jews, was not intirely different from the common leprosy; and they all affirm, thatthere never appeared in the World, a leprosy of cloaths and houses, except only in Judea, and among the sole people of Israel.

For my part, I shall now freely propose, what I think most probable on the subject. One kind of contagionis more subtile than another; for there is a sort, which is taken into the body by the very breath; such as I have elsewhere said to exist in the plague, small pox, and other malignant fevers. But there is another sort, which infects by contact alone; either internal, as the venom of the venereal disease; or external, as that of the itch, which is conveyed into the body by rubbing against cloaths, whether woollen or linnen. Wherefore the leprosy, which is a species of the itch, may pass into a sound man in this last manner; perhaps also by cohabitation; as Fracastorius has observed, thata consumption is contagious, and is contracted by living with a phthisical person, by the gliding of the corrupted and putrefied juicesof the sickinto the lungs of the sound man.[47]AndAretæusis of the same opinion with regard to the Elephantiasis,a disease nearly allied to the Leprosy: for he gives this caution, “That it is not less dangerous to converse and live with persons affected with this distemper, than with those infected with the plague; because the contagion is communicated by the inspired[48]air.”

But here occurs a considerable difficulty. For Moses says, “If in the leprosy there be observed a white tumour in the skin, and it have turned the hair white in it, and there be quick flesh within the tumour; it is an old leprosy in the skin of his flesh. But if the leprosy spread broad in the skin, and cover the whole skin of the diseased from his head even to his feet, the person shall be pronounced[49]clean.” But the difficulty containedin this passage will vanish, if we suppose, as it manifestly appears to me, that it points out two different species of the disease; the one in which the eroded skin was ulcerated, so that the quick flesh appeared underneath; the other, which spread on the surface of the skin only in the form of rough scales. And from this difference it happened, that the former species was, and the latter was not, contagious. For these scales, being dry and light like bran, do not penetrate into the skin; whereas the purulent matter issuing from the ulcers infects the surface of the body. But concerning the differences of cuticular diseases, I heartily recommend to the reader’s perusal, what Johannes Manardus, equally valuable for his medical knowledge and the purity of his Latin, has written upon the subject.[50]

There is no time, in which this disease was not known; but it was always more severe in Syria and Egypt, as they are hotter countries, than in Greece and other parts of Europe; and it is even at this day frequent in those regions. For I have been assured by travellers, that there are two hospitals for the leprous alone in Damascus. And there is a fountain at Edessa, in which great numbers of people affected with this cuticular foulness wash daily, as was the ancient custom.

Moreover we read the principal signs, which occur in the description of the Mosaic leprosy, excepting only the infection of the cloaths and houses (of which by and by) recorded by the Greek Physicians. Hippocrates himself calls the λεὑκη or white leprosy Φοινικἱη νȣσος the Phœnician disease.[51]For that the word φϑινικὴ ought to be read Φοινικἱη], appears manifestly from Galen in hisExplicatio linguarum Hippocratis; where he says that Φοινικἱη νȣσος is a disease which isfrequent in Phœnicia and other eastern regions.[52]In the foregoing chapter I said that the Leprosy (Leuce) and the Elephantiasis, were diseases of great affinity:[53]in confirmation of which notion the same Galen observes, that the one sometimes changes into the other.[54]Now these two distempers are no where better described than by Celsus, who lived about the time of Augustus Cæsar, and having collected the works of the principal Greek writers in physic and surgery, digested them into order, and turned them into elegant Latin with greatjudgment. Thus he describes the leprous diseases.Three are three species of theVitiligo.It is namedἄλφος,when it is of a white colour, with some degree of roughness, and is not continuous, but appears as if some little drops were dispersed here and there; sometimes it spreads wider, but with certain intermissions or discontinuities. Theμἑλαςdiffers from this in colour, because it is black, and like a shadow, but in other circumstances they agree. Theλεύκηhas some similitude with theἄλφος,but it has more of the white, and runs in deeper: and in it the hairs are white, and like down. All these spread themselves, but in some persons quicker, in others slower. TheAlphosandMelascome on, and go off some people at different times; but theLeucedoes not easily quit the patient, whom it has seized.[55]But in the Elephantiasis, says thesame author,the whole body is so affected, that the very bones may be said to be injured. The surface of the body has a number of spots and tumors on it; and their redness is by degrees changed into a dusky or blackish colour. The surface of the skin is unequally thick and thin, hard and soft; and is scaley and rough: the body is emaciated; the mouth, legs and feet swell. When the disease is inveterate, the nails on the fingers and toes are hidden by the swelling.[56]And the accounts left us by the Arabian physicians, agree with these descriptions. Avicenna, the chief of them, says thatthe Leprosy is a sort of universal cancer of the whole body.[57]Wherefore it plainly appears from all that has been said, that the Syrian Leprosy did not differ in nature, but in degree only, from the Grecian, whichwas there called λεύκη; and that this same disease had an affinity with the Elephantiasis, sometimes among the Greeks, but very much among the Arabs. For the climate and manner of living, very much aggravates all cuticular diseases.

Now with regard to the infection of the cloaths, it has been found by most certain experiments, not only in the plague, and some other malignant eruptive fevers, as the small pox and measles, but even in the common itch; that the infection, once received into all sorts of furs or skins, woollen, linnen, and silk, remains a long time in them, and thence passes into human bodies. Wherefore it is easy to conceive, that the leprous miasmata might pass from such materials into the bodies of those, who either wore or handled them, and, like seeds sown, producethe disease peculiar to them. For it is well known, that the surface of the body, let it appear ever so soft and smooth, is not only full of pores, but also of little furrows, and therefore is a proper nest for receiving and cherishing the minute, but very active, particles exhaling from infected bodies. But I have treated this subject in a more extensive manner in myDiscourse on the Plague.[58]And these seeds of contagion are soon mixed with an acrid and salt humor, derived from the blood; which as it naturally ought, partly to have turned into nutriment, and partly to have perspired through the skin, it now lodges, and corrodes the little scales of the cuticle; and these becoming dry and white, sometimes even as white as snow, are separated from the skin, and fall off like bran. Now, altho’ this disease is very uncommonin our colder climate; yet I have seen one remarkable case of it, in a countryman, whose whole body was so miserably seized by it, that his skin was shining as if covered with snow: and as the furfuraceous scales were daily rubbed off, the flesh appeared quick or raw underneath. This wretch had constantly lived in a swampy place, and was obliged to support himself with bad diet and foul water.

But it is much more difficult to account for the infection of the houses. For it seems hardly possible in nature, that the leprous spots should grow and spread on dry walls, made of solid materials. But upon a serious consideration of the different substances employed in building the walls of houses, such as stones, lime, bituminous earth, hair of animals, and other such things mix’d together;I thought it probable, that they may by a kind of fermentation, produce thosehollow greenish or reddish strokes in sight lower than the wall(or within the surface)[59]which, as they in some measure resembled the leprous scabs on the human body, were named theLeprosy in a house. For bodies of different natures, very easily effervesce upon being blended together. Wherefore we may reasonably suppose that this moisture or mouldiness, gradually coming forth and spreading on the walls, might prove very prejudicial to the inhabitants, by its stinking and unwholesome smell, without having recourse to any contagious quality in it. And somewhat analogous to this is pretty frequently observable in our own houses; where, when the walls are plaistered with bad mortar, the calcarious and nitrose salts sweat outupon their surface, of a colour almost as white as snow. The power of inspecting their houses was invested in the priests; who, when they observed this foulness, gave orders first to have the walls of the house scraped all around; and afterwards, if it continued to break out, to pull down the house, and carry the materials out of the city into an unclean place.

I am well aware, that all this is related, as if God himself had struck the house with this plague. But it is well known, that that way of speaking is not uncommon in the jewish history; as in unexpected evils and dreadful calamities, which are sometimes said to be done by the hand of God, tho’ they may be produced by natural causes. Nor can I be easily induced to believe, with some divines, that God, who commanded his people to be always free fromevery sort of uncleanness, would vouchsafe to work a miracle, in order to inflict this most filthy punishment on any person. Thus much is indubitable, that the precepts of the mosaic law were constituted particularly, to avert the people from idolatry and false religion, and at the same time to keep them clear of all uncleanness.[60]To this end conspired the prohibition of eating blood, carrion, or animals that died spontaneously, swines flesh, and that of several other creatures.[61]For all these meats yield a gross nutriment, which is improper and prejudicial in diseases of the skin.

But in order to close these theological researches with somewhat medical, I am convinced from experience,that there is not a better medicine known against this filthy disease, than thetincture of Cantharidesof theLondon Dispensatory. Its remarkable virtue in this case, is owing to the diuretic quality of these flies. For there is a great harmony between the kidneys and glands of the skin, so that the humors brought on the latter, easily find a way thro’ the former, and are carried off by urine: and on the other hand, when the kidneys have failed in the performance of their functions, an urinous humor sometimes perspires thro’ the cuticular pores. But such cathartics are to be interposed at proper intervals, as are most proper for evacuating thick and acrid humors.

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