And the Abbot of St. Mary’s, petitioning soon after for exemption from the general suppression, pleads in a letter to the same Cromwell: “Verily we be but stewards and purveyors to other men’s uses for the King’s honour, keeping hospitality, and many poor men, scholars and orphans.”
All petitions are unavailing; the King is inexorable; and St. Mary’s and Mellifont, and the others included in the original list must go down before the despot’s unholy will, untried, unheard, but with the nation’s regret, those alone excepted, who thirsted for and shared the sacrilegious booty. Before the lamp of piety and learning be extinguished for ever in Mellifont, let us take a parting glance at it, so that the contrast may be the more marked as we note its vicissitudes later on.
In that bright July morning (1539), when the bell summoned the monks of Mellifont to matins for the last time, the sun rose over as fair a picture as could well be conceived, when its brilliant rays shot floods of light through the woods and valley, and gilt the quivering tree-tops with lustrous gold. And the enormous piles of white masonry looked whiter for the glinting of the sun-beams, and many a fantastic shadow was cast on the tesselated pavement in the church by the “dim religious light” of the gorgeous stained glass windows. The statues of the Twelve Apostles looked down patronisingly from lofty pedestals, and bore the minds of the beholders aloft, to where the guerdon awaits the faithful soldier of Christ when his term of service here below shall have expired. Loud rose the rhythmic measure of the majestic Gregorian Chant rendered by over one hundred full-voiced singers on that beautiful morning, ere yet the skylark shook the dew-drops from his wings, or intoned his early carol o’er the meadows by the Boyne. Thepealing of the organ sounded loud and louder as they chanted their solemn Mass, but to many who then took part in that sacred function, its plaintive notes presaged the speedy end of their time-honoured establishment, which at any moment may receive the fatal visit of the Commissioners. In its internal economy it was wisely and worthily governed, its community numbered 150 Choir monks, besides Lay Brothers and familiars, its schools were prosperous, and from their widespread reputation, merited the title of “famous” which was accorded them. The children of the monks’ tenants received a free education here; moreover, the monks conducted a school, which we would now call a seminary, where gentlemen’s children and others were taught the higher branches suited to prepare them for their career in after-life. Their peaceful valley was screened on every side from wintry blasts by tasteful plantations, useful and ornamental; for a thickly planted orchard, chiefly of apple and pear trees, which covered both sides of the River Mattock from the mill to where the bridge now spans the river, survived till within the memory of many still living who describe it as having been so dense that one could cross the valley on the tops of them. The grounds surrounding the monastery were laid out with commendable taste; the lands yielded plentiful crops, and supported numerous herds of cattle. The hill south-east of the abbey was covered over with oak of gigantic size—the growth of centuries—and on the Meath side were screens of valuable timber. Their tenants were contented and prosperous; for the monks were indulgent landlords. Their rents were paid in kind, and for the rest, they found a ready market always at the abbey, where a huge supply of provisions was constantly needed for the strangers and the poor who sought and found a ready welcome there.
The spiritual wants of the tenants and dependants were attended to by one of the monks, John Byrrel, whose name occurs first in the list of those belonging to Mellifont to whom pensions were granted. He is styled Parson of Mellifont. It is probable, too, that others of the abbey priests ministered to Tullyallen parish (though it is scarcely probable that the present parish is conterminous with the old one), to Monknewtown and Donore; for in the English Episcopal Registers, twelve volumes of which have been recently published, it is noted that their brethren in England served the parishes in the immediate vicinity of the monasteries; and, moreover, we find in the list of pensioners of other Cistercian houses in Ireland, the names of three or more, in the same monastery, who are called parsons. Medical advice and medicine were dispensed gratis at the Abbey. The sick poor were visited and cared for in their homes by physicians employed by the monks; they were also admitted into the hospital at the gate. On fixed days weekly, the poor of the locality came for and received loaves of bread which were specially baked for them, and meat in abundance, with beer, was distributed to them. In those days there were no poor laws; for the monks provided for all the wants of the indigent. The monks were in constant touch with all classes of society, at least the principal officers were, and they were the advisers, as well as the instructors, of all. The History of the English Abbeys of the Order, or the fragments that have survived the vandalism of the Dissolution, and which have been published by impartial Protestants, clearly prove that this picture of far-reaching and ungrudging beneficence is by no means fanciful. (See Ruined Abbeys of Britain, by Frederick Ross.) The Abbot of Mellifont took a prominent place in thecouncils of the nation. He ranked as a Peer, and had a seat in the House of Lords before all the other Religious superiors, twenty-three more of whom were privileged to sit there. He was bound to supply a certain number of horsemen for the King’s musters, and to maintain them at his own charge. Tradition has it that he could ride on his own territory from the sea at Drogheda to the Shannon at Athlone, but this requires confirmation. He owned some 4,000 acres at the suppression, extending on the south side of the Boyne from Drogheda to Rossnaree, and on the north, to Slane, including the fisheries and five salmon weirs on the river. He rented the fishing of sixteen corraghs at Oldbridge, for which he got £13 13s. 4d. annually. Thetownof Tullyallen belonged to him. It was then in a flourishing condition, but has fallen since from its rank as a town to that of a mere village, composed of a few scattered cottages. The district was then populous; for another village grew up near the Abbey occupied by tradesmen and dependants who were constantly employed by the monks. It was called Doagh. It is now level with the field. It stood a quarter of a mile north-west of Mellifont, beyond the Mattock. Its site is an elevated plateau, locally known as the Doagh Meadows. The entire annual revenue of the Abbey was estimated at £316, which, allowing for the difference in value of money since, would be equivalent to an income of close on £4,000 at the present day. On that the monks maintained themselves and a large staff of servants, “kept hospitality, and many poor men, scholars, and orphans.” The Abbot entertained his guests daily at his own table in a spacious building apart from the monks’ quarters, and was a man of light and leading, unlike the helpless imbecile portrayed by Scott in his novels. The Abbot was chosen, often from some distant monastery, for hisaptitude “in governing souls,” which was the paramount consideration with St. Benedict in the selection of a superior. He should be learned, and sound both in doctrine and morals, to be entrusted with such a charge. It is only too true that unworthy persons, contrary to the Canons, were sometimes intruded into the position by powerful relatives, and they, alas! generally brought disgrace on religion.
As to the spiritual condition of Mellifont at the time of its suppression, it was certainly on a high level. No charge was brought against that community, on that score, even by its worst enemies; none but the general ones mentioned in the Commission. In truth and in fact, the observances then in force at Mellifont were identical with those introduced by Abbot Christian and practised at Clairvaux by St. Bernard and his saintly companions. If they were “idolatrous,” and “superstitious,” and savouring of the “pestiferous doctrines of the Roman Pontiff,” so must have been the ancient practices of the Cistercians; and wonderful indeed was it, that till King Henry and his advisers discovered it, our ancestors, for four hundred years at least, approved of and took part in these same practices without a suspicion of the “pernicious” errors they were now found to contain! In the matter of discipline alone was there any decadence, and then the altered conditions of the times demanded some modifications. The use of flesh meat three days in the week was introduced, and instead of manual labour, other duties were substituted, such as teaching, copying, study, etc. In their daily lives, we are told by Rev. Dr. Gasquet, O.S.B., perhaps the greatest living authority in such matters, that the Cistercians at that time differed little from the Benedictines.
Such was the condition of Mellifont on that fatal day,the 23rd July 1539, when the Commissioners, with an armed band, demanded admission and surrender, in the King’s name. Remonstrance with them was vain, and the usual formality was gone through. They seized on the charters, registers, ledgers, etc., together with the keys of the treasury and store-rooms; took an inventory of all the possessions of the monastery, and sealed the Library and strong room. They, then, summoned the Abbot and all the monks to the Chapter-house, to sign the Act of Surrender. In the Calendar of Patent and Close Rolls, Chancery, Ireland, Henry VIII. (edited by James Morrin), the synopsis of it is given as follows at p. 135:—“Surrender of the Abbey or House of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Mellyfount, in the County of Louth, by Richard Contoure, Abbot, with the consent of the Convent; and of the church, belfry, cemetery, manors, lands, and all its possessions in the counties of Dublin, Kildare, and Carlow, with all charters, evidences, muniments, goods, utensils, ornaments and jewels.”—July 23, 31o. (1539). “Endorsed on the preceding surrender is a memorandum that the Abbot and Convent, assembled in the Chapter-house, voluntarily acknowledged the preceding surrender, delivered it into the hands of the Lord Chancellor, and prayed it might be enrolled in Chancery,in perpetuam rei memoriam. Witness, George, Archbishop of Dublin; Wm. Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer; Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls.” July 23, 31o.
How often have these “voluntary” surrenders been flaunted by writers hostile to the monks, as if the farce of signing the document which made them beggars were a free act! They were anxious, forsooth, to shake off the burden of their religious obligations, through the facile dispensation so liberally accorded by the new Head of the Church, in the flush of his accession to ecclesiasticalsupremacy! The late scholarly and liberal-minded Dean Butler, Protestant Rector of Trim, wrote thus on the subject:—“The form of surrender then executed omitted no property which could belong to the house.... There were added their charters, evidences, writings and manuscripts, their goods, chattels, utensils, ornaments, jewels, and debts, all these were granted to the King, to be disposed of at his good pleasure, without appeal or complaint, and the unhappy menwere forced to declare, that they thus deprived themselves of house and homeof their own free will, and that they put an end to a venerable institution, to which they were bound by so many solemn obligations, certain just and reasonable causes thereto moving their minds and their consciences.” (Register of the Priory of All Hallows.Preface, p. xxix.)
The next step was, there and then, to auction off all the moveables of the monastery, except the jewels of the rich reliquaries, chalices, and other sacred vessels, with the plate and bells, which formed the King’s special perquisite. The whole artistic woodwork of the church (choir and wainscotting) was smashed in pieces, and even the very tombs of the founders and others interred there, were sold and carted off. For a description of the work of destruction, as related by an eye-witness of such vandalism at the suppression of an English Cistercian monastery, seeThe Irish Cistercians, p. 45. The sale realised £141 7s. 3d., but no detailed account is given of the sum that each article fetched. According to another Commission addressed to John Allen, Chancellor; William Brabazon, Vice-Treasurer; and Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls; dated May 20, 1539, the proceeds of such sales were ordered to be allocated “to pay the officers and servants of the Crown.” When the church and monastery weredismantled, and every article of value, no matter how trifling, had been removed, the order to clear out the monks was promptly given and executed; and the gates were shut behind them. Whither they went nobody cared, and whither to go was a problem to themselves difficult to be solved; for without money or provision, they were in a worse condition than the most destitute of beggars. The hoary old walls caught up their groans and lamentations on that day, as with breaking hearts they looked upon each familiar spot for the last time. This is one of the secrets the old stones of the few remaining buildings yet withhold from us. Mellifont beheld many moving spectacles during the four centuries of her existence, but none, perhaps, so deeply affecting as when her 150 children, amongst whom were the aged, tottering on the brink of the grave and leaning for support on some younger brethren, turned their back upon their happy home where they enjoyed an anticipated paradise. As the sad procession slowly gained the top of the hill, many a time they turned to take a last farewell look at their beloved monastery, till it faded from their view for ever. A few shillings each were allowed them for their immediate wants, but of that multitude only thirteen and the Abbot received pensions. This grant was fixed for them three days after their expulsion, after which they all disappear from the scene as effectually as if the Boyne had engulphed them.
The following entries are found in the Patent and Close Rolls Calendar, Henry VIII., pp. 59, 60: “Pension of £40 Ir. to Richard Contour, late Abbot of Mellyfount, payable out of the parishes of Knockmohan, Donowre, and Monkenewton, with clause of distress.”—Sept. 10, 1539. And at p. 60,ibid., “Pension to John Byrrell, late parson of Mellifount, £3 6s. 8d.; to Thomas Bagot,£4; to Peter Rewe, 40/-; to Thomas Alen, 53/4; to William Norreis, 40/-; to Robert Nangle, 40/-; to Patrick Contour, 53/4; to William Veldon, £3 6s. 8d.; to Patrick Lawles, 40/-; to John Ball, 40/-; to Clement Bartholomewe, 20/-; to Phelim O’Neil, 20/-; payable out of the rents and lands of the parishes of Knockamowan, Donower, and Montnewton” (Monknewtown), 26 July, 1539.
Thus, then, were these fourteen provided for, but, of the others, not one received a single shilling, except, as has been said, a mere pittance that sufficed to procure them a few nights’ shelter. This is no picture drawn from fancy; it is a well-authenticated fact, that where a peaceful surrender was not given or signed, no provision whatsoever was made for those who so refused. They were given a trifle at their expulsion, and turned adrift to swell the army of beggars, or to perish, as they did in hundreds, of hardships to which they were unaccustomed. The imagination cannot now well conceive the heartless, wanton cruelty then practised on the expelled Religious; who, if they had betrayed their consciences and taken the oath of Supremacy, might have staved off, at least for a time, the calamities that befell them. But only for a time; for in some instances where the monks, through mistaken notions, obeyed the Royal mandate, they shared the fate of their more steadfast brethren, owing to the insatiable rapacity of the King and his advisers. To those of the expelled who were priests, the hope was held out to them, in case of “free surrender,” that they should be promoted to the first vacant benefices. As not one of the Religious expelled from Mellifont is enrolled on the list of those promoted to vacancies during that or the subsequent reigns, it is obvious that they held fast to their principles, and denied the King’s Supremacy, an acknowledgment of which was indispensable beforepromotion. All honour to them for their generous sacrifices, which made them worthy to be the last who saw the venerable institution reel and fall beneath the despot’s blows. Their noble attitude was befitting the close of a work which was inaugurated with such splendour amid a nation’s rejoicing. Like the setting sun, Mellifont disappeared in a halo of glory.
MELLIFONT BECOMES THE HOME OF A NOBLE FAMILY—IS SOLD, AND IS DELIVERED UP TO RUIN AND DECAY.
The long line of distinguished men being thus rudely and abruptly terminated at Mellifont, with the suppression of the monastery, all memorials of their history were lost, and no trace of them has been left. Not a book, nor cross, nor chalice, register, nor chartulary remains. It appears that Mellifont had its Annalist and its Annals likeallthe other monasteries of the Order in Ireland; for Bishop Nicolson, who wrote his “Irish National Library” in 1724, says: “The Annals of Ireland from the foundation of this Abbey in 1142 to the year 1500, are, or were lately, in the hands of some of the learned men of this kingdom.” He does not tell us the name of the compiler, but onlythe fact that they had been written at Mellifont. These are not cited by later writers, so they, also, must have perished long since. At the suppression of monasteries, the archives, chronicles, and registers were carefully sought by the Commissioners, because they contained correct information on the value and extent of the possessions of each house respectively; and the more extensive these were, the more sedulously were the records sought for. Hence it is that because the Cistercian Order had large possessions, the manuscripts were all seized and handed over with the monasteries to the grantees. The monks could not possibly take one away with them. So their history is now derivable from other sources, which, at best, are very meagre. Mellifont, which occupied so prominent and respected a position during its career, would not be found inferior to other houses of the Order in the number of its learned and remarkable men, were its ancient documents now available; and, judging from the long roll of distinguished men, who in every department of knowledge rendered the Order illustrious in other countries, we may safely allot a respectable quota of the same to Mellifont. De Visch compiled hisWriters of the Cistercian Orderin 1656, and Sartorius published a large tome in 1700, each containing notices of the illustrious men of the Order. No less than sixty-three large folio pages of this latter work are occupied with the names of the learned men, and the dates at which they flourished. He places all in distinct categories, and so we have St. Bernard heading the list, after whom come the Grammarians, next follow the Poets, Orators, Historians, Philosophers, Mathematicians, Astronomers, Musicians, then Doctors of Canon and Civil Law, and Doctors of Theology; finally, Professors in universities, and others, whose general attainments precluded classification. Asthese works were written after the suppression of the monasteries in these countries, the materials relating to the Irish and English monasteries having passed into hostile hands or been destroyed, were no longer accessible. Ireland was ever remarkable for the thirst for learning displayed by her children, and for the singular proficiency attained by them, when the opportunity for it was afforded; we may, then, justly conclude that learning and the polite arts found a home at Mellifont. For this latter branch, the beautiful buildings would, of themselves, suffice as an argument in favour of an advanced state of culture and refinement.
It is worthy of note, that neither the Irish people, nor the representatives of the Government in this country, brought, much less substantiated, any direct charges against the Irish monks, prior to the suppression. Hence it is, that their maligners had to import, for use against them, the staple arguments commonly used in England, and there only by venal scribblers, and those who profited by the downfall of the monks. To such the learned and impartial Protestant historian, the Rev. Doctor Maitland, adverts, when after giving credit to the monks for their having been benefactors to mankind, he writes in his preface to theDark Ages:—“In the meantime, let me thankfully believe that thousands of the persons at whom Robertson, and Jortin, and other such very miserable second-hand writers, have sneered, were men of enlarged minds, purified affections, and holy lives, that they were justly reverenced by men, and, above all, favourably accepted by God, and distinguished by the highest honours which He vouchsafes to those whom He has called into existence, that of being the channels of His love and mercy to their fellow-creatures.” And in our own time, theGuardian, an English Protestant newspaper, whenreviewing the Rev. Doctor Gasquet’s, O.S.B., learned work,Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries, approvingly cites, amongst others, the following paragraph:—“The voices raised against the monks were those of Cromwell’s agents, of the cliques of the new men and of his hireling scribes, who formed a crew of as truculent and as filthy libellers as ever disgraced a revolutionary cause. The later centuries have taken their tale in good faith, but time is showing that the monasteries, up to the day of their fall, had not forfeited the goodwill, the veneration, the affection of the English people.” Mr. Lecky, too, with his usual candour and liberality, writes:—“Monastic institutions were the only refuges of a pacific civilisation; the only libraries, the only schools, the only centres of art, the only refuges for gentle and intellectual natures; the chief barriers against violence and rapine; the chief promoters of agriculture and of industry.” (The Political Value of History, p. 14. London, 1892.)
The monks being now expelled, Mellifont was delivered up to desecration and ruin; the silence of the tomb reigned supreme, and the voice of prayer was heard no more; no longer did the bells from the tower send forth their cheering notes over the surrounding district to raise the hearts of the toiler to Heaven. These sweet toned bells, the gift of some princely benefactor, had been, with all the other moveable property, carried off by the spoiler. The Abbey, with all its spiritual and temporal possessions, was given, in 1541, to Laurence Townley, for 21 years. They passed by reversionary lease to —— Brabazon, in 1546. In 1551, they were leased to the same for 21 years more, and in 1566, they came by reversionary lease to Edward Moore, the founder of the Drogheda family, who, at that time, came into Ireland, as a soldier of fortune. (Appendix to the Report of the Deputy-Keeper of the Rolls and Grants of Elizabeth.)
This Edward Moore, who was accompanied by his brother John, the founder of the Charleville family (now extinct), was descended from an ancient Kentish House. He fixed his residence at Mellifont, changing the church into a dwelling, which he strongly fortified against the attacks of the Ulster Irish. The statues of the Twelve Apostles, which once occupied places in the church, he caused to be removed to the hall, clad in red uniforms, with muskets on their shoulders, as a protest, no doubt, against “Popish idolatry.” It is even said that he suffered the Founder’s tomb, and those of others, or such portions of them as still were left, to remain as part of his domestic arrangements, without his being disturbed by such solemn surroundings. He was knighted by the Deputy, Sir Wm. Drury, and dying soon after, was succeeded by his son, Sir Garret, to whom Mellifont, with six other dissolved monasteries, and all their spiritualities (that is, the revenues of them, right of patronage, etc.) and temporalities, were granted in fee. By these means, was adhesion to the Crown purchased and services to it rewarded—services, which bore no equivocal meaning ever since the Invasion, as the Irish knew by long and bitter experience.
At this time, the Church, as by Law Established, became part and parcel of the State, and its most obsequious servant. Its ministers looked to the civil power for patronage, and even hoped for promotion through the officials of the Court; but only in a few instances were the livings worth the asking, as the greater part of their temporalities were bestowed on laymen, favourites of the Queen. We have a picture of the state of that Church in Ireland, soon after the suppression of monasteries, drawn by the Lord Deputy himself, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth. They who would fain believe in the blessed advantages which flowed from the Dissolutionof Monasteries, and the introduction of the new religion, may take to heart the lesson it teaches. Sir Henry Sydney wrote to the Queen in April, 1576, on the condition of the diocese of Meath:—“There are within this diocese,” he writes, “224 parish churches, of which number, 105 are impropriated to sundry possessions; no parson or vicar resident on any of them, and a very simple or sorry curate for the most part appointed to serve them; among which number of curates, only eighteen were found to be able to speak English, the rest being Irish ministers, or rather, Irish rogues, having very little Latin and less learning and civility.... In many places the very walls of the churches are thrown down, very few chancels covered; windows and doors ruined and spoiled. There are 52 parish churches in the same diocese which have vicars endowed upon them, better served and maintained than the others, yet badly. There are 52 parish churches here, residue of the first number of 224, which pertain to divers particular lords; and these, though in better state than the others commonly, are yet far from well.” He concludes by saying:—“But yet your Majesty may believe it, that upon the face of the earth where Christ is professed, there is not a church in so miserable a case.” Lord Grenville, in hisPast and Present Policy of England towards Ireland, when commenting on Sydney’s letters, from one of which the above is an extract, writes:—“Such was the condition of a church which was half a century before rich and flourishing, an object of reverence and a source of consolation to the people. It was now despoiled of its revenues; the sacred edifices were in ruins, the clergy were either ignorant of the language of their flocks, or illiterate and uncivilised intruders; and the only ritual permitted by the laws was one of which the people neither comprehended the language nor believed the doctrines;and this is called establishing a reformation.” That this condition of affairs was not confined to any particular diocese, but rather was the state in all, is evident from the sketch given by Spenser in hisView of the State of Ireland. “They” (the ministers), he says, “neither read the Scriptures nor preach to the people, nor administer the Communion ... only they take the tithes and offerings, and gather what fruit else they may of their livings.... It is a great wonder to see the zeal between the Popish priests and the ministers of the Gospel; for they spare not to come out of Spain, from Rome, and from Rheims, by long toil and dangerous travelling thither, where they know peril of death awaiteth them, and no reward or riches are to be found, only to draw people to the Church of Rome.” Such were the immediate fruits of the Reformation as admitted and described by Protestant contemporaries.
One of the first proprietary acts of Sir Edward Moore, on his acquiring Mellifont, seems to have been to cut down and sell some of the magnificent timber planted by the monks. The old wooden house, so long an object of curiosity in Drogheda, and which was taken down in 1824, was chiefly composed of oak obtained from Mellifont Park. It was situated at the angle formed by the junction of Laurence Street and Shop Street, and was erected by Nicholas Bathe, as an inscription in raised characters, each six inches in length, testified. This inscription was on the Laurence Street side. “Made. Bi. Nicholas. Bathe. in. the. ieare. of. our. Lord. God. 1570. Bi. Hiu. Mor. Carpenter.”
In 1592, Red Hugh O’Donnell, fleeing from Dublin Castle, where he had been detained a close prisoner, was received and kindly treated by Sir Edward Moore, at Mellifont. His reception is thus related in the Life ofRed Hugh, edited with notes by the late Father Denis Murphy, S.J.:—“After crossing the Boyne near Drogheda, Red Hugh and his companion mounted their horses, and proceeded about two miles from the river, where they saw a dense bushy grove in front of them on the road they came, and a large rampart all around it, as if it was a kitchen-garden. There was a fine mansion (called the great monastery), belonging to an illustrious youth of the English, by the side of the wood. He was much attached to O’Neil.... He (O’Donnell) went into the house and was entertained; for he was well known there especially more than in other places.”
In 1599, according to the family pedigree, Sir Garret Moore and Sir Francis Stafford were the only English house-keepers in the County Louth; all the lands being wasted by the Ulster rebels. The next important event at Mellifont was the great O’Neil’s surrender there to the Deputy, Lord Mountjoy, on the 24th March, 1602. The Lord Deputy sent Sir Garret Moore, as an old acquaintance of O’Neil’s, with Sir Wm. Godolphin to parley with him, and O’Neil returned with them to Mellifont, where (on his knees, it is said by English writers,) he made his submission to the Deputy. Here, again, we have further proof of what has been stated before, that it was Irishmen who retained this country for the English Crown; for when Sir George Carew sat down before Kinsale, where O’Neil was defeated, his army consisted of three thousand men, of whom two thousand were Irish.[8]
Five years later, that is, in 1607, O’Neil was again atthe “fair mansion of Mellifont to bid good-bye for ever to his good friend, Sir Garret, the fosterer of his son John.” He tarried two days with him, and then said farewell. Having given his blessing, “according to the Irish fashion,” to every member of his friend’s household, he and his suite took horse, and rode rapidly by Dundalk on his way to Lough Swilly, where a ship awaited him to bear him from his native land for ever.
By an Inquisition taken on the 14th June, 1612, the possessions of this Abbey were found as follow:—“The site, a water-mill, a garden, an orchard, a park called Legan Park, the old orchard containing two acres; the silver meadow, nine acres; the wood meadow, ten acres; and the doves’ park; 80 acres of underwood; Killingwood, being great timber, containing twelve acres; Ardagh, twenty acres, being the demesne lands; and the grange and town of Tullyallen,” etc.
In 1615, July 20th, Sir Garret was created Baron Moore of Mellifont, by King James I. In 1619, Baron Moore obtained a royal grant of St. Mary’s Abbey, Dublin, from the same King; and in 1621, he was created a Viscount, with the title of Viscount Moore of Drogheda. St. Mary’s Abbey, Dublin, passed from the family some fifty years later.
As has been said, no trace of the expelled religious remains after the suppression of Mellifont. It, however, may be assumed, that some few of them lingered around the hallowed spot to which their affections clung, and that they shared the labours and dangers incident to the Catholic missionaries of the period, as is well known their brethren in other parts of Ireland did after their expulsion. It cannot now be ascertained whether, or not, an unbroken line of titular Abbots of Mellifont was maintained after the dissolution of the Abbey; but, in1623, an oratory in Drogheda, belonging to the Cistercians, was served by five or six Fathers of the Order under Patrick Barnewall, who had been appointed Abbot of Mellifont by the Pope; and in 1625, he received the abbatial benediction in the church of St. John, in Waterford, at the hands of the Most Rev. Thomas Fleming, Archbishop of Dublin. This Patrick Barnewall belonged to the Bremore branch (Co. Dublin) of the ancient and illustrious family of that name. After having studied the Humanities, Philosophy, Theology, and Canon Law in the Universities of Douay and Paris, he was ordained priest, and discharged missionary duties in Drogheda. In a sketch of his life given by a fellow-labourer, it is related, that one night as he lay awake, St. Bernard appeared to him and told him he would be a monk of his Order. Though he relished the idea, yet he did not immediately correspond with his inclinations till he was grievously afflicted with a severe sickness, when he remembered the vision, and being urged by his two sisters, who had consecrated themselves to God, he entered the Novitiate of the Order in Kilkenny, and was at once restored to health. Soon after his profession he was appointed Abbot of Mellifont by Apostolic authority; and he admitted novices into the Order at his “hiding-place” at Drogheda, whom he sent to be educated at the Cistercian College, Louvain, and to other Continental Colleges. He was a very learned man, particularly in Canon Law, and was consulted as an authority on this subject. During the siege of Drogheda, in 1641, his goods were seized and himself cast into prison, but through the influence of some powerful relatives he was liberated. He died in his father’s house in September, 1644, and was buried in the church of Donore, which formerly belonged to Mellifont. John Devereux, a nativeof the Co. Wexford, who had been educated at Louvain, was appointed by the Pope, Abbot of Mellifont, in 1648. He, with Father Luke Bergin and Father Patrick Grace, both natives of Co. Kilkenny, Father Malachy O’Hartry, a native of Waterford, Father John Bryan, a native of Drogheda, and Father Plunket, constituted the new community of Cistercian monks under Abbot Patrick Barnewall, when he opened the oratory in Drogheda, in 1623. Whether all or any of them perished in the general massacre of Drogheda, under Cromwell, we cannot tell, but they disappeared thenceforth, and John Devereux seems to have been the last titular Abbot of Mellifont.
In the Rebellion of 1641, Mellifont and its owner, Lord Charles Moore, son of Garret, the first Viscount, became involved. On the 21st November, just a short time after the outbreak, the rebels under Sir Phelim O’Neil, when on their way to besiege Drogheda, made a halt at Tullyallen, and “sent a party of 1,300 foot down to Mellifont, the Lord Moore’s house, which their design was suddenly to surprise; but, contrary to their expectation, they found there twenty-four musketeers and fifteen horsemen, who very stoutly defended the house as long as their powder lasted. The horsemen, when they saw themselves beset so as they could no longer be serviceable to the place, opened the gates, issued out and made their passage through the midst of the rebels, and so, notwithstanding the opposition they made, escaped safe to Drogheda. The foot having refused to accept of the quarter at the first offered, resolved to make good the place to the last man; they endured several assaults, slew one hundred-and-forty of the rebels, before their powder failed them; and at last they gave up the place upon promise of quarter, which was not kept, for some of them were killed in cold blood, all were stripped, and two olddecrepid men slain, the house ransacked and all the goods carried away.”
The above is from Sir John Temple’sHistory of the Irish Rebellion, and it has been quoted by Catholics and Protestants alike when alluding to Mellifont; they each add, however, a little spice to suit the palates of their respective readers. Of this attack on Mellifont we have no less than four versions, two of which deserve but little credence, viz., that already given, and that of Dean Bernard. The account given by the latter is fuller, and enters more minutely into detail, so that some particulars tax the capacity of the most credulous; as, for instance, when he tells us that twenty-four musketeers killed one hundred-and-forty rebels though they had only “six shots” of powder, “some only four,” and that they rammed in six bullets together, and how each shot killed several. Verily, every bullet had its billet there! That be sharp practice without doubt! He also tells, how the loss on the part of the garrison was thirteen killed, “whom aFriar was so forward for deed of charity as to procure them burial in the church adjoining.” Thank goodness, he has the grace to credit even a Friar with some remnant of humanity! He does not say that the rebels stripped all. They could not have done so; for eleven escaped to Drogheda. These godless Papists capped their iniquity in this holy man’s estimation when they “threw a fair church Bible into the mill-pond.” The last charge on the sheet is—“Their best language to them all was ‘English dogs,’ ‘rogues,’ etc.”
Before producing the other two versions, let us examine the characters of both these witnesses as drawn by Protestant writers. Sir John Temple wrote his History in 1656, from the “Depositions” preserved then in Dublin Castle, but which are now in Trinity College. These“Depositions” comprise the list of murders, burnings, etc., said to have been perpetrated by the Irish on the English Protestants during the war, and fill thirty-two volumes. He was some time Privy Councillor, but was removed by Ormonde, and Carte tells how “two traitorous and scandalous letters against his Majesty written by Temple were read in Committee.” And Dr. Nalson, another Protestant writer, accuses him of having been in league with the Parliamentarians, whom Ormonde describes as those who became the “murderers of his (the King’s) royal person, the usurpers of his rights, and destroyers of the Irish nation; by whom the nobility and gentry of it were massacred at home, and led into slavery, or driven into beggary abroad.” In 1674, Temple protested that the work was published without his knowledge, as appears fromState Papers, Dublin edition, p. 2.
Dean Bernard was Primate Ussher’s chaplain, and like his master, was a Puritan. During the siege of Drogheda he watched over the Primate’s library lest the rebels should attack the magnificent palace whichhad been built with the fines from the recusants. He was afterwards Cromwell’s chaplain and almoner, in either of which capacities, it would be quite unreasonable to expect justice to the Irish from him.
As to the “Depositions” themselves, they are summarily dealt with by the Rev. Dr. Warner, another English Protestant historian of that Rebellion. “There is no credit to be given to anything that was said by these Deponents which had not others’ evidence to confirm it.” And again, the same Dr. Warner, who went through the drudgery of perusing and examining these “Depositions,” says: “As a great stress has been laid upon this collection in print and conversation, and as the whole evidence of the massacres turns upon it, I spent a great deal of mytime examining the books; and I am sorry to say, that they have been made the foundation of much more clamour and resentment than can be warranted by truth and reason.” It was in them that Temple found the story of the ghosts of the murdered Protestants, in the River Bann, at the Bridge of Portadown, shrieking for revenge, and one in particular, who was seen there from the 29th December to the end of the following Lent!!! He sets down the number of English and Protestants who were “murdered in cold blood, destroyed some other way, or expelled out of their habitations in two years by the Irish, as exceeding 300,000,” though, according to Petty, there were not at the outbreak of the Rebellion 20,000 English Protestants in Ulster, where nearly all the murders were said to have been committed. Dr. Warner also tells how he saw in the Council books at Dublin, the letter which the Commissioners of the Irish Parliament wrote to the English Parliament, urging them to show no mercy to the Irish, but rather, to revenge the murders and massacres committed by them. They tell them, “that besides eight hundred-and-forty-eight families, there were killed, hanged, burned, and drowned, six thousand and sixty-two.” Dr. Warner considers 2,000 about the correct number. A prodigious number to be sure, but how far less than Temple’s 300,000. Warner says, finally, at p. 296 of his work so often cited: “It is easy enough to demonstrate the falsehood of every Protestant historian of this Rebellion.”
The Rev. Mr. Carte, an English Protestant clergyman, who wrote the celebrated Life of the Duke of Ormonde, tears all Temple’s assertions in pieces, and demonstrates from indubitable authority the falsehoods of his statements. Writing of these “Depositions” he says, at Vol. II., p. 263: “Anyone who has ever read the examinationsand depositions which were generally given on hearsay, and contradicting one another, must think it very hard upon the Irish, to have all those without distinction to be admitted as evidence.” And in the Preface to the collection of Letters affixed to the Life he alludes to the “uncertain, false, mistaken, and contradictory accounts, which have been given of the Irish Rebellion, by parties influenced by selfish views and party animosities, or unfurnished with proper and authentic materials and memoirs.”
It is obvious from the first pages of Temple’s History what the scope of the work is. It is a gross libel on the whole Irish nation from the earliest times. In one page, he twice applies to them the epithet of a beastly race, and, no doubt, worthy to be rooted out, to make room for Royalists of his type, who worshipped the rising sun.
Carte, in his Life of Ormond, Vol. II., p. 135, gives an account of the attack on Mellifont as follows:—“This detached body of the northern rebels appeared on November 21st in sight of the town of Drogheda, within four miles of it, presuming (as was imagined) upon some party within the place. Sir H. Tichburne, Governor of Drogheda, had the week before sent a party of fifteen horse and twenty-two foot to Mellifont (formerly an Abbey of Bernardine monks, founded by Donagh O’Carroll, prince of Ergall, aboutA.D.1142, but then an house of the Lord Viscount Moore’s, three miles from town), as well as to secure that place from the incursions of roving parties, as to keep abroad continual sentinels and scouts, that might inform him of the rebels’ motions. His orders were not well observed, nor his party so vigilant as they ought to have been; for on the 21st, the rebels on a sudden encompassed the house, and (after the soldiers’ powder was spent) took it with a loss of some one hundredand twenty of their own number (among which were Owen M’Mahon and another captain), and eleven of the soldiers, with most of the arms. As the Irish were breaking into the house on all sides, the troopers causing the great gate to be opened, sallied out, and opening themselves a way through the body of the rebels, got safe with the rest of the foot soldiers sore wounded to Drogheda.” This may be accepted as a true, unvarnished account of this much magnified attack; especially as Tichburne himself, who cannot be accused of partiality towards the Irish, and who was Governor of Drogheda at the time of its occurrence, seems to have been Carte’s authority for it, as appears from a reference to a letter written by Tichburne to Ormond, but not given in the collection of Letters mentioned above. There is no question here of quarter given, or of faith broken; no cold-blooded murders, no gruesome picture of gory corpses unburied, nor of fiendish glee on the part of rebels dancing round their watch-fires in presence of their stark and naked victims strewn around!!! Pity such absurdity should be believed or repeated in our time, when it should have been relegated to the same lumber-heap as the story of the ghosts of the Bann!
We have yet another account from a paper or Report published in London by two parties who only give their initials, T. A. and P. G. It was “printed by Edward Blackmore, at the Angel, in Paul’s Churchyard, in 1642,” and is now to be found in theContemporary History of Affairs in Ireland, so ably edited by Sir John Gilbert, at Vol. I., Part II., p. 420. There is a discrepancy in the dates, but that is immaterial, as only one attack is said to have been made. It tells us, “That on the same day (April 30), three or four hundred rebels came before Mellifont, three or four miles from Drogheda, where LordMoore had left on Tuesday before a garrison of four-score foot and about thirty horse; the rebels plaid hotly upon them until the horse were ready within; but as soon as the horse were ready, they, with the foot, sallied out, and killed about thirty of the rebels.” This cannot be far from the truth, as it seems to be free from the exaggerations in which Tichburne dealt, when recounting the numerical strength of his and the enemy’s forces, ascribing to the latter poltroonery and cowardice in action, and crediting them with excessively heavy losses.
The predisposing cause, why the Ulster Irish were ready for rebellion was the misery the native inhabitants endured since the Plantation of the six forfeited counties, some thirty odd years before. Even the remnants of the estates allowed them by the Crown were filched from them by the greed and cunning of unscrupulous Commissioners, who enriched themselves on the ruin of the Irish. Prendergast (Cromwellian Settlement, pp. 49-50,) thus describes the condition of the old Irish nobility and gentry then:—“Little they (the Planters, who got the forfeited estates) thought or cared how the ancient owner, dispossessed of his lands, must grieve as he turned from the sight of the prosperous stranger to his pining family; daughters, without prospect of preferment in marriage; sons, without fit companions, walking up and down the country with their horses and greyhounds, coshering on the Irish, drinking and gaming and ready for any rebellion; most of his high-born friends wandering in poverty in France and Spain, or enlisted in their armies.” The immediate cause of the Rebellion is thus stated:—“A letter was intercepted coming from Scotland to one Freeman of Antrim giving an account that a Covenanting army was ready to come to Ireland under General Lesly, to extirpate the Roman Catholics of Ulster, and leave theScots in possession of that province; that resolutions to that effect had been taken at their private meetings, as well as to levy heavy fines on such as would not appear at their kirk for the first and second Sunday, and on failure the third, to hang at their own doors without mercy, such as remained obstinate” (Carte’sOrmond, Vol. I., p. 160). This notion prevailed universally amongst the rebels, and was chiefly insisted on by them as one of the principal reasons of their taking up arms.
The Rebellion broke out, then, on the 23rd October, 1641, and the actors in it were a “tumultuous rabble” as Ormond called them, intent chiefly on plundering and driving off the English settlers, yet before the end of the month the principal towns of the North were in their hands. Leland, a Protestant historian, writes:—“That in the beginning of the insurrection, it was determined by them that the enterprise should be conducted in every quarter, with as little bloodshed as possible” (History of Ireland, Vol. III., p. 101). At p. 131, the same historian writes:—“The Lords Justices might have stamped out the insurrection at once had Ormond’s advice to levy a large number of troops been attended to; for the Irish were then formidable only in numbers, and not six hundred of them had proper arms. But their purpose was rather to fan it, in order to gratify their personal greed by extensive forfeitures.” Warner, who has been so often quoted before, writes at p. 176 of his History:—“It is evident from the Lords Justices’ letter to the Lord Lieutenant that they hoped for an extermination, not of the mere Irish only, but of all the old English families who were Roman Catholics.” They issued a most truculent order to Ormond “to burn, kill, spoil, waste, destroy, the rebels, their relatives, houses and property.” One of these Lords Justices is thus referred to by Carte:“He was a man of mean extract, scarcely able to read and write ... plodding, assiduous, and indefatigable, greedy of gain, and eager to raise a fortune; which it is not difficult for a man of indifferent parts to do, when he is not hampered with scruples about the ways of getting it” (Ormond, Vol. I., p. 190). This same Lord Justice, with three members of the Privy Council, was put under arrest for disobedience to his Majesty, King Charles, and for complicity with his enemies, the Parliamentarians of England. The Lord Justice was deposed and imprisoned, but he retained his ill-gotten property.
As has been said, the rebels became masters of the principal towns in the North without meeting any check, when they attacked Mellifont. Lord Moore was then in Drogheda with Sir Henry Tichburne, the Governor, with whose policy and methods he, both before and afterwards, identified himself; and, as an active agent of the Lords Justices, he was specially odious to the Irish. During the siege of Drogheda, he more than once, by his alertness and personal bravery, saved the town from falling into the hands of the besiegers. With the exception of Lord Moore and a few of the older families, both the Lords Justices themselves (who governed the country in the absence of the Lord Lieutenant), and their ruthless instruments were men of no fortune; or, were such as became enriched by the plunder of the Irish. Tichburne, in a letter to his lady, alludes to one of the commissions entrusted to him for execution, in which fiendish work Lord Moore was associated with him. After his return from the burning of Dundalk,[9]which he left a smouldering heap of ruins, he describes the results:—“There was neither man nor beast to be found in sixteen miles,between the two towns of Drogheda and Dundalk; nor on the other side of Dundalk, in the County of Monaghan, nearer than Carrickmacross, a strong pile twelve miles distant” (Tichburne’sSiege of Drogheda, p. 320). And in the same page he says, all this magnificent ruin and desolation were inflicted on the peasantry “without one penny of charge to the State, and that for the space of seven months, all under his command subsisted on the spoils” taken from the unfortunate people in that district. “The country and fields about Dundalk,” he says, “were abounding in corn, which I allocated to the several companies, etc.” The ghosts of the Bann must have been glutted with vengeance!!!
And now Lord Moore’s career is drawing to a close. After having been engaged in many successful skirmishes, raids, and minor actions, he burned with a desire for the honour of measuring swords with the great Owen Roe, who had defeated all the forces hitherto sent against him, and, according to O’Neil’s Diary, he affected to despise O’Neil. He was therefore dispatched with a body of troops to dislodge that consummate strategist from a position occupied by him at Portlester Mill, within five miles of Trim. Borlase tells us that Lord Moore was killed in that engagement, August 7th, 1643, “through the grazing of a cannon bullet which he foresaw, yet took not warning enough to evade.” The Author of theAphorismical Discovery, who is commonly supposed to have been O’Neil’s secretary, gives another account of his death. It is right to mention that this author was by no means a monk, nor was he a clergyman at all, as is evident from his apology in the Introduction, where he tells the reader that he was by profession a “sworde carrier,” and that it was “alienat” to that profession to aspire to literary avocations. “The General” (O’Neil), he writes, “not well pleased with hisgunner, for he perceaved he shooted too high, and did little hurte, the peace was charged, the Generall tooke a perspective glasse, and saw wheare my Lord Moore stoode. It being charged, the Generall did levell the same against Moore, gave fire, his aime was soe neare home, that he hitted him a little above his corpise, wherupon all dismembred, presently fell dead, the trunke of his bodie fallinge downe, and some of his members whisling in the aire to take possession by flight in some other field, or make such speede to accompany his soul to hell to be assured for winter quarter next springe.”
Lord Moore was succeeded by his son Henry, who, when Governor of Dundalk, in 1645, was more than suspected of plotting with the Parliamentarians to deliver up that town to Monroe. He was relieved of his charge by Ormond, who was then Lord Lieutenant, and being a minor, was sent by him to England (out of harm’s way), to the Court, where he was kindly received by the King, who ordered livery to be granted him of his father’s lands (Carte, Vol. IV., p. 154.) Lady Alice, his mother, was, it appears, inveigled into a plot at the same time to deliver up Drogheda to the Scots; for a wax impression of the keys of the gates having been given her, she caused the gunsmith of the troop, which Lord Henry commanded, to make false keys; but, being discovered, her ladyship, with others, was sent to Dublin. There, on examination before the Council, they confessed all. (Ibid.) Her Ladyship’s end was a tragic one, as we read in Lodge’sPeerage. “Lady Alice, younger daughter of Sir Adam Loftus, Viscount Elye, who broke her leg near the fort (Drogheda) by a fall from her horse (occasioned by a sudden grief arising from the first sight of St. Peter’s Church, Drogheda, where her dear lord lay buried), on Wednesday, 10th June, 1649, and dying the 13th of a gangrene, was that night buried by him in the family tomb.”
There is another entry at the same place in Lodge. “Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Moore, sixth son of the first Viscount Mellifont, and brother to Lord Charles who was killed at Portlester Mill, who was an officer in the army for the reduction of Ireland, and in 1654, had a pension from the then Government of 10/- a week, and five of his brother Charles’ children had £3 17s. a week in 1665, out of the district of Trim” (Lodge’sPeerage of Ireland, Vol. II., pp. 99-100). This Francis Moore had been an officer in the King’s army, but soon after the arrival in Ireland of Jones, the Parliamentarian General, he went over to him and took the Dundalk troops with him. It was from Cromwell’s government he had his pension, but the pensions granted to Lord Charles’ children were continued to them after the Restoration, and Lord Henry mentioned above, was created Earl of Drogheda, in 1661,—thus confirming the historic truism, that the ungrateful Stuarts heaped favours on their enemies and treated their best and most devoted adherents with cold indifference. As an illustration of this we have the instance of one of the chief actors in those troublesome times, Sir John Clotworthy, changing sides three times:—first, fighting in the King’s name and commission against the Ulster Irish; next, siding with the Parliamentarians, his Majesty’s deadliest enemies, and going over to England as the spokesman of a deputation sent to the Parliament of England to protest against the return of King Charles II., on rumour of peace and terms being negotiated between them; again, on King Charles’ arrival in England, hieing over to tender his homages and congratulations—and lo! the reward of his fidelity and loyalty (?)—he was created Viscount Massereene. It is only one instance of several hundreds that may be cited. The unfortunate rebels whose banner bore the legend, “Vivat Carolus Rex”—“Longlive King Charles,” and who remained faithful to him to the last, were, by an irony of fate, robbed and banished by the Cromwellians, who were put in possession of their estates and confirmed in them by Charles II.!!!
In the foregoing pages, the authorities quoted are Protestants, and all, without exception, hostile to the Irish. Their testimony, nevertheless, is favourable to the rebels, save where the question of religion crops up, then their prejudice blinds their judgment, and hurries them into most glaring absurdities. One more fact about that saddest page of our history. Before the outbreak of the Civil War in 1641, there were 1,200,000 Irish Catholics in the country; at its close in 1652, the number had fallen to 700,000, and these were ordered under pain of death to transplant to Connaught—the remnant of a broken and plundered race!!!
Henry, the first Earl of Drogheda, did not long enjoy his honours; nor did his son and successor, Charles, who was succeeded by his brother Henry, the third Earl, who, on the eve of the ever-memorable Battle of the Boyne, entertained a party, amongst whom was one of King William’s highest officers. On the morrow, July the 1st, the booming of King William’s fifty pieces of “dread artillery” echoed along the hills and the valley of the Boyne, and shook the old abbey walls to their very foundations; and on that night, the oaken rafters of Mellifont rang to the cheers and toasts of the “glorious, pious, and immortal memory” of the Prince of Orange, on whose side Earl Henry commanded that day a regiment of foot. It may be interesting to mention here, that on the morning of the battle, the Irish Catholic soldiers wore scraps of white paper on their caps—emblematic of the livery of France; the followers of the Prince of Orange wore green boughs torn off the trees.
Charles, Lord Moore, son of Henry, the third Earl, married Jane, heiress of Arthur, Viscount Ely, who received as her portion the suppressed Abbey of Monasterevan, a Cistercian monastery founded by O’Dempsey, in the 12th century. It was called Rosglas by the Irish, and the Valley of Roses, in the list of monasteries of the Order in Ireland. When it came into Earl Charles’ possession, he changed the name to Moore Abbey, and made it his residence. The sons of this Lord Charles, Henry and Edward, became earls successively, and Edward, the fifth earl, having settled down permanently at Monasterevan, sold Mellifont and some of the property in its immediate vicinity to Mr. Balfour of Townley Hall, in 1727.
The condition of Ireland at that time was truly deplorable. The Penal Laws were in full force against the unfortunate Catholics, who were reduced to a state little better than slavery. Dr. Johnson wrote of them some fifty years later:—“The Irish are in a most unnatural state; for we see there the minority prevailing over the majority. There is no such instance, even in the ten persecutions, as that which the Protestants of Ireland have exercised against the Catholics. Did we tell them we conquered, it would be above board; to punish them by confiscations and other penalties was monstrous injustice” (Boswell, at 1773).
With the Moore family departed also the very shadow of Mellifont’s diminished greatness, and “time’s effacing finger” almost completely obliterated what was once a gorgeous national monument, which stood out clearly as a finger-post on the ways of time. Gradually the fabric fell into decay, the owl hooted on the landing of the grand stair-case, and the daw and martin flitted unmolested through the deserted halls. The gardens and walks andbowers disappeared beneath a crop of tangled brushwood, the product of neglect. Soon the roof fell in, the walls became seamed with many rents and toppled over with a crash; then Mellifont, the “Honey Fountain,” the Monasthir Mor, or Great Abbey, as it was called, the foundation of saints and kings, the abode of the pious and the learned, the house pre-eminently of prayer, the asylum of the poor and friendless, became a shapeless accumulation of rubbish. True, a mill was erected about 100 years ago close to the site of the church, and, no doubt, it was told to strangers who then visited the ruins by people who professed to know all about monks, that it had more activity and exhibited more of the bustle of life than when the silent, slumbering monks dwelt there. But a mill in that hallowed spot was a huge incongruity and a wanton disregard for all its honoured associations. In 1884, the few remaining ruins became vested in the Board of Works, and the excavations which revealed the plan of the church, as described in Chapter I., were carried out. It only remains to be said that in Mr. Balfour of Townley Hall, the estimable gentleman who now owns Mellifont and some of the property formerly belonging to it, his tenants have found a liberal and generous benefactor, who enjoys the merited esteem and respect of all who know him.
As one ascends the hill over Mellifont, and, pausing on its summit, gazes on the lovely scenery around him, particularly along the valley of the Boyne, which Young called one of the completest pictures he had ever seen, then glances at the quiet valley beneath him, and remembers what prominent parts those who once trod that favoured spot played in our country’s chequered history, his soul is filled with solemn thoughts too big for utterance. There, came the firm and gentle, yetdauntless, Malachy side by side with Oriel’s proud Chief, and hand in hand, they knelt and prayed and consecrated it to the living God for ever. Thereon, rose up the magnificent temple on which neither cost nor labour was spared, that it might be worthy of Him Who deigns to dwell in tabernacles made by man; and generation succeeded generation of monks, who calmly dwelt in that peaceful valley, which, by their skill and enterprise, they converted into a garden of delights and a terrestrial paradise. The bishop and the king found there a resting-place when life’s weary struggle was over, and their end was sweetened by the cheering hopes of a glorious immortality. The poor man and the homeless found there a welcome and a shelter, their wants being liberally attended to; and the blessings of a free education and of spiritual consolations were diffused on every side from that centre of learning and piety. The knight and baron came, the belted man of war made his home there, enjoyed his ephemeral honours, but he, too, is gone, severing all connection with it both by name and title, leaving no trace behind. The king and the knight have been brushed aside; and the old chess-board, Mellifont, alone remains. Impressed with these reflections, we take a glance beyond the grave, and there, we behold these actors pass before the great, most just, and supreme Judge, to receive the requital of their deeds, and to each is meted out reward or punishment according to his deserts. We, too, the spectators, are hastening towards that same goal; our future is indubitably in our own hands, according as we do or do not now live up to our convictions, and the dictates of our consciences.
And, now, we cannot help asking ourselves, what shall Mellifont’s future be? At present it is a blank; but, shall the lamp of piety and learning be rekindled, andthe light burst forth anew there as in the days of its splendour? We know not; but we do know that, although God’s ways are inscrutable, His wisdom and power are infinite. To Him be all glory for ever and ever. Amen.